Categories
Politics Politics Feature

The Crime Beat, Then and Now

As the Greater Memphis community continues to try to sort out whether it is in the grip of a crime wave or whether, as a recent Crime Commission report indicates, crime statistics are actually on the wane, the subject continues to dominate local attention.

One matter that has remained more or less on the back burner is that of Mayor Paul Young’s proposed director of public safety, a pending position (sometimes referred to in administrative ranks, somewhat less reassuringly, as “public safety advisor”).

Young suggested the new office back in January after the city council declined to endorse his proffered reappointment of C.J. Davis as police chief, and the new mayor, in response, fell back on the expedient of keeping Davis on as interim chief.

From the beginning, it was uncertain whether the proposed directorship was to be a fundamentally new concept or a retooling of a dormant position. Compounding the confusion was the fact that, at some hard-to-pinpoint period in the administration of former Mayor Jim Strickland, the existing title of police director had somehow morphed back into that of police chief, a development making Davis’ currently impermanent position seem all the more tenuous.

But now the suggestion comes from administration sources that the task of filling the new position — however it is to be titled and whatever its scope — is in the “latter” stages and may be just around the corner, with a narrowing down of prospects by mid-June and a likely appointment by July 1st, in time for the new fiscal year.

Meanwhile, coincidentally and maybe usefully, the individual most identified in Memphis history with the erstwhile rank of police director, E. Winslow “Buddy” Chapman, has published his memoir, under the title of Call Me Director: Memoir of a Police Reformer.

Chapman’s service at the helm of city law enforcement came during the administration of former Mayor Wyeth Chandler (1972-1982), and it coincided with conditions that were not unlike those of our present moment.

Mayor Young’s apparent intention with his new directorship is to establish a wide-ranging civilian control over police authority, and that was the mission also of Chapman, who had to fight a protracted battle with the good-old-boy regime of then-Police Chief Bill Crumby to achieve, finally, a workable dominance over local law-enforcement policy.

As Chapman writes in his book, and as he related to an appreciative audience in a book-signing and reading at the Memphis Brooks Museum of Art on Monday night, the issues he had to deal with were very like our own these days.

They included instances of police brutality, racism in the MPD ranks, severe financial shortages and under-staffing, and the imperatives of federal supervision. He also had to face down and survive simultaneous police and fire strikes in the crisis year of 1978.

What he strove to impose as an alternative to established practices was a form of what we would call today community policing. And, as he ended his tenure and resumed civilian status, he founded the local CrimeStoppers organization, which he ran as director until recently when he turned the reins over to David Wayne Brown, the co-author and collaborator of his memoir.

The book grapples with the conundrum of finding the right balance between carrot and stick in law enforcement — same as Mayor Young and his soon-to-be public safety director will shortly face — and is well worth their reading and ours.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

‘All Hands on Deck’

How much of the current sense that Memphis and Shelby County are threatened by a crime tsunami is a matter of perception, and how much is based on fact? That was one of the issues focused on during a summit in Bartlett last week in which DA Steve Mulroy and officials and other representatives of the outer county confronted both each other and the fear that things are getting out of control.

The roundtable meeting, hosted by Bank of Bartlett president Harold Byrd, was held last Thursday at the Bartlett campus of the College of Applied Technology (TCAT). There was a palpable sense of urgency to the event, conducted in the immediate aftermath of the shooting death of MPD Officer Joseph McKinney and a lethal fire-fight at an Orange Mound block party.

Mulroy took the opportunity to outline to the group various emergency crime-control procedures that his office was undertaking, and he cited a new report from the Shelby County Crime Commission showing that crime statistics had actually receded during the last quarter of 2023 and the first quarter of 2024.

Among others, Mayor Mike Wissman of Arlington was skeptical. “What you give us sounds good on paper. … But we’re not seeing that. I mean, every time we turn on the TV, the first five stories are all crime. And most of them [involve] repeat offenders. … It all sounds great. But we’re not seeing results. It’s very frustrating.”

Mayor Stan Joyner of Collierville also disputed “all the talk that crime is down,” suggesting that newly released repeat offenders were beating arresting officers back home from court to renew their illegal activities.

“I share your frustration,” Mulroy said, noting that violent crime had been building steadily for a decade in Shelby County before he took office. “I will tell you this, it’s absolutely the case that I find what’s going on right now unacceptable. And I’m trying to do everything that I can to bend that curve.”

As for the apparently reassuring crime statistics, Mulroy said, “They may be true, but they’ve gone down from an unacceptably high level. And so the trend may be a positive one, and we all pray that the trend goes down, but the absolute level of crime is still unacceptable, right?”

There was general agreement on the point and on other aspects of the moment, including the effect of rising crime concerns on retarding economic progress and the contention of Millington Chamber of Commerce official Terry Roland that Memphis was the only Tennessee city to lose population last year. “We’re the stopping point,” Roland said, suggesting that Shelby County’s outer communities were a major factor in restraining even more dramatic population loss.

Said Mulroy: “I get it that we want to avoid the vicious cycle of, you know, crime perception leading to less investment leading to less prosperity, leading to more poverty into more crime. We definitely do not want to get in that vicious cycle, which is why we need an all hands on deck approach. … I totally agree that we need to stop pointing fingers, and we need to start joining hands. And we need to show a unified front to the state. You know, let’s figure out what it is we want from the state on a consensus basis and then try to go get it.”

Bartlett Chamber of Commerce president John Threadgill made an effort to put the crime problem in a more general context: “We’re in fairly good company, y’all. We’re ranked in the top 10 as far as violent crime, but we’re in there with St. Louis, Kansas City, Milwaukee, Cleveland, Baltimore. There’s a lot of cities out there that have the same issues we have. We’re not the only ones. I’m a native of Nashville. And I can guarantee you folks in Nashville think they have too much crime.”

All in all, that was the import of last week’s meeting, that crime was everybody’s problem and, locally and even statewide, communities were in this together.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Across the Lines

The Shelby County Commission — and county government in general — normally gets less public and media attention than do Memphis city government and the city council. This is largely due to long-held tradition held over from the numerous decades of the preceding century when the bulk of the county’s total population resided in the traditional urban core.

White flight, sprawl, and suburban growth have altered the demographic proportions and residential patterns significantly, of course, but even before the balance of population began to shift so radically eastward and outward, the fact was that, in Shelby as in the state’s other 95 counties, county government has been the chief instrument of self-government — not least because Shelby County is the Venn diagram; it contains not only Memphis but six other incorporated municipalities and much unincorporated turf as well.

The county’s budget is larger than any city’s, and it has primary constitutional charge of health and education matters, as well as significant and growing responsibility over law enforcement.

Monday’s meeting of the county commission reflected the unique aspect of our binary system, actually one of multiplicities.

One significant debate concerned the expanses into which solar energy enterprises — those harbingers of our greener future — can be allowed to spread. Mindful of the outer county’s increasing residential mass, the boundaries for such installations were significantly circumscribed: Going forward, they must be distant from each other by at least a mile and no closer than 600 feet at any point to residential areas. And they must be limited in size to a square mile.

Another prolonged discussion concerned the question of whether a portion of a long-dormant planned commercial development in the Eads area should be allowed to proceed with the development of septic tanks pending an opportunity to connect with the Memphis sewer system. (It will be remembered that such new tie-ins with new developments outside the city were discontinued as of 2017.)

The developers of the area under consideration Monday — one that was de-annexed in 2020 — hope eventually to manage such a connection. But expressed concerns on Monday from Eads residents and defenders of the Memphis sand aquifer about potential pollution resulted in a unanimous turn-down of the septic tank proposal by the commissioners.

After these and various other agenda items were dealt with, several of the commissioners turned their solemn attention to a matter that increasingly roils citizens everywhere in Shelby County — shoot-outs like the one that in the last few days resulted in the deaths of MPD Officer Joseph McKinney and attendees at an Orange Mound block party.

“We’ve got a lot of work to do,” said Commission chair Miska Clay Bibbs. Indeed so. The bell tolls for city and county alike.

………………………………………………………………………………

David Pryor (right) with the author in 2016

In Memoriam

He was not a Memphian nor even a Tennessean, but Arkansan David Pryor, a near neighbor who died Saturday after a lingering illness, deserves our sympathy and remembrance as well.

Pryor, who represented Arkansas as a congressman, as governor, and as senator, was the genuine article, a selfless public servant. He may turn out to have been the last major Democrat in his state’s history, but as my friend and former Arkansas Gazette colleague Ernie Dumas observes in an almost book-length obituary in the Arkansas Times this week, Pryor was much more — “the most beloved member of the U.S. Senate” in his time, across all partisan lines. That was something that I learned myself when he took me in tow on my first visit to Washington as a cub reporter back in the ’60s. R.I.P.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

The Last Straw?

Push is coming to shove in the public outrage stemming from the shooting death last week of MPD Officer Joseph McKinney. And the shoving, on behalf of stouter crackdowns on local crime, is coming from more sources than ever before.

Mayor Paul Young, who has arguably been somewhat slow on the draw in fleshing out his crime program, cruising along with an interim police chief and nobody yet to fill his ballyhooed position of public safety director, is suddenly all cries and alarms.

Sounding almost like some of the more active Republican critics of Memphis crime in the legislature, Young released a statement including these words: “Together, let’s petition our judges and the DA for stronger, swifter sentencing for violent offenses. If you are part of the judicial system, hear my voice first. We need to work together to do better for our community.”

DA Steve Mulroy himself expressed anger that a $150,000 bond that he’d previously set for previous crimes committed by the youth suspected in the death of Officer McKinney had been somehow amended by a judicial commissioner to allow the youth back on the streets through his own recognizance.

And Shelby County Commissioner Mick Wright, a leading critic of the current crime wave, was warning, on behalf of his commission mates, “We are not finished. … You’re going to see some judges get exited stage left if I have anything to say about it.”

It was a definite irony that, scarcely a week after the MPD had announced the 100th homicide in Memphis this year, Young scheduled this week’s public celebration of his first 100 days in office at Mt. Vernon Baptist Church.

Perhaps the mayor will use that occasion to outline further his and the city council’s plan for a new nonprofit organization to reverse the crime trend.

• Former Shelby County Democratic chair Gabby Salinas, who in recent years ran two close races against established Republican office-holders, has a different situation on her hands this year.

She’s running for the state House District 96 seat being vacated by Democratic incumbent Dwayne Thompson. Not a Republican contestant in sight so far, but Salinas has four Democratic rivals — Eric Dunn, Telisa Franklin, Orrden Williams Jr., and David Winston. She remains the favorite.

• As mentioned in this space of late, Democrats are seriously contesting the state House District 97 seat now held by Republican John Gillespie. Mindful of the potential perils of procrastination, they brought out some heavy artillery last week.

At a fundraiser for party candidate Jesse Huseth at the home of attorney Robert Donati last week, an important attendee was 9th District U.S. Rep. Steve Cohen, the county’s senior Democratic office-holder, who formally bestowed his endorsement on Huseth and was critical of Gillespie for legislative actions intended to shift various aspects of law-enforcement authority from the city to the state.

Cohen noted that the 97th, which was redistricted by the legislature last year, would now seem to be tilted demographically to Democrats in this election year — “up three points for Huseth and up five points for Biden.”

As Huseth himself put it, the East Memphis-based district had lost “four solid-red precincts and picked up two light-blue precincts and two light-red precincts.”

The point of the redistricting, which was carried out by the General Assembly’s GOP supermajority, remains something of a mystery, although it is said that Gillespie signed off on it, thinking it gave him more potential access to‚ and opportunity to serve, the business community.

• No doubt emboldened by the local unpopularity of Governor Bill Lee’s school-voucher program, which was formally opposed by the Memphis-Shelby County School Board and by the boards of the six municipal school districts as well, Democrats are taking another crack at the state House District 83 seat held by Mark White, House education chair and a champion of vouchers.

At least one Democrat is: political newcomer Noah Nordstrom, an MSCS Spanish teacher.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Lee Harris’ Bucket List

For many of us, chasing down the total eclipse of the sun on Monday was a bucket-list thing, and, like all such now-or-never matters, it exacted a cost.

Coming back to Memphis from Hardy, Arkansas, where my son Marcus and I went early on Monday to rendezvous with daughter Julia and friends to see the natural much-ballyhooed natural spectacle firsthand, turned into an eight-hour drive, beginning at 3 p.m. after a delightful Thai lunch at Hardy and ending at close to 11 p.m. at home.

I bring this up because it occurs to me that this is how it always goes with bucket-list things. Putting it simply, you pay a price for them.

For those in government, public progress is a bucket-list matter, it dawned on me, and I suddenly saw a speech I’d heard the previous week in exactly that light.

This was Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris addressing a group of Germantown Democrats about the things he is determined to accomplish in this, his second and final term in office. He was first elected in 2018, and the first term was something of a wrangle. As is so often the case, it takes a while to get the hang of the people and the problems.

Harris told the Democrats: “I’m going to show [that the] county mayor’s office and Shelby County government is a huge organization. And it does a variety of things. You know, it’s a $1.6 billion budget, thousands of employees, so many, many, many programs.”

Announcing he would focus on three areas — public safety, healthcare, and education — the mayor did a little recapping and quickly swung to his main point of the evening.

“One of the things that is important that I’m working on right now is a residential mental health facility. And so it’s the idea that we have a problem in Memphis and Shelby County. And the problem is, there’s not enough access to mental health care.

“One of the key problems right now is [that there are] about 2,000 people in detention right now. And more than half of them have a mental health care need. The DEA [Drug Enforcement Administration] might want to move those cases; the judges might want to move those cases forward. But a lot of those cases can’t be moved forward until the individuals have 14 days of stabilization. So they’ve got to get access to healthcare; they’ve got to get their prescriptions. They’ve got to see a healthcare provider. … And so we’re a little bit behind in some ways, right?”

Harris went on to propose a new 60-bed facility for Shelby County. “And we will be able, upon arrest, to move individuals that need those services immediately to the mental health facility, and away from the traditional jail detention facility. One of the benefits of that is that it creates a lot of opportunities for collaboration among our criminal justice stakeholders.

“So the cost of doing all this is probably about $400 a day, right? Right now as a person in our jail or detention facilities it’s about $100 a day. By contrast, the cost for this kind of specialized care is dramatically more. But a portion of those individuals would be better served by getting treatment, and having their cases in advance, you move a few of those 508 cases. Our expectation is that over time, the county will save money.”

The bottom line: “So it costs us at least $20 million. But people have been talking about this for a very long time.“

So far, Mayor Harris has enjoyed a resourceful second term, working for the most part with a same-minded county commission. He has arranged for a long-needed expansion of the Regional One Health facility and the equally overdue creation of two new public schools.

The proposed new mental health facility, which he has since asked the commission to engage with, would raise things to the level of a perfecta.

Just to let you know he’s got that and more on his political bucket list, and he’s working on them.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Making It Rain

It is generally understood that one of the rationales for naming former Mayor Jim Strickland the new dean at the University of Memphis Cecil C. Humphreys School of Law was his demonstrated success in having raised significant sums of money — both from the business community during his mayoral campaigns — $1 million at max — and for helping to pry loose from state government some $350 million for local athletic facilities.

Indeed, Strickland’s fundraising prowess was so notable as to make him an obvious prospect for the role of institutional rainmaker. That’s the time-honored term for an individual blessed with unusual ability to attract investments and contributions from others by dint of their persona, their history, or their contacts, or through a combination of all three.

In 2006, Harold Ford Jr. missed becoming U.S. senator from Tennessee by a relative handful of votes, but the former congressman’s residual clout as a looming national figure was sufficient to land him on Wall Street, where he flourished as a rainmaker for more than one big-time brokerage.

So Strickland’s ability to attract big funding is, all by itself, a huge plus, right? Not everybody thinks so. Among those who don’t is activist Cardell Orrin, currently executive director at Stand for Children Tennessee and former chief information officer at LeMoyne–Owen College.

In a Facebook post written in the wake of Stricklands’ hiring, Orrin mused:

“Imagine if former Mayor Wharton, or better yet Mayor Herenton (even more fun), had given millions of dollars to LeMoyne-Owen College during their tenure. This part is easy … They actually did do this, but to help save the college’s existence, not just for pet projects like tennis courts.

“Now, it gets a bit more difficult … Imagine if either mayor had donated all that money to LeMoyne-Owen College, and then, in the final hours of their administration, rushed a decision to gift a stadium worth hundreds of millions of dollars to the college? …

“Imagine if, within just three months of leaving office, one of these former mayors had secured a leading job at LeMoyne-Owen College, with some yet to be disclosed salary. Can you imagine the reaction from the media and the conservative crowd to even the mere consideration of such a position, let alone actually receiving it?

“Try to envision the newspaper headlines and articles covering this hypothetical. Would some enterprising investigative reporter be opening up a file and making FOIA requests? Would they just basically reprint the college’s press release?

“Whew, it must be nice to live in the world of imaginings …!”

Whew, indeed! Known as a longtime critic of Strickland, Orrin, along with some other like-minded foes of the former mayor, has begun raising this issue and imagining it to be a prima facie scandal. What it amounts to is a suggestion that Strickland bought his job, which, in this reckoning, is not just a reward but an out-and-out payoff!

The fact is that the University of Memphis law school, once renowned for the quality of its teaching and, especially, for the high percentage of its graduates able to pass the state bar and achieve thriving, socially useful careers in the larger community, is widely perceived as having begun to lag in those important regards.

Arguably, what it needs now is a shot in the arm from an administrator known for personal success and for an ability to attract substantial support from the social eco-structure which the university both lives in and is charged with serving.

What it may need is a rainmaker. And a two-term local mayor with prodigious fundraising skills and demonstrated connections both to the local business community and to the state government in Nashville clearly fit the bill for those at the university whose duty was to make the pick.

Credit is due both to those critics like Orrin whose imagination suggests caution in viewing such a choice and to those members of the law faculty — a not insubstantial number — who wanted a more traditional choice, perhaps from within university ranks

But the die has been cast. And optimism should be the motto of the moment.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Gillespie-Huseth Race Looms

It is a matter of record that Republican Governor Bill Lee easily won reelection in 2022, routing his Democratic opponent Jason Martin with 67 percent of the statewide point.

The under-financed, relatively unknown Martin, an emergency physician from Sumner County, was never really competitive, winning only two of Tennessee’s 95 counties — the state’s two remaining Democratic strongholds of Shelby (Memphis) and Davidson (Nashville).

But more to the point of this year’s state elections, Martin also came out ahead two years ago in state House District 97, site of a likely showdown this year between GOP incumbent John Gillespie and his probable Democratic challenger, businessman Jesse Huseth.

Gillespie was first elected in 2020, when he edged out Democrat Gabby Salinas at a time when District 97, which straddled the eastern boundary line of Memphis, was already evenly enough divided to make for a competitive race.

As Martin’s strong showing indicated, redistricting after the 2000 census shifted the district’s center of balance even more definitively into Memphis. But Gillespie was able to win reelection two years ago over unsung Democrat Toniko Harris.

During his first two terms, Gillespie maintained the kind of moderate political profile that was called for in a district that, in the current parlance, is neither red nor blue but purple. But, as was noted here two weeks ago, Gillespie has moved perceptibly to the right on party-line issues, those having to do with law enforcement, especially.

He has sponsored legislation that would nullify the Memphis City Council’s action, in the wake of the beating death of Tyre Nichols by an MPD unit, to prohibit police from making preemptive traffic stops for minor offenses. And Gillespie moved his bill to that effect onto the House floor (and to passage) after, his critics maintain (on the basis of conversation captured in a somewhat ambiguous cell phone video), he had assured Nichols’ parents he would hold it for later.

Democrat Huseth sees no ambiguity in the video, maintaining that Gillespie “lied to the family of Tyre Nichols after promising to postpone the vote one week to allow them to attend. This is life under the Republican Supermajority and it has to end.”

Gillespie can count on generous financing as an incumbent, but Huseth, who has a fundraiser scheduled for next week and more in mind, clearly intends to run tough, with assistance from campaign manager Jeff Ethridge, the able activist who is the newly elected president of the Germantown Democratic Club.

• As suspended Criminal Court Judge Melissa Boyd moves ever closer to being ejected from office altogether, Shelby County voters are looking forward to the prospect of two special judicial elections in the not too distant future.

A legislative panel voted unanimously last week to recommend the removal from office of Boyd, who has been charged with various irregularities, including use of cocaine on the bench.

A successor will also be needed for Circuit Court Judge Mary Wagner, who has been named to the state Supreme Court.

Both circumstances will require a judicial panel to recommend potential successors to Governor Bill Lee, who may, at his discretion, select from the list or ask for additional names.

In both cases, whoever gets the governor’s nod would ordinarily serve until a special election can be arranged on the next August ballot that is scheduled at least 30 days from the date that the vacancies become official.

But the pending vacancies might not be filled at all if a bill advancing in the Assembly this week is passed. The bill by Rep. Andrew Farmer (R-Sevierville) and Sen. Frank Niceley (R-Strawberry Plains) would realize what has been a long-discussed redistributionist goal in some quarters — by the expedient of transferring the two aforementioned judicial seats from Shelby County to districts elsewhere in the state.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

The Case for a Dean Strickland

The news is out that Jim Strickland — recently the two-term mayor of Memphis and before that a member of the city council — is the prime candidate to become the next dean of law at the University of Memphis.

There are those who would see that outcome, the appointment of a non-academic, as something strange, or at the very least, untypical. To disabuse themselves of that notion, they should think no further than the name of the institution Strickland would accede to the head of — the Cecil C. Humphreys School of Law.

The eponymous Humphreys, though, strictly speaking, no academic, achieved his early renown as the head football coach of Memphis State College in the prewar years of 1939-41. He later served as the school’s athletic director. Still later, Humphreys would become president of Memphis State itself, which under his leadership would become the super-charged multi-disciplinary University of Memphis.

Hence, and quite appropriately, his name graces the university’s school of law, which for years led all degree-granting schools of law in Tennessee in the important metric of the percentage of its graduates passing the bar exam, but now, reportedly, has fallen somewhat off that mark.

Could Strickland, who lobbied for the job, be the right man to lead the law school into its next period of achievement and growth?

Consider that he owns a Juris Doctor degree from the law school and currently serves as an adjunct professor there. And though, like any politician, he has his detractors, his service at the helm of Memphis city government was deemed satisfactory enough by his constituents to gain him two full terms and to generate the momentum for a referendum which, had it passed, would have enabled a third.

Consider, further, that Strickland is the first Memphis mayor in almost half a century to leave that office altogether on his own terms. Not since the late Wyeth Chandler resigned the office in 1982 to become a judge had a Memphis mayor clearly done that.

Chandler’s successor, Dick Hackett, was defeated for reelection in 1991 by Willie Herenton, who in his turn was elected five times before bowing to various pressures and resigning in the middle of his fifth term. (“Retired” is how Herenton put it, and arguably he too departed voluntarily, though, to say the least, his tenure had become shaky.)

Next up was Mayor AC Wharton, who served from 2009 until he was upset by Strickland in the election of 2015.

To be sure, Strickland, who once served as chair of the Shelby County Democratic Party, was formally censured by that party this year on account of his support for the political campaigns of assorted Republicans, but, all things considered, his exercising of bipartisan options as a nonpartisan official probably boosted his stock rather than diminished it.

The case for a Strickland appointment was further fortified surely by a study sent to all faculty members by David Russomanno, the university’s provost for academic affairs.

The document, “Non-Traditional Law Deans: Their Experiences and Those of the Law Schools that Hired Them” by one Timothy Fisher, underscored the striking number of such appointees and their successes in office.

It all remains to be seen.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Snapshots of the Moment

John Gillespie, the Republican incumbent in state House District 97, has kept a relatively moderate profile in the two terms he’s served since winning his seat over Democrat Gabby Salinas in 2020, focusing on non-ideological matters like drag-racing bans and deviating from GOP orthodoxy on gun legislation.

But all that may be changing. Gillespie is now following the lead of the House Republican leadership and another Shelby County GOPer, state Senator Brent Taylor, in sponsoring hard-line crime legislation destined to strip away local law-enforcement prerogatives.

A controversy arose last week after a cell phone video was circulated of a conversation in Nashville in which Gillespie appeared to be assuring the visiting parents of the late Tyre Nichols that he would hold up on seeking an immediate vote on his bill to nullify city council restrictions on the kind of preemptive traffic stops that would end in the savage beating death of young Nichols by MPD officers who are now facing trial for murder.

Instead, Gillespie put the bill on the floor for a relatively quick party-line passage.

The incident may loom large in this year’s legislative elections, in which Gillespie will be opposed by businessman Jesse Huseth, a Democrat who has already released a statement deploring Gillespie’s conduct of the matter.

• Tami Sawyer, recent winner of the Democratic nomination for General Sessions Court clerk, is keeping her activist’s hand in, blogging her discontent with both a pending appearance at the University of Memphis by Kyle Rittenhouse, the youth acquitted of killing two people at a Kenosha, Wisconsin, protest event, and Rep. Gillespie’s short-circuiting whatever commitment he may have given on rolling his bill.

• A hat tip to my daughter Julia Baker of The Daily Memphian for noting that the aforementioned Brent Taylor, notorious for his constant verbal and legislative targeting of local DA Steve Mulroy, is on the same page as Mulroy regarding the need for a new crime lab in Memphis.

• Veteran watchers of presidential State of the Union addresses over the years are used to seeing 9th District Congressman Steve Cohen ready on or near the aisle for banter or conversation as the president — of whatever year or whatever party, for that matter — is either headed to the podium or finishing up afterward and headed out.

Those aisle seats have to be staked out well in advance, and Cohen, using staffers early on to help hold down a place, is something of a master of the art.

Sometimes he shares local artifacts with the passing chief executive. In 2008, he was seen on national television handing George W. Bush a University of Memphis booster’s cap to be autographed. Watching at home, then Tiger basketball coach John Calipari saw it all and later got in touch with Cohen, putting in a bid for the cap and pledging to get it into the U of M Sports Hall of Fame. Cohen turned it over, but the cap never made it to its intended destination. Not long afterward, Coach Cal — cap presumably in tow — decamped to the University of Kentucky.

Always Cohen manages to have something to say. Last Thursday night, he caught Biden going in and took the time to encourage the president to pitch his remarks to the Democratic side of the assembled audience of lawmakers and to give the Republicans hell. Presumably Biden already had that strategy in mind. In any case, that’s what happened.

Categories
Politics Politics Beat Blog

Sawyer Leads in Clerk Voting

To no one’s surprise, the favored presidential candidates of both political parties dominated in local Super Tuesday voting, while Shelby County is destined to have a new General Sessions Court clerk.

County Democrats nominated longtime activist Tami Sawyer for clerk. Sawyer finished with a 2,000-vote edge over incumbent Joe Brown (12,182 to 10,157) and easily out-pointed Shelandra Ford (3,454) and Rheunte E. Benson (2,683)

The Republican nominee for clerk is Lisa Arnold, who was unopposed with 19,397 votes.

Sawyer, who will be heavily favored, and Arnold will vie in the county general election on August 1st, the date also of primaries for state and federal positions.

It was no contest for Donald Trump in local GOP presidential-preference voting. The former president out-polled his only active opponent, Nikki Haley (12,204 to 4,961), in Congressional District 8, and 9,020 to 3,095 in District 9.

President Joe Biden won 27,286 votes to 1,491 for uncommitted in the two districts.