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Music Music Features

An Interview With Jerry Schilling

Jerry Schilling, president of the Memphis and Shelby County Music
Commission, recently completed his first full year in the office. With a new
strategic plan and budget approved for year two, Schilling sat down with us to
discuss the Commission’s accomplishments and plans for the future, the criticism
it has received, and the status of the local music industry.

What are your general feelings on your first year on the job?

I feel very good about it. I felt very strongly that I was the right person for
this job because of my contacts in the industry on the West Coast and because
I’m from here. I think you need to be both. I felt that an industry person, a
national industry person who really didn’t understand Memphis, would have a hard
time being productive here. To come back to Memphis and be president of the
music commission — it doesn’t get any better for me. But I needed to learn
Memphis as a music city today– not the history part, I know that. I really
wanted to find out what the current musicians were doing here and what they
needed. There was a lot of organizing, finding an office, paperwork. There was
so much of that during the first year, just getting started

The idea of our health care initiative [a program providing health insurance for
local working musicians, the music commission’s primary project during year one]
is that I didn’t want to have this successful looking music commission on one
side and the music community on the other side, and the two never met. It was my
first way of saying “we’re here for you and we’re going to work on this.” But
now it’s imperative that we concentrate strictly on the music. Now when I say
strictly, we won’t forget about health care, but it’s not going to be our main
objective this year.


What do you perceive as the role of the music commission? What need doesit
fill that wasn’t already being filled?

I feel that there is a basic role that Mayor Herenton and Mayor Rout set the
commission up to fill: All things musical should flow through the music
commission. The music commission is not in competition with any other
organization here. Quite to the contrary, we’re a support system. We’ve already
been working very closely with NARAS. Jon Hornyak [executive director of the
local NARAS chapter] is on our commission. NARAS is part of our health care
program. We want anyone with music related activities to come to us. We’re sort
of a clearinghouse.

But besides working with existing music entities, the ultimate goal of the music
commission is to bring production into Memphis. The bottom line is that we need
Memphis to be an economically sound music city. We need to bring people in.
There’s a lot going on here, a lot of signings. Press is one way we have to get
our message out. But before we went national and international, I wanted to have
the city behind us and at the same time I wanted to be out there seeing what
acts we had that, if we brought in national A&R people, these are acts that
would have a chance to get signed on a national level. One of the things we’ve
been working on since I got here was I wanted to bring music-related conventions
into town. We’re having a convention in June, the first convention of the
International Black Broadcasters Association, and we’ll have the top record and
TV executives in the country here. We need to build a sound music industry here,
but that’s going to take a lot of time.

Let’s talk about some specific issues. We might as well start with the
health care plan. What’s the extent of the involvement so far, in terms of how
many people have inquired about the program and how many people have signed up?

We have 17 people signed up and 100 plus inquiries. [Note: Since this interview
took place 4 more people have been signed on to the plan] We learned a lot those
first few months: that our standard of 51 percent [percentage of income one
would have to gain from music in order to be eligible] was too high for most
musicians working here. So a lot of people that originally inquired didn’t fit
either our requirements or the MEMPHIS Plan [health care plan run by the Church
Health Center] requirements. We’re lowering our requirements. For example, in
the MEMPHIS Plan musicians have to work at least 20 hours a week [to be
eligible], and I’ve been able to convince them that rehearsal time is work,
lugging stuff around is work. That’s why we’re going to have a new campaign, so
hopefully some of the people who inquired will come back. We were lucky enough
to raise $110,000, so we have enough money to pay the premiums for musicians
that are on it and still advertise so we can open this thing up.


Wasn’t the originally stated goal was 200-300 people?

We figured 100-200 at most. If we get 100 people I think we’re successful. If we
only get 17 people? I could still be happy about that.

Let’s talk a little about outreach. You obviously read the article in the
CA where local musicians spoke about the commission. One of them said that he
didn’t think a lot of local musicians were really aware of the commission. Are
you concerned at all about any perceived cliquishness?

Good question. The person who said that was [Pawtuckets member and Madjack
Records co-owner] Mark McKinney, who I had a good meeting with last week. It was
a surprise to me, and yet I still understand it. But I was on TV 20 hours last
year. I was in all the print media and a great deal of radio, where I talked
about the Music Commission and what it was doing. And the press has been good to
us. But saying that I’ve done a lot of press is one thing. I’ve tried to analyze
that since that CA article. Maybe people know who I am, but they don’t know
enough about the commission. So I want to involve the commission more. I want
the commission to have a face and voice out there, and it can’t be just one
person. As far as cynicism, I know there’s been a history of music commissions
in Memphis that goes back 30 something years. I think, as a whole, music
commissions are suspect. We don’t have a great track record here. But my whole
life has been about music. I understand why, as far as the government and
musicians, there would be skepticism, but I’m not that guy. Everybody just has
to look at my history. IÕve lived with artists all of my life. That’s why I came
back here. What I think is important is that the government, city and county,
didn’t just say, “let’s have a music commission,” but they’re funding it.
They’ve given us the money to get started here. And that says to me, and I hope
to the musicians, “your government finally cares about you enough to do
something.” But now we need the musicians to come in and tell us how we can do
that. And we’ll offer things as well. [Commission member] Knox Phillips and I
plan on setting up a musician’s advisory committee.

People use the term “the music community.” But don’t you think it might
be more accurate that there are different communities, plural. Isn’t that an
issue for the commission? There are people who are more centered on the Beale
Street establishment versus people playing mostly at rock clubs in town– like
the Hi-Tone or Young Avenue Deli– versus people in the hip-hop community, and
maybe there’s not a natural overlap there?

Absolutely. That’s one of the things that makes this job so awesome is that we
have to represent all music here. I think that, as far as the diversity, if we
want Memphis music to be self-sufficient, then we’ve got to have the rising tide
theory. I read an article before I got here where Isaac Hayes said he’d like to
come back and record in Memphis, but people here don’t talk. But I’m finding
when I sit down to talk to people here, I’m not getting a lot of nos. But saying
that, I think we can’t ignore, and I think we need to support as much as we
can– and I may be hitting on a nerve here–what’s happening in Memphis, big
time, with hip hop and rap. I don’t want in the 21st century for us to make the
same mistake we made 50 years ago. So, I don’t think that as president of the
music commission I can go out and promote gangster rap, but I don’t think I can
ignore it either. I read in the Los Angeles Times that Memphis was number three
in terms of rap production in the country and number five in terms of consuming
it. So I made it real clear to the commission– and nobody had a problem with
this– that if I was representing all music in Memphis, I also had to represent
hip hop and rap. It’s a delicate balance, I think. If there were two things I
could point to that have the most potential here, it would be gospel and rap.


Your written list of goals includes something called the Memphis Studio
Alliance. What is that?

I could bring some of the top A&R people in here, but I’d like to have a
showcase of some of the top unsigned bands, so I think that the studio alliance
can help the commission know who’s out there, what’s going on, who has some
potential, and we’ll try to organize that with all the studios. And then, from
time to time, have a showcase here, maybe sponsored by the studios and the
commission, to bring in the A&R people. Let’s call the studio alliance a way to
bring back the old Crossroads [music showcase], which I never saw but I learned
about. I’m not concerned about getting people here the first time, I’m worried
about them coming back. I know they can have a good time eating barbecue, going
down to Beale Street. But these people are extremely busy. Will they come back?
With the talent here and if we can find a way for the studios to present that
talent, we can get them back. The other part of the studio alliance is where if
band A goes to House of Blues and that’s not the place for them to record, then
we can direct them to Ardent or somewhere instead of having them go to Nashville
or Los Angeles. And people I’ve talked to so far love the idea.


But what about the failure of Crossroads and what that means for future
attempts for showcases?

My understanding was that it started off small and very selective, and that’s
why it produced results. Then I think that after that success, it got bigger and
became more of a beer bash rather than a selective event to try and get artists
shown. Again, this is second-hand knowledge, but I’ve talked with people who
have been involved with it, and that’s the understanding I have.


The initial set of goals [in September of 1999] expressed a lot of concern
over the concert situation in Memphis; concern that I’d say is warranted. Let me
read back to you one of your comments from those written goals and have you
respond: “I feel strongly that any plan about Memphis music must address our
current concert problems. Managers, agents, and promoters have become fearful of
the Memphis market, even though, logistically, we are right on their routes.”
Could you elaborate on that?

I think that’s one of the things we have to change our attitude about. If I’m a
manager on the West coast and I have a band that’s on the charts and the band
needs to tour and needs to sell tickets, I’m going to bypass Memphis, and that’s
a shame.


Why?

Since I’ve been here, I’ve seen three major concerts canceled. But even the
shows that I went to, like Paul Simon and Bob Dylan– to have that few people is
just amazing. You wouldn’t be able to get tickets in L.A. You’d have to get the
third show. What’s the reason? What people have told me, me being new to the
local area, was that the problem is Tunica. So the first thing I did was I went
to Tunica and started up a relationship there.

Sure, Tunica is an issue in terms of our concert situation. But the
casinos are still pretty limited in the type of music they bring. It’s country,
it’s blues, and it’s oldies. In terms of contemporary rock music, hip-hop, even
younger-oriented R&B, the casino area isn’t an issue, but yet Memphis still has
a concert problem in those areas.

I agree with what you’re saying. Our numbers are off.


Is it an issue of discretionary income and rising ticket prices?

Well, all of the above. I think that rising ticket prices are an issue here. I
think the ticket prices we get are viable in L.A. and New York. But the income
here isn’t the same. Also, I really think we miss Bob Kelly. He knew how to
promote. I don’t see a lot of excitement. But the music commission has to be
involved in the concert scene. My experience in that area is one of the things
that got me here. But another problem is that people think they’re coming into a
one million person market, but in the concert business it’s probably only a half
a million market, because I don’t see as much [racial crossover] as on a
national level. I can’t think of any acts that have come here lately who have
gotten a mix of these million people.

How important is the health of the concert scene, in terms of national
acts coming through town, to the health of the local music scene?

I think it’s very important. Acts coming through town, it’s a real good
indicator of the music business in a town, one indicator anyway. But if you’re
trying to establish a good music business and your concert business is spotty,
that hurts. Again, all of this is a rising tide theory. Within the industry,
Memphis is a tough nut to crack. If you’ve got a hot act that’s building
something, you don’t want to take a chance of going into a market that has a
history of cancellations or no sell-outs. When I really think about cities that
have a good music industry, I think you see the concert business going
hand-in-hand. So, for that reason alone, it’s very important.


The commission’s original mission statement mentioned building an industry
that puts as much of a mark on the 21st century as it did the 20th. Do you think
that’s even possible, given that the historical circumstances that produced
those earlier music explosions don’t really exist anymore?

Well, I think all that we can do is to support an infrastructure that allows
creativity to flow. Like with health care, one thing that does is give musicians
more freedom. You set up the structure and you support it. But you still have in
this area, this 200-mile area around here, a unique diversification of people
and music. I think that uniqueness brings about a creative explosion. You’re
talking about blues, then Sun, then Stax. And we’re all sitting around thinking,
“what will be the next thing for Memphis?” But maybe it’s already happening.
Third in production of rap music in the country without even trying to be.
Without even acknowledging it. You never know where it’s coming from.
Rock-and-roll never knew where it was coming from. There’s no manufacturing of
success in this business.


But don’t you think that people have unrealistic expectations for the
present and future of Memphis music based upon what’s happened in the past?

I hope not, because I don’t think that’s the way to go about it. You do this
because you love the music and you should want to be self-supporting. I don’t
think in the real music world, certainly not in Memphis, you only go after it to
get on the charts. n

Categories
News News Feature

What’s the Hurry?

As theater went, this past giddy post-election week in Florida has lacked very little. Sturm und drang, nail-biting suspense, courtroom dramatics, even the pathos of Holocaust survivors realizing the horror of their having voted inadvertently for Pat Buchanan, the only bona fide Hitler groupie among modern American politicians. Oh, and Jesse Jackson.

Only the leading players have been unsuitable– Dubya with his gigantic bandaged boil (probably psychogenic) and Gore with that silly pasted-on smile at his Monday non-press-conference press conference. (Oh well, what do they say about growth in office?)

The press and the rest of the politicians have for the most part been superb– something like a well-directed cast of extras in one of those vintage DeMille spectacles with a moral lesson at its core.

But lookit, villainy and disingenuousness are to be expected of the pols in such a drama. Of course, it’s churlish for Bush and Karen Hughes and James Baker to strain so hard to prevent punchcard ballots being examined closely to determine if machines missed the attampted votes in them. People Before Machines is a mantra no would-be public servant should need to be coached in, even if you’re desperate to protect your lead.

Nor do we doubt that, the tables being turned, the Democrats would be acting with the same measure of deviousness.

But, hark, what is this?: “Another week and no more. By next weekend, a group of scholars and senior politicians interviewed this weekend agreed, the presidential race of 2000 must be resolved, without recourse to the courts. With remarkable unanimity, they said that would be in the nation’s best interests and, in the last analysis, those of the candidates, Vice President Al Gore and Gov. George W. Bush of Texas. . . .”

This solemn pronouncement is the lead item in a longish Page One article in Monday’s New York Times by the well-Established R.W. Apple, and it carries all the harrumph-harrumph no-brooking-dissent authority of journalism’s Good Gray Lady. And, as the article develops, there is no letup in its dogmatic certainties.

Well, with all due respect to Mr. Apple and his no doubt estimable group of scholars and senior politicians, they can take their remarkable unanimity and put it where the moon don’t shine.

As it happens, democracy in general and elections in particular are not about unanimity, remarkable or otherwise. They are exercises in decision-making via diversity, and it is for this reason that supporters of the Gore-Lieberman ticket would be well advised to put aside their understandable wrath concerning the possibly lethal raids of the extraneous Mr. Nader upon their voter base.

And what is this dubious insistence on “another week” and no more all about? As the Constitution is now writ, there is a break of between five and six weeks between a presidential election and the date when electors from the 50 states are expected to gather in Washington to express the will of their constituents. And after that date another five weeks passes before the newly elected president is actually sworn in.

Clearly, these elongated timetables came into being to serve an earlier age of poorer transportation and less rapid communication. In the age of jet-lag and universal television and the Internet it serves no great purpose to wait around so long, as if to let the rains die down for the labored passage of a stagecoach or a mailwagon.

The fact is, however, that, because of this residual archaism, we have all the time in the world and no reason whatsoever for hurrying to bring about a presidential transition. Mr. Bush has already made it obvious, through a couple of ill-staged photo ops, that he is so far down the line of creating his cabinet that it would take him maybe twenty minutes at tops to complete the job. And Mr. Gore needs only move his office down the hall, as it were.

Given the importance of the decision we are in the process of making– and, for that matter, the pure consciousness-raising fun we’re all having in this delicious unanticipated overtime (more than in the four previous quarters put together)– how dare someone presume to tell us “another week and no more!”

The Republicans have so far disadvantaged themselves by missing deadlines that might have allowed them, too, to catch up with the Democrats in filing for recounts in Florida and elsewhere. It’s all right with us if those deadlines are waived to give Republicans their own shot at accuracy in close states or in areas known to favor the GOP. This is not about one party’s taking advantage of another, nor is it about the preferences of scholars or the convenience of politicians, senior or otherwise.

This is an affair of the people. It goes by the name of democracy, and we’ll take our sweet time counting the votes, thank you, on the not-so-quaint premise that every vote cast in a free election needs to be counted, and counted correctly.

(You can write Jackson Baker at Baker@memphisflyer.com.)

Categories
News News Feature

Changing the Riverfront for Good

According to John Barryā€™s The Rising Tide, The Mississippi River is ā€œ20 percent larger than Chinaā€™s Yellow River [and] fifteen times that of Europeā€™s Rhine.ā€ These numbers make it easy to see that taming such a beast is ā€œa mighty taskā€

Historically, Memphis has had little large-scale success in co-habituating the River and City, settling instead for pockets of interest in projects like Mud Island, The Pyramid, and Tom Lee Park.

While few argue with the value of these attractions to the city, no real connection between them exists. The effect is a hodge-podge of attractions which do not encourage pedestrian cross-traffic.

Thatā€™s something that Benny Lendermon, president of the Riverfront Development Corporation (RDC), wants to change. The RDCā€™s goal is to bring together the various elements of the river in such a way that increases use of downtown facilities and promotes a better image for Memphis.

All this is easier said than done. Even if Memphis had an unlimited budget (which it does not), and even if the RDC could please everyone (which it probably will not), this would be a formidable undertaking. As it stands, Lendermon and the RDC are charged with changing the course of history for an entire city in a way that is affordable and popular.

Such a task requires planning, says Lendermon, which requires gathering input from Memphians. ā€œIf you do the best, youā€™re doing what Memphis wants. What we donā€™t want are a number of designers doing only what they want.ā€

Lendermon, the RDC, and the consultant groups Cooper-Robertson & Partners, Civitas, Hamilton Rabinovitz & Alschuler, and PDR Engineers have been listening to citizens via Internet message boards and town meetings.

The result so far is the formulation of ten design principles, as set forth in a memo by Cooper-Robertson & Partners. Each principle outlines general goals for the project. For example, the first principle is called, ā€œThe Riverfront,ā€ a plan to ā€œcreate a continuous, publicly accessible Riverfront. The Riverfront design will explore three components: a linked system of parks, a ā€˜Riverside Drive,ā€™ and connections back to the City.ā€

The latter translates into plans for extending Beale Street, Poplar Avenue, Union Avenue, North Parkway, and Chelsea Street down to the river. The improvements are geared to better connect Memphis with its riverfront and to link the area neighborhoods (i.e. South Pickering, Pinch District, and Manassas) with amenities such as grocery stores and entertainment options.

Lendermon says that these streets need to reach the river so that people can better access the waterfront. Says Lendermon, ā€œPoplar Avenue is our ā€˜Peachtreeā€™ (Atlantaā€™s main thoroughfare) and it doesnā€™t get to the river.ā€ In addition, there is an ambitious proposal to link Riverside Drive to Front Street and to a loop around Mud Island, so that Riverside would become a recursive element instead of ending at an on-ramp to the I-40 bridge.

By connecting neighborhoods and amenities, Lendermon hopes to encourage more people to live downtown, though he notes the real-estate business is already booming. ā€œDowntown is going to change because of residential and retail growth. Itā€™s incredible.ā€

According to Lendermon, other big changes can happen downtown. ā€œWhen you redo Mud Island [for example], itā€™s going to be a significant investment.ā€ The money for these projects is coming from a number of different sources: $8 million from the state, $3 million from the federal government, and the rest from the city.

Lendermon believes that Mud Island will eventually become a focal point for downtown activity. He envisions a multi-use park and gathering place at the Islandā€™s southern tip, while the rest of the Island might be converted into retail space, hotels, or a nature preserve with bike and walking trails. Or the final result could be a combination of these things. ā€œYou need these types of mixed-use structures,ā€ Lendermon says.

Lendermon says that the RDC must be careful to balance the use of space with market need. ā€œDoes that mean weā€™re going to run out of space?ā€ He asks. ā€œNo, we have a long way to go. [However] we have to see what the market will bear.ā€

Memphis has long suffered a disconnected riverfront. The city has never fully capitalized on the natural resources and beauty inherent to the area. Bringing together two hundred years of developments into one coherent plan is not something that the city should expect one group to accomplish in a short amount of time. Still, the RDC seems off to a smart beginning, one which could enhance the area for generations to come.

(You can write Chris Przybyszewski at chris@memphisflyer.com)

Categories
Politics Politics Beat Blog

And Now For Something Completely Different

“Broward County officials said 6,686 ballots were not counted because the computer did not recognize any selection in the presidential race. In some cases, Democratic Party officials said, voters may have selected a candidate without dislodging a tiny paper rectangle called a chad, which can block holes and make the choice unreadable by tabulation machines that flash a light through ballot holes.”

— from MSNBC, 11/11/00

In case you haven’t noticed, this is starting to get real ugly. As Sunday dawned over the hand-counters in two Florida counties — and brought with it tales of bickering within election commissions, new evidence of uncounted and/or miscounted ballots in additional counties, and evidence of significant errors within the individual precincts being hand-counted — the not-so-pretty picture before us for this second “Election Day Week 2000” is coming into focus.

As more than one commentator has observed, we are indeed on the verge of a complete system meltdown in Florida, and on the verge of a national political crisis whose magnitude should be a source of grave concern for us all. As we drift now, there is no good outcome in sight.

If the Bush partisans have their way — as a result of their remarkable declaration-of-war decision Saturday to petition for a court injunction to stop all manual recounting — the Texas governor will take this nation’s highest office under the most impossible of circumstances, having stifled vote recounts in the state where his brother is governor, after finishing second in the national popular vote. If, on the other hand, the Gore forces prevail in Florida — when all the counting and recounting is completed — the Republicans seem prepared to put forward another series of legal challenges to the vote totals in other states, and to render a Gore Administration as illegitimate as the one they might claim as their own.

Although this may come as a shock to both camps, there are people in this country — at this stage, perhaps even a majority — who care less about who wins the Presidency than they do about how we can, as a nation, get out of this mess with a few shreds of national dignity and some sense of justice having been served. For that group, of which I’m happy to claim full membership, the sensible path forward is becoming increasingly clear. We need to have another national election. Now.

Try to put the dead-heat in Florida in perspective. Just how close is the current 300-vote “margin” between the candidates? Well, fill up the Pyramid for next Friday night’s opening U of M basketball game against Temple. Then poll each and every attendee as to their presidential preference, and tally up the ballots. If the +19,000-seat Pyramid were a microcosm of Florida, George Bush would be the victor by a slim margin. How slim? One vote. At this stage there is one full-house-at-the-Pyramid’s basketball fan’s vote in the difference. Just think about that for a minute.

As you do, surely you will come to understand just how absurd it is to “force-feed” an election result in Florida upon the American people. Folks, much as the Founding Fathers would be disappointed, there is no result in Florida; it is a statistical dead heat. For the Texas governor to claim victory is preposterous; for the Vice-President’s partisans to hold out for “victory” is equally silly. Florida is now and forever shall be a draw, a split down the middle where the margin of error inherent in any system of counting will always exceed the actual margin between the candidates. The sooner we all recognize that fact, the better off we’ll all be — and the quicker we’ll be able to move on to finding a real solution of our political dilemma.

Here’s what we should do. I do admit, my proposal calls for considerable amounts of statesmanship from both Republicans and Democrats, who are having a nearly impossible time right now being civil, let alone civic. That’s why I’d call upon former Presidents Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford to be the co-chairmen of an ad hoc Committee for Political Responsibility that would be charged with implementing the following:

* In light of the fact that it is now statistically impossible to declare a winner in the Sunshine State, both parties would agree to a “draw” in Florida, with the state’s 25 electors split accordingly. (Yes, I know 25 doesn’t divide by two, but bear with me on this; as you’ll see, the identity of these electors is largely irrelevant.)

* When the Electoral College meets to vote officially for president on December 18th, Presidents Carter and Ford meet with them, along with representatives of both parties, who instruct their respective slates of electors to vote for a postponement of that vote until Tuesday January 2nd. Unprecedented? Sure, but after last week, what else is new?

* On Tuesday, December 19th, an election run-off between Governor Bush and Vice-President Gore is held, nationwide, using (one would hope we’ve learned something from this counting debacle) standardized ballot procedures that are uniform throughout the fifty states. Sorry, Ralph; this is a simple two-candidate ballot. Call it a run-off, if you will. Call it a frog. Just get it done.

* The winner of each state’s votes in this run-off election gets the votes of the Electoral College representatives of that state, regardless of those electors’ political affiliation, a procedure that has previously been agreed upon by both parties, and confirmed by Presidents Carter and Ford.

* When the Electoral College reconvenes on January 2nd, it selects the next president of the United States, in accordance with the state-by-state popular vote. Sure, our new president has to hustle, picking a cabinet, etc., before his January 20th inauguration. But after all he will have been through by then, that process should be a piece of cake.

Strange? Certainly. Unprecedented? Of course. Legal? Maybe just barely, but I think so. And, of course, as I’ve said, the whole scheme presumes a level of concern for the overriding national interest that neither the Republicans nor the Democrats have been terribly good about manifesting the past few days. Presidents Carter and Ford will have to do some real arm-twisting.

This may be our best and only chance to come out of this mess in one piece. Any other outcome risks dividing the country in a way not seen in modern times. Moreover, the formation of a Carter/Ford Committee for Political Responsibility has the advantage of being apolitical at a time when the political atmosphere is so badly poisoned that nothing productive can come from letting things proceed according to existing law.

Besides having the advantage of being fair to both sides, this proposal also recognizes (to paraphrase Winston Churchill) that the extraordinary circumstances we find ourselves in demand extraordinary solutions. To simply throw up our hands and let “nature” take its course is irrational, irresponsible, and quite possibly a critical first step towards the destruction of our democracy.

[Kenneth Neill is the founder and publisher/CEO of The Memphis Flyer.]

(You can write Kenneth Neill at MEMFLYKEN2@aol.com)

Categories
Sports Sports Feature

Another Losing Season at Memphis

In what is probably Rip Scherer’s last home game at the University of Memphis, the Tigers lost to Cincinnati 13-10 in overtime. It was Memphis’ fourth consecutive loss. Two of the four went to overtime. The average margin of victory in the four games was a field goal — three points.

The game, which was played in front of 21,862 at the Liberty Bowl, ensured Memphis will have a sixth straight losing season under Scherer. That hasn’t happened at the school since 1922.

Scherer alluded to the uncertainty of his job both to the team and to reporters after the game. “We don’t know what the future holds. All we know is we’ve got one game to play,” Scherer said. “You don’t have to be a genius to figure that out.”

Once again the Memphis defense did a tremendous job, holding Cincinnati to 190 yards and no touchdowns. The only Bearcat touchdown came in the first quarter on a 82-yard fumble return. Memphis squandered numerous opportunities to score in the first half and went into the locker room at halftime trailing 7-3. Four first half turnovers came inside Cincinnati territory, including a fumble at the 18 and another at the goal line.

The Tigers had seven turnovers in the game, including one on the last play of the game, a Scott Scherer interception in the first overtime. Jonathan Ruffin kicked a 37-yard field goal on the Bearcats first overtime possession.

“I respect Scott because he was playing with more pressure than anyone out there,” Scherer said of his son. “Everybody out there is playing to win. He’s playing to win and fighting for his dad’s job. That’s a lot of pressure for a 21-year-old kid.”

Memphis had its biggest offensive production of the season against the porous Bearcat defense. Scott Scherer completed 20 of 32 passes for 203 yards. Tailback Sugar Sanders ran 21 times for 122 yards. Ryan Johnson had 73 yards on six receptions and added 92 yards on three punt returns. He set up Memphis’ only touchdown with an 82-yard punt return to the one-yard line late in the third quarter. Sanders ran it in to put Memphis ahead 10-7. Ruffin kicked a field goal from 30 yards out with 10 minutes to tie the game.

Memphis chose to play for overtime late in the fourth quarter when they got the ball on their own 19 with 1:21 and all three time outs left. The crowd booed when Memphis ran the ball and did not call timeout.

“We didn’t want to do anything dumb,” Scherer explained. “I didn’t think they could score a touchdown in overtime. We wanted to make sure that we got it into overtime, that we didn’t make a mistake that took away our opportunity to go into overtime.”

Memphis (4-6) closes out the season next week at New Orleans against Tulane. An announcement about Scherer’s future could come before then, perhaps as early as Monday.

(You can write Dennis Freeland at freeland@memphisflyer.com.)

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News News Feature

Bad Move For Republicans

Okay, admit it. This week’s been a hell of a lot of fun. Unless you got all F’s in American History in high school, you’ve enjoyed the spectacle of the first presidential Election Day quadruple-overtime since Teddy Roosevelt was in knickers. Like me, you’ve probably dusted off that old copy of Gore Vidal’s 1876, and already know that Samuel Tilden shoulda, coulda, mighta won that equally controversial presidential election 124 years ago.

So far at least, it’s been fun. And given the fact that none of them have ever been here before, the two protagonists have comported themselves fairly well. Sure, the Bush campaign has been a little childish with its posturing about transition teams and making a show of preparing, in unseemly fashion, for the Big Show. And Bill Daley and Warren Christopher ended up looking like idiots Wednesday afternoon, with their sabre-rattling about the shenanigans in Palm Beach County. (Never before has my recently-deceased mother’s long-time admonition, “God gave you two ears and one mouth, and you should use them in that proportion,” rung so true.)

But all in all, candidates Bush and Gore haven’t done too badly. There’s nothing illegal about posturing; no long-term consequences of trying to out-maneuver your opponent, as both sides clearly have attempted to do. So far, at least, neither has done anything that they should be terribly ashamed of doing.

Until this morning. At 9:30 a.m. Memphis time, former Secretary of State James Baker, Governor Bush’s “prevailing legal authority” in the Florida vote-count mess, announced that the Republicans would be seeking an immediate court injunction to prevent a Gore-requested manual recount of the votes in four Florida counties.

You can get all the details from MSNBC or CNN, where the “talking heads,” I’m sure, are already spinning. But the Republicans have now taken their game to a new level. By interfering with the established process of the Florida electoral system — in what is evidently a heavy-handed attempt to “shame” Vice President Gore out of the race — they have not only been guilty of shameless political interference in that process; they have cast a real pall over this unique election, one that will leave a cloud for decades and centuries to come.

Think about it. Secretary Baker argues that “manual” counts are a real “problem,” that they introduce as more error into the process, not less. Talk about insults, not just to the current generation of Florida election workers, but to anyone and everyone who’s ever worked on an election campaign. Does Mr. Baker not think that, with proper supervision, and with oversight by representatives of both parties, the people of Florida can count?

This is a truly remarkable assertion.

Moreover, keep in mind what former Carter aide Patrick Caudell on MSNBC has been reminding all of us for days now, namely, that we haven’t actually had any recount yet. What Florida has done is simply recalculate the returns submitted by individual wards and precincts throughout Florida. No votes within these precincts have actually been recounted. And if Mr. Baker has his way, they never will be.

No matter that merely a few hundred votes separate the candidates; Mr. Baker would have us believe that “enough is enough,” and it’s time to get on with the business of transitioning towards a Bush administration. Sound familiar? I think there’s a guy named Fujimora down in Peru who’s pulled exactly this kind of stunt on more than one occasion. As far as the past, well, I’m afraid you’ll have to go beyond American history to find anything remotely parallel. I can suggest, however, some names of some European countries to research, if you’d like.

I expect the Democratic Party’s response to all this will be, shall we say, strong. And shrill (what else?). But if they had any political sense — which, after the seriously inept Gore campaign, I seriously doubt — the Democrats would say nothing whatsoever. In fact, from a long-term political perspective, they should be hoping for a judge to endorse Secretary Baker’s motion. Then — assuming the vote total in Florida goes Bush’s way — we’ll have a new administration taking office in January, on the strength of legally stifling a vote recount in Florida, a state governed, by the way, by the new president’s brother. Talk about mandates. Talk about the “appearance of impropriety.” If leaders of the Bush team think they’ll be able to govern after such an auspicious beginning, they really have spent too much time in South America.

[ Kenneth Neill is the founder and publisher/CEO of The Memphis Flyer. ]

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News News Feature

When do We Say Enough is Enough?

It was just before twilight on a warm summer evening, as I finished the last two blocks of my daily walk. Although drenched in sweat and eager for air conditioning, I still drew pleasure from the sensual joys around me– fireflies flashing like tiny heat lamps, crickets raising their fine, shrill chorus, birds twittering in a magnolia tree as they settled in for the night.

Then my quiet joy was shattered. A car glided past, its windows down, its speakers blaring. And from its depths came a rap song’s message. A message so full of hate, so littered with foul words describing women and their body parts, that I felt a cold shiver on that hot August night.

Oh, I’ve heard these words before, these so-called “songs.” You’d have to live in a cave to avoid them since “gangsta rap” hit mainstream culture some 15 years ago. Usually they assault me when I’m idling next to another car in traffic, and at times I’ve responded by rolling down my window, turning up my own radio full blast,… and. … drowning out the obscenities with whatever might be playing– “Strangers in the Night,” “Summer Breeze”– and I laugh at myself as Seals and Crofts try to quell Snoop Doggy Dog.

That night, though, it was no laughing matter. I was stunned, angry, sick at heart. When did it become okay to unleash this perverted excuse for music on the airwaves? When did the rights of some misogynist take precedence over my right to enjoy an evening walk? When did it become okay to defile women– to defile humans– and call it art? It’s not okay.

Indeed there’s so much that’s not okay, so much that we as a society–especially those of us who try to be open-minded, to live and let live–are forced to accept or feel helpless to change. Fearful of taking action, of being labeled as some right-wing nut, we shrug these things off, shut them out, say, “It’s a free country,” as if that excuses everything.

It’s not okay that a record number of Tennessee children have been surrendered to the state because their parents can’t handle them anymore, or have been taken into custody because mom and dad would rather smoke, snort, shoot up, and pass out than give their kids a decent life. It’s not okay that hundreds of these kids have been beaten, burned, or raped by family members, and have spent half of their young lives in foster homes.

It’s not okay that the only form of discipline some parents know is to scream and curse. Not long ago outside a convenience store, I witnessed two young women yanking at a little boy whose only crime seemed to be his presence on the earth. “Get in the car, m_____ f_____!” yelled one of these so-called adults. “Get in the car before I bust your ass!”

I stared, glared, wanting to vent my horror at this person for screaming the vilest epithet imaginable at a preschool child. Instead I watched the women drive away, their tongues still lashing, the boy in tears. I kept my mouth shut, and lived to tell about it, thinking any comments from me would only make things worse.

Well, evil prevails when good men do nothing. Or so a good man said, and I wince now to recall those words.

It’s not okay that half the children born in Shelby County are illegitimate — an old-fashioned word that will draw some smirks, I’m sure. But we’ve got girls — and I do mean girls, not women — having six kids before they’re 19 years old, girls who themselves dropped out of school, barely know their babies’ daddies, work at low-paying jobs, or live on the dole. Who can deny the price we pay for this — more unemployment, more illiteracy, and countless social ills. Meanwhile, too many of these kids are sent to school unfed, unwashed, unloved, and unprepared, while teachers are expected to pull them from the mire.

We raise hell with programs like Head Start for not fulfilling their obligations to at-risk children; we find fault with schools, day-care centers, the Department of Children’s Services — and God knows there’s sufficient blame to go around. But what about the parents? How about holding them accountable for having children they can’t raise? I know this strikes at the very core of our rights as individuals. And I can already hear the hue and cry from the American Civil Liberties Union. But where does it end? When do we say, “This is crazy. It’s pulling us down and has to stop.”

Certainly there are many single moms who are doing a heroic job of child-raising while working multiple jobs, with support from fathers that’s sporadic at best. Others have made a conscious decision to have a child on their own, knowing they can provide for that little one, and their decision I respect. Still other single women are reaching out to other people’s castoffs, fostering or adopting kids in need, and these have my profound admiration.

But what I can’t respect are parents who shun the responsibilities that come with their rights — the men who plant their seed with no more thought than tossing a beer bottle in the street; the women who, despite access to free birth control, crank out these babies like they were a chain of paper dolls — and expect their families or the government to subsidize their care, or take the children off their hands.

For awhile I volunteered in the pediatric critical care unit of a local hospital, rocking, feeding, and simply holding babies with serious physical problems. Several were “crack” babies, born to mothers addicted to drugs and thus addicted themselves. They cried a lot, I recall, and could not be comforted. Some had been abused in other ways; at least one had “shaken baby” syndrome. She was beautiful, like a big porcelain doll, with blue eyes that could no longer see and legs that stayed bent and contorted. But the saddest ones were those who had virtually been abandoned, who throughout the months of their stay there had rarely known the comfort of their mothers’ arms. “We’re giving the mother one more chance,” a nurse once told me while she changed the feeding tube on a baby girl whose stomach wouldn’t work properly. “She hasn’t been up here in weeks, so we’ll have to call the state.” And what about the father? The nurse just smiled and shook her head.

What does all this have to do with gangsta rap, with the savage message that blasted through me that August night? Maybe nothing, maybe everything. A couple of years ago I wrote an article on the high number of babies born to low-income, unwed mothers in Memphis. Because some 70 percent of the mothers were nonwhite (according to local health department figures), I asked Johnnie Turner, head of the local office of the NAACP, her thoughts on the issue. She said that while the organization’s youth council encouraged productive activities so “kids wouldn’t get into trouble,” outside influences take their toll.

Said Turner: “Kids hear rap music that glorifies sex and abuse of women, they see movies where anything goes. They’ve got parents who won’t talk to them about sex and will let them watch anything on television. But worst of all, there’s no stigma. It’s become so accepted.”

I know rap has its defenders, and indeed other types of music contain their share of offensive lyrics, while the media bombards us with sex and violence — all in the name of freedom of expression. But again — what of the responsibility that comes with that freedom?

Recently I read where a Hollywood type was whining about “veiled threats of censorship,” saying he liked to “push the envelope.” I say he and his ilk like to push the shock button till it bleeds, and good taste and common decency be damned.

Maybe gangsta rap truly reflects the hard, ugly reality of ghetto life and one of art’s functions is to hold a mirror to ourselves. And some of the lyrics no doubt offer poignant glimpses of the hope-forsaken life too many young blacks face — if you can get past the hateful talk of “bitches and ho’s” and the vicious acts the singer has in mind for these women. Consider the old blues artists, who sang their own brand of sorrow and despair and lived as hardscrabble a life as any rapper ever faced. Their songs could be bawdy, yes — but brutal and profane? I don’t think so.

As my anger finally cooled that evening, I felt pity for the guy in the car who, instead of hearing birdsong and children’s laughter, filled his head with hate and violence. To each his own? So they tell us. Just don’t suggest that I could “turn it off.” I didn’t have that option.

But even as our culture hits new lows, there’s much to celebrate. Parents and children who rise above bleak expectations; people who help and don’t count the cost; and yes, movies, books, music, and art that elevate and inspire.

Later that night I recalled words spoken by William Faulkner when he accepted the Nobel Prize in 1950, words that represent for me what the best art can achieve. While the thoughts of a dead white man aren’t likely to sell with the ghetto gang, they still hold true, a half-century later:

“It’s a privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor . . . the compassion, pity, and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past. The poet’s voice need not merely be the record of man, it can be one of the . . . pillars to help him endure and prevail.”

Lifting hearts. Showing honor and compassion . . . . I wish more rappers would give it a shot.

[This article originally appeared in Memphis magazine.]

(You can write Marilyn Sadler at sadler@memphismagazine.com)

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News News Feature

Hackett Can Empathize with Bush and Gore

If anyone in Memphis can appreciate what George W. Bush and Al Gore are going through now, it’s former mayor Dick Hackett.

In the 1991 mayoral election, Hackett lost to Willie Herenton by 142 votes out of 247,973 votes cast. As the last ballots were being counted, aides urged Hackett to continue to fight, even if it meant challenging certain precincts. Instead, he told his supporters to go home and go to bed and to let the results stand.

“I had some information from the police department that there were starting to be some disturbances and some potential disturbances,” Hackett recalled this week. “As a result of that, I made a decision as mayor and said, ‘let’s all go home, sleep on it,’ and I sent everybody home.”

Hackett said Tennessee law would have required a showing of fraudulent voting and the allegations would surely have gone to court. There is no recount provision. Still, his advisers wanted him to fight somehow.

“I would say my advisers were 99 percent opposed to me doing what I did, initially at least. Since all of this has happened, 100 percent have come back and said, “I know I told you not to do that but you did the right thing.’”

Like this historic presidential contest, the 1991 mayoral race featured pre-election polls which showed a close race, then a suspense-filled ballot count in which the lead changed hands as precincts reported. The final victory margin wasn’t established until days after the election. There was even a spoiler ala Ralph Nader — Robert “Prince Mongo” Hodges, who got 2,923 votes.

There were also charges of voting irregularities, which Hackett chose to ignore. His thinking, he says today, was driven partly by statesmanship and partly by the knowledge that the irregularities probably cut both ways.

“Sure there were inequities, but I think there were inequities on both sides,” he said. “If someone moves from the city of Memphis to Shelby County and comes back to Memphis to vote, that is an illegal vote. At least my hunch is that is an illegal vote. Bottom line: you can find fraudulent votes on both sides. What was in the best interest of the community was for me to not start that warfare.”

Hackett has little sympathy for claims of some Florida voters that they could not understand the ballot and therefore voted for Pat Buchanan or for more than one candidate.

“If you were in a restaurant and spilled a glass of tea, would you not call a waitress to help you? If I voted for two people I think I would turn around and say “Oh my gosh, look what I have done,’ and get some help.”

And he has no regrets for the decision he made nine years ago. “I feel stronger about what I did today than I did when I did it,” he said.

(You can write John Branston at branston @memphismagazine.com)

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Politics Politics Beat Blog

A Millennial Tremor

NASHVILLE – “Mahzel!” Meaning it’s in the hands of the fates. “Or, as we say, God,” added Rabbi Israel Deren of Stamford, Connecticut, slumping on a couch in the lobby of the downtown Sheraton Hotel in the wee hours of Wednesday morning, as uncertain as any of the rest of us about what had happened in the 2000 presidential race– which, not so coincidentally, was undeniably on the cusp of a new, and to judge by the evidence at hand , extraordinary millennium.

Rabbi Deren was in town as a friend and spiritual counselor to the family of Democratic vice-presidential candidate Joe Lieberman, whom he expected to be spending time with later that morning. What would he say? Among other things, he would almost certainly include that once and future staple “Mahzel tov!” The Hebrew word “tov” means “good,” more or less, and the two words together are often interpreted as expressing a sentiment rather common and ordinary: “Good luck.” In reality, they signify more than that– something like: May the Almighty lead you safely through this wilderness of doubt and uncertainty. In the case at hand, anyhow.

For wilderness it was, although the uncertainty hadn’t been apparent right away. Another Lieberman friend, Memphis’ Pace Cooper, the Connecticut senator’s cousin-in-law, was at the Vanderbilt Loew’s Plaza Hotel early Tuesday evening, attending a party for his illustrious near-relation when all the networks, hardly minutes after the East Coast precincts had closed down, declared on the basis of their projections that Democratic presidential candidate Al Gore and Lieberman were the winners of Florida’s 25 electoral votes. And, as Florida went (all the pundits had been telling us for weeks) so would go the election. (Right. Cometh the storyteller’s clichŽ: ÔLittle did they know. . . .’)

The war whoops had gone up right away. And Lieberman, his now-famous toothy grin (a warmer version of Jimmy Carter‘s) extended all the way out, shouted, “Give us Florida and we’ll take care of the rest of it!” In short order the networks gave Gore and Lieberman Michigan, Illinois . . .then Pennsylvania.

It looked like a Democratic rout. That was then. Now is now, with time and space warps, deconstructions, and various other post-modernist phenomena having come in between.

Not only do we not know who the next president of the United States is, we have no idea for certain of when we will know the identity of that worthy. For all we know, since the same rain is still coming down that began falling on Nashville and much of the rest of the country at about 2 a.m.– when the outcome had become decidedly, er, cloudy– we are in for 40 days and 40 nights of uncertainty.

Even after 99.9 percent of the nation’s voters had spoken for the record, the gremlins in the nation’s political machinery, which had begun doing their damage even before the Western states had finished voting, had made the 2000 presidential election moot.

What happened in Florida merely symbolized what was going on in the nation at large. First, the state’s electoral votes were taken out of the Gore column (“Computer error,” we were told); then we heard about a horrendously misleading ballot that had led an indeterminate number of senior Floridians to vote for Pat Buchanan (of all people!) when they thought they were voting for Gore. Then the absentee still needed to be counted; the military vote was yet to be heard from. Etc., etc. And the final margin for Bush, which had caused him at one point to be declared the winner, was small enough Ð even if genuine Ð to fall within a recount provision mandated by the state of Florida.

So here we are, waiting for those Florida votes to be counted. A three-member panel–including Bush’s brother, Florida governor Jeb Bush and Gore state campaign chairman Bob Butterworth – will oversee a recounting that goes even as you read these words and will continue, it seems possible, for days afterward. (Bulletin: Gov. Bush has removed himself from the supervisory body.)

Not only is the presidential election in doubt. So is the venerable institution of the electoral college, sure to be called into question (early expectations that Gore might lead in the electoral college and trail in the popular vote were stood on their head; substitute the word “Bush”); and so is the nature of third-party politics in a picture irrevocably clouded by the presence on key states’ ballots of the Green Party’s Ralph Nader. One more argument against the venerable electoral college, which ensures that only the two major parties, which depend on broadly based coalitions, can predominate in a nationalelection, while the Naders of the world (or the Perots of yore) are doomed to the role of spoiler.

(Brother Ralph, whose left-of-center appeal presumably drew off potential Gore voters in several crucial states, including Florida, might be well advised to stay away from organized bodies of Democrats. A Nader sign-bearer on the rim of Nashville’s War Memorial Plaza was harassed in mid-morning, while more vehement picketers, calling for the reign of the Ten Commandments or the ruin of plutocrats, were left pretty much alone.)

Oh, there are some things that we can count on as definite– nationally, that the victory of Hillary Clinton in New York’s Senate race ensures the continuance of the Age of Clinton (if Gore goes out of the picture, the president’s wife is sure to be a presidential candidate in 2004; that the Senate and the House are virtually balanced between the Republicans and the somewhat renascent Democrats; that a dead man (Missouri Governor and Senate candidate Mel Carnahan) can win an election in Missouri; that, regardless of the final vote tally, there ain’t gonna be no $1.3 trillion tax cut nor any extensive revamping of Social Security or Medicare.

Locally and statewide, some sure things occurred as predicted,: the easy victory of U.S Senator Bill Frist over Democratic challenger Jeff Clark; the return to office of all the state’s incumbent Members of Congress; the easy win of state Senator Jim Kyle (District 28, Frayser-Raleigh) over perennial candidate Rod DeBerry; the equally expected triumph of the GOP’s

Paul Stanley over Democrat Shea Flinn in the heavily Republican state House District 96 (East Memphis, Germantown, Cordova).

Somewhat surprising results: the utter wipeout of the state Republican Party’s heavily financed assault on eight incumbent Democratic Senate seats ( besides Kyle’s victory, there was Lt. Gov. John Wilder‘s romp over Savannah Mayor Bob Shutt); the defeat of two-term Memphis School Board incumbent Bill Todd by hard-working Wanda Halbert , one of a five-member field of challengers in the At-Large race; the rejection of incumbent Edward Vaughan in a district board race (the simultaneous turning-out of Frayser/Raleigh’s controversial Jim Brown was expected); the strong (33 percent) showing by doughty Democrat Flinn in a district that is Republican to the core.

One local race actually paralleled the national results: the defeat of Democratic nominee John Freeman by Republican Tom Leatherwood in the race for county register. Just as their national counterparts were– but to a more substantial degree– local Democrats were divided; a sizeable faction went to independent Otis Jackson, enough so that Leatherwood was able to squeeze through to victory. The background of that factionalism was two-fold; anti-Ford Democrats resented the nominee’s ties to the long dominant party clan, while partisans of former University of Memphis basketball coach Larry Finch remained unplacated after their man’s defeat by Freeman in a local party conclave (Jackson was, perhaps not coincidentally, a former U of M cage star.)

Another certainty confirmed by this election: As a political bloc, Tennessee now seems irrevocably anchored to the Republican cause. The state– which already possesses a Republican governor, two GOP senators, and a majority of the Tennessee congressional delegation – went for Bush in this election by almost 80,000 votes. Surely a feather in the cap of 7th District congressonal wannabe David Kustoff, the Memphis lawyer who ran the Texas governor’s statewide campaign. And a potential obstacle to the ambitions of state Democratic chairman Doug Horne, who wants to run for governor in 2002 but confided to a friend during the evening that the loss of Tennessee to the Bush column might “reflect” on him.

A West Tennessee mayor who was rubbernecking in Nashville had commented bitterly during the period between Bush’s apparent victory and the invoking of Florida’s recount provision that Gore had brought the statewide debacle on himself by failing to maintain contact with state party cadres. Maybe so, maybe no. (If anything is clear about the vice president and Democratic standard-bearer, it is that he has, and no doubt will forever have, a deficit in what is often called “people skills.”) But Gore probably should not be blamed for a result which is so clearly part of a long-term statewide tendency. Even the legislature of Tennessee, still under the nominal control of the Democrats but stiff-neckedly resistent to the current Republican governor’s call for tax reform , is conservative enough to pass for Republican by the standards of almost any other state.

Another sign of the gap between the parochial concerns of Tennessee Democrats and those of their partymates elsewhere: Troy Colbert, director of the Democrats’ state Senate campaign committee, was asked for his reaction in the interval when Bush appeared a sure winner nationally. “We didn’t lose a single Senate seat. I feel great!”he answered.

In Shelby County, where Memphis Mayor Willie Herenton and former U.S. Representative Harold Ford Sr. made a point of suspending their legendary rivalry to work in apparently unfeigned harmony on behalf of the national ticket, Gore-Lieberman prevailed by some 50,000 votes over the Republican ticket of Bush and Dick Cheney. That was the same margin that carried Shelby for Bill Clinton and Gore in 1996 and a a majority identical to that which won Tennessee that year for the Democratic ticket. (Clearly, the Middle Tennessee bailiwick of the state Democratic Party– last bastion of the old post-Civil War “Solid South”– is not what it once was.)

The Shelby County Democrats’ concerted activity was successful and sustained enough to have accounted at last partly for the School Board victory of Halbert, technically an independent but one who campaigned side-by-side with the party’s nominees. And it would have doomed Leatherwood countywide had not the aforementioned schism between Democratic voters undermined Freeman’schances.

As Democrats look ahead to their next major contests with Republicans, in 2002, they are likely to do so with some measure of true optimism.

On Wednesday afternoon, Gore– understandably fatigued-looking but clearly composed and even hopeful – appeared before the media hordes lingering in Nashville to make a brief statement. After thanking the 50 million Americans who had voted for himself and running mate Lieberman and congratulating Americans for turning out in such significant numbers to vote, the vice president said, “We now need to resolve this election in a way . . . .consistent with our Constitution and our laws.”. The recount and other issues “must be resolved expeditiously” but, he noted pointedly, with all due deliberation and “without any rush to judgment,”

With obvious satisfaction, the vice president noted that he had prevailed in the popular vote but called for Americans to respect the electoral-college results as the key to who would be the next president.

As it happened, any number of schemes were being floated calling for the abolition of the electoral college or the tampering with it or the renunciation of its verdict by Bush, who remained the putative ultimate winner.

It would take a while for Americans, deprived of sleep and an immediate resolution, to decide how they felt about the arcane system by which they had chosen a president– or, more properly speaking, had so far failed to choose one But for all the problems with the nation’s political system which were highlighted by this freak millennial election, all one had to do was look around at the teeming tribes of foreign journalists gathered in Nashville to see traces of admiration in their faces for so fair and uncompromising a process– still the envy of the world.

Meanwhile, the recount.

Meanwhile, mahzel tov.

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Politics Politics Beat Blog

How It Looked in Austin

AUSTIN – I’m out of the closet. I can’t report objectively anymore. I was a

Gore girl, albeit by default, and even here, in the middle of this state fair-like brouhaha in the Texas capitol, I have yet to catch Bush fever.

More and more votes are pouring in for the Texas governor. States are falling all over the electoral map. The television pundits are declaring

George W. Bush a winner.

Eardrum rattling techno music angrily competes for my ear drums with aspirited mariachi band. I am sitting on a curb, my butt half on a pile of cables that allows reporters to file their stories and, according to

Southwestern Bell flacks, could “wrap around the state capital building 200 times!”

Well, of course they could. It costs $270 to plug in my laptop to file this story, not including the $12-a-minute phone line connection. Take your connection and shove it, Telephone Man. It1s cold and rainy and grey. Bring on the blues, Jimmy Vaughn. Play on, sir, no matter how much you’re banking for this gig. I’m tired of writing down how much it costs to get a coffee inside the event tent ($4.50).

Images form on a Bush/Cheney jumbotron screen directly in front of me. There are probably more than a thousand people turned toward the screen.

They are packed shoulder to shoulder, in poof-balled winter hats and scarves, pawing steaming cups of whatever will keep their faces from freezing in the unusually frigid night. Ah, the communal American experience — watching on big television what is being televised on smaller televisions.

The theme to Rocky is loud enough to vibrate teeth. It’s background

soundtrack for the governor of Texas on videotape, kissing babies from New York state to the Golden Gate. He’s reading– oops, showing pictures—to school kids in North Dakota, shaking hands with an elderly man in a diner, talking to undecided Floridians, pecking at corn on the cob in Iowa. And then, the weirdness.

“That’s one small step for Bush, one gi-unt leap for Ameracuns!” booms the voiceover. The sound of a space rocket firing up thunders from the Jumbotron’s speakers. “This is Cap’n Bush. Git ridda fur the ride of yur lahf! We will be pros-pers and go forth with ger-rate expectations! We have ger-rate expectations!”

The crowd cheers, taking in this gimmicky SNL-like skit. Following the Starship muzac was a zippadee-doodah Texas cheerleading techno version of “Who Let the Dogs Out?” People snapped pictures of the Jumbotron. Others laughed and gnawed on their sausage-on-a-stick or funnel cakes. Two elderly women wearing matching nylon jogging suits, Reebok tennis shoes, and glittering “Bush 2000” glasses, embraced and then took pictures of each other taking pictures. A supernova flash of light erupted near the high bleachers reserved for broadcast journalists. A Texas A & M student who had volunteered, along with hundreds of his buddies, to work security bragged to me that they had assembled the pyramid-like structure. I hoped they hadn’t modeled it after the college’s infamous log bonfire.

A note about security numbers:

Number of checkpoints around the state capitol, according to Austin police: 73 .

Number of times I had to turn on my laptop at checkpoints to perform an “electronics monitor” 7

Patdowns: 2

Times asked to show picture ID, media credentials, plus other form of ID: 4

Number of minutes it took me to convince a security guard that my bottle opener keychain is not a Ninja weapon: 2 minutes

Number of jokes it’s smart to tell about having a bomb: zero

Body cavity searches: None, but it might have been too cold for that.

The security hold-ups and Russian bread-line waits did not slow down the Bush supporters. They had one objective — to get close to the capitol building, swathed for some unknown reason in a heinous green light, where Bush was scheduled to make a speech sometime, well, tonight.

Most of the reporters– and there seemed to be at least two for every citizen– appeared stoned from fatigue, particularly one I spoke to who hadn’t been home in a year. She’d been traveling with Gore and was telling me in a crazy, quadruple-espresso tone that playing checkers with the Veep was the highlight of her journey. You laugh, but it would inspire any young journalist, wouldn’t it? I was reminded of the night before, which I had spent with several prominent national pundits, getting sloggered and pulling the rip-cords on our mouths.

I mentioned to them that I was staying with a student at University of Texas and that she was considering not voting at all, that she was disgusted with the two party candidates padding their pockets with corporate bribes.

To her, the defining slivers of distinction were entrenched in social issues, particularly the conventional wisdom that a Gore ticket would better safeguard legalized abortion, affirmative action, and the environment. Those who did vote this election — as Gore and Bush apparently have given us a cliffhanger for the ages — might feel for the first time Wednesday morning that their vote did indeed count.

Earlier, boos had erupted from the crowd — which ballooned to nearly 25,000– when the networks prematurely announced that Gore had captured Florida. But the networks back off of that call and it becomes apparent as the night wears on that the final results are anything but final. Florida remains “too close to call” into the wee hours, and into the next day. Irony of ironies, the Sunshine State becomes the focus of the nation, a prom date tease for Dubya from his brother Jeb. Could one governor/brother deliver for another? On this night the answer never came.