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Opinion Viewpoint

Lottery Yes!

The state lottery in Georgia, upon which Tennessee’s constitutional provision is modeled, has been hailed as the finest scholarship program in the country and the best constitutional lottery provision as well. Tens of thousands of Georgia students have tuition paid through the HOPE scholarship and then join the state’s work force, which fuels Georgia’s economic engine for the 21st century.

Seventy-five percent of the best and brightest students in Georgia now attend Georgia universities rather than the 25 percent prior to the establishment of the HOPE program. SAT scores have risen by 11 percent since the inception of HOPE, and pre-kindergarten programs have provided an early start to children in reading and learning — and a great start toward a HOPE scholarship.

Critic Nell Levin, a state income-tax advocate, missed the point when she wrote in the Flyer last week that “a lottery creates few jobs and no useful product.” It creates hundreds of thousands of jobs and better workers who enter the work force debt-free because of the proceeds of the lottery. Further, when people go out of state to buy lottery tickets they often purchase groceries, alcohol, and gasoline. If those people buy their products in Tennessee, they contribute to Tennessee’s economy and pay Tennessee taxes.

Levin suggests that the lottery will not solve Tennessee’s revenue problems. On this she is right, of course; it will also not cure cancer, malaria, or whooping cough.

It took 17 years to get the lottery on the ballot in Tennessee. Its failure to do so did not help the cause of those who advocate tax reform, and its passage this year will not hinder them either. A lottery isn’t a tax. It is a voluntary form of funding scholarships and participating in a game, which is a form of entertainment. People play the lottery in approximately the same proportions as their income levels. In fact, the typical player is middle income and a high school graduate.

Tennessee’s program has not yet been developed, but I would advocate not allowing Pell grants to be used, as they can be in Georgia, as a credit against lottery scholarships. This would benefit lower-income families while not disadvantaging students from other income levels.

Ours will be one of only three states whose constitutional provision for a lottery mandates education spending on new and specific programs. The amendment requires that the money supplement, not supplant, education funding.

Tennessee may be late getting into the lottery game, but a study by the state’s Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations estimates we will net $300 million for college scholarships and post-secondary technical and educational improvement opportunities, in addition to pre-kindergarten and after-school programs and K-12 capital construction improvements.

We might have made more had we started earlier, but for right now and the past 17 years we have gotten nothing. It is like buying a stock for a penny a share, which climbs to 300 million in the first year. If it should fall to 250 or 200 million, we still bought it for a penny. That is a pretty good investment for Tennessee shareholders whose dividend will be a better-educated work force and citizenry.

I have always played the lottery wherever I go and have won a few small returns. I enjoyed picking the numbers and look forward to seeing the winning numbers. My only regret is that I have helped other states meet their needs rather than my own state.

I look forward to making a voluntary contribution to a Tennessee lottery game and know Tennessee’s future will be better for it. It is a sure-fire winner.

It says yes to Tennessee, it says yes to young people with ambition and ability, and it says no to Tennesseans traveling to Kentucky, Georgia, Missouri, Virginia, and other states — as they have done with more than $200 million — to play the lottery in those states. Lottery yes!

State Senator Steve Cohen is the sponsor of the statewide lottery referendum, coming in 2002.

Categories
Cover Feature News

Nobody’s Children

PHOTOS BY TREY HARRISON

“Children don’t vote, foster children don’t have a powerful lobby working for them. These children don’t have a voice.”

— Ira Lustbader, attorney for Children’s Rights, Inc.

Every day many of the more than 11,000 foster children in Tennessee are sucked into a fierce downward spiral. Their lives deteriorate, their futures obliterate, their options dissolve. As you read this story, many of these children are being beaten, raped, and shuffled from home to home. They are being medicated into trances with psychotropic drugs or denied the psychological treatment necessary for them to retain a semblance of sanity. The foster care system in Tennessee devours childhoods, in some cases literally raping, killing, and permanently handicapping children, and turning others, the comparably lucky ones, out onto the streets with no money, no support system, and little hope.

As wards of the state, these are Tennessee’s children. As Tennessee citizens, we are responsible for their well-being. Yet many of these children have never lived in homes where they were safe from abuse. Many of these children have never slept undisturbed. All of these children want to live in safe homes with loving parents, but very few of them ever will.

The state of Tennessee removes infants, toddlers, youths, and teens from nightmarish horrors — forced prostitution, rapists, guardians who use burns as punishment, parents who withhold food for days — evils we’d like to think are not possible in our state. This first step is a positive one, but too often these children are then placed into situations that are just as bad, and sometimes worse. The hope is that these children will grow up to be responsible adults. But it shouln’t be surprising that the children we abandon to a flawed foster care system grow up to become rapists and murderers themselves. Many will join gangs or become thieves, welfare mothers, or dementia-addled homeless beggars. The system is failing. And in the long run it is we who will pay the price.

Charles

Charles will never be normal. He spends his waking hours peering out from underneath a helmet worn to protect him from himself. It’s a bitter irony. After years of being victimized by others, Charles’ brain now compels him to abuse himself.

Seven-year-old Charles was healthy and normal until a Department of Children’s Services (DCS) case manager suggested he be returned to his crack-addicted mother. The reunification attempt left him permanently brain-damaged and physically and developmentally handicapped after he ingested his mother’s crack and went into a violent seizure. Worst of all, Charles was doing fine before DCS sent him back to hell.

Charles was originally removed from his mother’s custody at birth, when he tested positive for crack cocaine. He was placed in the same foster home in Shelby County as four of his other siblings. They lived this way until Charles was 5 years old. At that time he was in a regular kindergarten class, and despite some behavioral and emotional difficulties resulting from being born addicted, he was progressing normally.

Though their mother continued to smoke crack, DCS took Charles and his 4-year-old sister from their foster home and returned them to her custody. The children and their mother were not monitored by DCS, and soon after being returned, Charles ate some of his mother’s crack and went into the seizure, suffering massive and permanent brain damage.

After the seizure, DCS removed Charles and his sister from the home. His sister was returned to the original foster parent, but because of his new handicapped status, Charles could not go back. Instead, DCS moved him in and out of several foster homes before placing him in permanent therapeutic care.

Besides being a child with a heartbreaking story, Charles is a named plaintiff in a lawsuit brought against Governor Sundquist and the state of Tennessee by Children’s Rights, Inc. (CRI) — a non-profit child advocacy group headquartered in New York. The suit, known as Brian A. v. Sundquist, was also filed on behalf of all 11,300 children in Tennessee’s substitute care system. It is patterned after suits filed by Children’s Rights, Inc., in other states and cities, including Connecticut, New York, New Mexico, and the cities of Washington, D.C., Philadelphia, Kansas City, and Milwaukee.

The outcome of this case could be dramatic. Most likely the parties will reach a settlement agreement, the court will issue a consent decree, and DCS could be held in contempt if it does not comply with the decree. In the extreme, Tennessee could lose the right to operate its own system. This is what happened in Washington, D.C.

In 1995, a federal court judge determined that the District of Columbia was so negligent in operating its foster care system that the entire system was taken out of the district’s control and given to a private receivership. Four months after the court-appointed receiver took control he and his staff were still trying to account for all of the children living in state custody, as well as for how the budget was being spent. Before taking control, the receiver estimated that there were about 2,000 children in the district’s foster system, only to later discover 9,000 active files on children in custody. The receiver also discovered that many of the abused and neglected children had been mistakenly brought into state custody in handcuffs and then treated as juvenile delinquents.

For now, Federal Court judge Todd Campbell, who is presiding over the Brian A. v. Sundquist case, has ordered the parties to try to reach a settlement agreement.

“We are fully prepared to take this case to trial to get a court order demanding that these changes occur,” says Ira Lustbader, lead counsel for CRI in the Tennessee case. “In the worst of situations [DCS] can lose the authority to run their system. Or they can be held in contempt to comply with the federal court demands in a way that, frankly, they have not done on their own.”

Carla Aaron, public information officer for DCS, told the Flyer that DCS was prevented from speaking to the media because Judge Campbell had issued a gag order. However, clerks in Judge Campbell’s office told the Flyer on two separate occasions that no such order had been issued. At press time Aaron again refused to comment and Judge Campbell had still not issued a gag order. Representatives from Governor Sundquist’s office did not return repeated calls from the Flyer.

State officials have known for years that the foster system in Tennessee is dangerous to children. In 1998, DCS’s flaws came to the attention of state Representative Tommie Brown. At that time Brown asked the Tennessee Comptroller of the Treasury to conduct a study on the children in state custody. Many of the allegations cited in CRI’s complaint are drawn directly from the comptroller’s study and from a report created in 1999 by the Child Welfare League of America (CWLA).

“After 10 or more years of failed efforts, we’ve come into play,” says Lustbader. “This is not a novel, early-on move. This is the last effort to force changes where other methods have failed. There is no doubt that Tennessee is among the worst states in the country [for foster children].”

Lustbader says that CRI decided to file the lawsuit in Tennessee after independent children’s advocates across the state began contacting CRI with evidence of “frightening, systemic problems.” CRI conducted an investigation, sending field-workers out to speak with birth parents, foster parents, children, workers at private agencies, judges, and DCS caseworkers who had recently quit working for the agency.

“We found consistent, fundamental problems everywhere,” says Lustbader. “We identified the individual children who were later named in the plaintiff’s case. These children’s problems represented the collective problems of all the children currently in state custody. Unfortunately, their circumstances are not isolated or unique.”

JACK

Jaded and callous, Jack has no roots. For most of his young life he has spent no more than six months in any one “home.” After 11 years in state custody, the 14-year-old has had 23 different homes, 23 guardians, 23 sets of foster “brothers” and “sisters.” He currently lives in a Shelby County group facility, and he knows that his 24th home is forthcoming.

Living in the group home, Jack has suffered a dislocated knee, torn ligaments, and countless bruises at the hands of the facility’s staff, who have improperly restrained him during his emotional outbursts. Jack has attended a string of schools, made and abandoned friends, and each time he settles into a new environment he is uprooted again.

Because of the frequent moves, it is unlikely that Jack will ever enjoy what many of us take for granted: friends, romantic involvements, a successful marriage. Studies and statistics show that children are permanently emotionally damaged after only four placements, especially if their moves began at a young age like Jack’s. After 23 placements, Jack may never form emotional bonds with anyone.

He has been legally free for adoption since 1996, when his biological mother’s rights were terminated, but DCS has not found a permanent home for him. He is an angry child, filled with hatred and frustration for the system. He desperately wants parents and a permanent home and has been writing poems and songs lately that speak about being “tossed around” and “stepped on.” In one poem Jack writes that he would “rather be dead.”

“What’s happening is kids are getting stuck,” says Lustbader. “They’re languishing in foster care. In Tennessee there is an alarmingly high percentage of teenagers in foster homes. There is also a shocking number of children who have been in 10 or more placements. Twenty-three percent of the children in Tennessee’s system have had 10 or more placements. As children get passed around they become more and more damaged and adoption eventually becomes impossible.”

Jack will probably never be adopted. At 14, he’s too old, and furthermore he’s black, facts that, sadly, condemn him to a life of multiple placements. As African Americans in Tennessee’s system, Jack and Charles will stay in foster care 32 percent longer than most white children do. Tennessee does not maintain records that specifically show the length of time spent in care by race, but a Children’s Program Outcome Review Team (C-PORT) report commissioned by the Tennessee Commission on Children and Youth (TCCY) does show the discrepancy. According to the study, African-American children between the ages of 12 and 17 are twice as likely as white children of the same age to be in state custody. One of CRI’s allegations in the Tennessee case is that DCS does not try to place African-American children as aggressively as it does white children.

Children like Charles and Jack are what author Jennifer Toth terms “orphans of the living,” a phrase she uses as the title of her book. And in Shelby County the vast majority of these orphans are African-American. Statewide, black children account for 39 percent of all kids in foster care, though they represent only 21 percent of all children in Tennessee. The statistics are even worse nationwide. Nationally, though African Americans account for only 15 percent of those under 18, they represent 49 percent of all children in foster care.

TRACY

Tracy has spent much of her life moving. She first entered state custody when she was 4 years old, after she had been sexually abused by her father. At that time DCS placed her in four homes in four years and then decided to reunite her with her biological mother. In May 1999, Tracy’s mother physically abused her, and she and her siblings were again removed from the home.

Now 13 years old, Tracy has lived in 15 homes in a single year. Her 13-year-old brother Jeffrey has fared even worse. He was raped by several other children in the foster home where he was placed and then was left in that same home for six months after the rapes first occurred. When he was finally removed, he was placed in a wilderness camp where he was abused by a staff member until DCS returned him to his mother’s custody. Tracy’s oldest brother, 17-year-old Jerry, has been bounced between delinquency detainment and foster-care placements.

Tracy and her brothers’ stories are far from surprising to persons familiar with DCS in Tennessee and with similar agencies in other states. Recognizing that foster-care systems nationwide often do more harm than good, some caseworkers elect to leave children in their biological homes. These caseworkers have even said that if a child’s life is not in immediate danger in the natural home, they will leave the child there, even in cases of abuse. They reason that at least in the natural home the horrors are known.

A study conducted in Baltimore, Maryland, showed that reports of abuse were three times more frequent in foster homes than in biological homes. The same study found that the rate of physical abuse was seven times greater in foster homes than in biological homes.

Denise

Denise was removed from her mother’s custody at birth due to abuse and neglect. Now 8 years old, she has lived in the same foster home for her entire life. Denise has not yet been adopted because up until a few months ago she had never seen a DCS caseworker.

Though Denise was freed for adoption more than five years ago, DCS has not taken steps to secure a permanent home for her. She currently lives with five other foster children and two adopted children in a foster home. DCS has placed as many as 15 children in her home at a time and only recently asked the foster mother if she would be interested in adopting Denise. Though the number of children already in the home would make this difficult, the foster mother has inquired to see if any financial or therapeutic resources would be available if she were to adopt Denise. DCS has not responded. In the meantime, Denise waits to see if she will ever have a real, permanent parent.

Shocking though these stories are, DCS caseworkers are not entirely to blame. Caseworkers in Tennessee, with a starting annual salary of $20,184, are among the worst-paid in the nation. These caseworkers are on call 24 hours a day, seven days a week, working to fix problems that often have no solution. Turnover is high, and in 1999, 23 percent of DCS caseworkers had less than one year’s experience. Even among the more experienced, the scant three weeks of training the workers receive scarcely qualifies them to determine the fates of children. The average Tennessee caseworker will manage about 45 cases at a time, making it impossible to investigate each case. By contrast, the Association of American Social Workers recommends caseworkers work up to seven cases at a time. Likewise, the Child Welfare League has specifically recommended that Tennessee decrease caseloads to 25 per caseworker. This would mean that Tennessee would have to add more than 120 new caseworkers.

Additionally, the bulk of the problems with the substitute care system in Tennessee stem from using an antiquated system to address modern problems. The current system was designed to provide shelter only for true orphans — the surviving children of deceased parents. Tennessee’s system was not designed to help the majority of the children in foster care today, who have at least one living parent who can’t or won’t care for them.

A 1990 study of foster-care systems in 19 states revealed that 46 percent of the children in custody were there because child protective service workers found them living in dangerous or abusive circumstances. The same study showed that just over 20 percent of the children were placed in foster care because their parents experienced financial hardships, incarceration, illness, handicaps, or were dead. About 13 percent of the children were placed in custody because of a troubled relationship with their parents. About 2 percent were there because the children were handicapped, and about 1 percent were placed in custody because their parents simply didn’t want them anymore.

Brian

For 10 months last year 9-year-old Brian didn’t belong anywhere. Each night he curled up with a blanket and pillow that weren’t his own, in a house he didn’t really live in, with guardians who weren’t really his. The roof over his head was that of a Shelby County temporary placement home. Though policy dictated that Brian could only stay in the home for a maximum of 30 days, he got stuck for almost a year. With nowhere to go, no one who wanted him, and no plans for his future, Brian’s only option was to wait out the days and hope that a DCS caseworker would eventually remember that he existed.

In 1996, Brian and his five siblings were removed from their home because Brian’s drug-addicted parents were essentially using the children as punching bags.

Brian had been beaten daily for most of his life, and it continued when he came under DCS’s watch. After being removed from his first foster home for behavioral problems, Brian told a counselor that the foster parent had routinely beaten him with a walking cane.

Brian’s behavioral problems worsened and he tried to run away from his next home several times. DCS workers told his then-foster parents that he would be removed from their home and placed in a therapeutic foster home so that his special needs could be better addressed. Instead, he was placed and forgotten in the grossly overcrowded “temporary” home that took nearly a year of his young life.

Because Brian had not been officially placed in a foster or adoptive home, he was ineligible for state services, including schooling and health care. He languished, nobody’s child, another victim of the nameless, faceless system that is robbing thousands of Tennessee’s children of what should be an inalienable right — a safe, decent home with responsible care providers.

In addition to being a real kid without a real guardian or a real home, Brian is another named plaintiff in the CRI lawsuit. Because of his status as a minor, all other details of Brian’s life, including his full name, are not available. However, state reports show that life in temporary placement facilities sometimes consists of children (in this case, boys) sharing space with more than 20 others. During a period beginning in September 1998 and ending in March 1999, almost 500 children were in temporary DCS placements. About 40 percent of the children in temporary placements at that time had been there longer than the permitted 30 days.

In these facilities, “school” means gathering Brian and the other boys — ages 6 to 16 — into two classrooms where they are taught by two instructors. Some of the children have been removed from their homes because they were accused of violent crimes and sexual assault. Others have been removed because they were victims of violence and sexual abuse. In the words of one judge quoted in the Tennessee comptroller’s report, “It’s like mixing predators with prey.”

DCS does not separately monitor or report abuse of dependent and neglected children while they are in state custody. The data currently available from the agency does not distinguish between the victim and the abuser, nor does it specify the type of abuse, the placement of the victim at the time of the abuse, the characteristics of the victim, or the outcome of the investigation. Because the information is not tracked, DCS officials do not know how many children are suffering while in the department’s care.

Though Tennessee does have laws that prohibit the placement of abused and neglected children in an institution designed to hold delinquent children, no laws prohibit the placement of dangerous children in temporary facilities designed for abused and neglected children. Moreover, DCS does not monitor or report the extent to which child-on-child abuse or other violent incidents occur while children are in state custody. The agency is, in effect, looking the other way while kids beat up and rape each other.

At first glance the children living in Shelby County’s temporary shelter look like any other children. Upon closer inspection their silence begins to seem eerie, their dirty, tear-streaked faces come into focus. One child pleads quietly, “I just want to go home.”

These children, mostly toddlers, spend their days with a guard, watching television and taking naps just a few doors down a fluorescent-lit hall from Shelby County’s female juvenile offenders. They enter the shelter filthy and terrified, having been removed from nightmarish situations only hours or days earlier. In the shelter these innocent kids huddle together, sometimes electing to sleep two or three to a bed, doing their undeserved time and waiting to be returned to their parents or placed in foster care.

“It’s a chaotic and dangerous system,” says Lustbader. “Children are removed from dangerous situations and placed in a foster-care situation which damages them further. Too many children are losing their childhood to foster care.”

Though federal and state laws require that all children in custody receiving TennCare aid receive Early and Periodic Screenings, Diagnosis, and Treatment (EPSDT) evaluations within 30 days of entering state custody, children in Tennessee’s foster system do not. EPSDTs are used to determine the physical and psychological needs of the children. However, a sample group of children under DCS care showed that 58 percent were in need of mental-health help and 34 percent had been sexually abused and needed, but did not receive, counseling.

Dr. Charles Glisson, director of the Children’s Mental Health Research Center at UT-Knoxville (and himself a DCS consultant), has shown that the majority of the children entering state custody were in need of clinical intervention, yet only 14 percent were referred for mental-health services. According to Glisson, “Most children who enter state custody, regardless of cause or placement, have psychosocial problems that require clinical mental-health services.”

Amy

Amy is a 16-year-old whose father used to beat her by throwing a mattress on top of her and kicking it. She has been in state custody since 1997, and since entering custody, Amy has been in 14 foster-care placements. Now, predictably, Amy exhibits severe emotional problems. Currently she is living in a Level III DCS facility in East Tennessee’s Knox County, where presumably her emotional needs are being better addressed.

However, she has only recently been moved to the Level III facility. Before, as Amy’s emotional problems increased, she was bounced from one foster placement to another. She has now been through three expensive, 30-day diagnostic and evaluation stays that could have been avoided if DCS had not misplaced Amy in foster and group homes.

During one of her stays in a Level II facility, Amy was placed on heavy medication which made her hallucinate and hear voices that told her to hurt herself and others. After her hallucinations were made known, DCS moved Amy to a hospital for a five-day evaluation and then back to the Level II facility, where her condition only worsened. The hallucinations increased, her hygiene suffered, and her weight ballooned from 115 to 240 pounds, most likely due to the medications she was prescribed. She was moved to a hospital for a 30-day evaluation, where it was determined that she was emotionally disturbed and that the medications were only making her condition worse.

During this evaluation, Amy was visited by a Court-Appointed Special Advocate (CASA) volunteer who found her living in a dirty room with food and garbage strewn about. The CASA reported that Amy was so over-medicated that she was slurring her speech and could barely form words. Her obesity was also being ignored by the hospital staff.

Amy’s situation is not unique. One juvenile court judge interviewed for the comptroller’s report believes that children in custody are not only being denied services and treatment, but that DCS is actively discouraging certain types of treatment even when need is clearly demonstrated. This judge said that DCS has told community mental-health centers not to recommend foster children for inpatient care.

Bureaucratic Bungling

Many of Tennessee’s children could be adopted much sooner if the state had the legal resources to expedite the adoptions and employed policies to move children through faster. Several states have begun using a system that allows for both the termination of parental rights and the adoption proceedings to begin simultaneously. This method prevents children from spending unnecessary time in limbo after parental rights have been terminated but before the adoption is finalized. Tennessee has not implemented this system.

In the past, DCS has not had enough attorneys to handle the termination of parental-rights hearings rapidly. Results from a 1998 C-PORT study show that approximately 10 percent (over 1,100) of the children in custody were currently ready and waiting to have parental rights terminated, all they lacked was a lawyer. In September 1998, 7,219 active cases were handled by only 16 attorneys — that’s more than 400 active cases per lawyer. Caseloads are expected to only increase as Tennessee begins adhering to the Adoption and Safe Families Act, which was signed into law in 1997. This act requires that if children have been in foster care for 15 of the prior 22 months, DCS must either terminate parental rights or reunite the children with their families. As is evident in the accounts of the children mentioned here, DCS is not in full compliance with this act. Funding was allocated in the 1999-2000 budget to add 36 new attorneys statewide, but DCS would not tell the Flyer if additional attorneys had been hired.

Charlette

Five-year-old Charlette has seen and done things that would make most adults shudder. Her biological mother is a prostitute, and while in her mother’s custody, Charlette and her brother John frequently watched their mother turn tricks. The children were also forced to watch pornographic movies, and the men who had sex with their mother often had sex with Charlette and John, too.

Without first investigating the situation, DCS placed the children with their grandparents. Things didn’t get any better in the grandparents’ home, where Charlette and John were sexually abused by their grandfather and uncles. DCS then removed the children from the grandparents’ custody, only to inexplicably place them again with their mother, where again they were abused and again they were removed, before finally being placed in a foster home.

Charlette has been prescribed medication to help her sleep at night and to assuage her recurring nightmares but has not been provided with counseling or therapy. As one might expect, her brother John exhibits sexually aggressive behavior, often toward Charlette, but also has not received any counseling or therapy.

The two children were freed for adoption in 1999 but adoptive homes have not been found for them. Charlette’s foster parents have told DCS that they would be interested in adopting both of the children if DCS can provide some assistance for the children’s expensive psychological needs. A full year has passed since the foster parents made the inquiry, and DCS has still not responded. While the foster parents wait to see if they can afford to take Charlette and John, the children also wait, fearing that they will be moved again.

Criticisms of Children’s Rights, Inc.

Not everyone working within the foster-care system believes that a federal lawsuit is the best way to solve the state’s problems. Some think that, though Tennessee’s problems need to be fixed immediately, a federal lawsuit is premature.

“My sole objection to the federal lawsuit is the timing,” says Dan Michael, executive director of CASA for Shelby County. “I have no problem with CRI and I don’t argue that there is a huge problem with foster care here in Tennessee, but I do not think that the lawsuit is ripe. CRI seems to be coming in on the heels of a genuine effort by the state to fix the problem.”

Michael says that CRI’s suit was filed soon after the Child Welfare League of America (CWLA) reported its findings to the state and that DCS had already been seeking funding and begun implementing some of the CWLA’s recommendations when the suit was filed.

“If two years after receiving the CWLA’s recommendations DCS had done nothing, then I would probably be one of the first parties joining in on the lawsuit,” says Michael. “Now DCS’s legal resources are being tied up trying to settle this federal lawsuit instead of focusing on addressing the issues in Tennessee.”

Lustbader and the attorneys he is working with, who include Richard Fields, John Pierotti, and Robert Hutton in Memphis, remain unfazed.

“If nothing else, we’ve managed to open up an otherwise closed system,” says Lustbader. “Before a federal judge ordered it, this information was not available, no one really knew how bad it was. The problems we’ve found are as great, if not worse, than the ones we identified in the complaint. They are all being borne out.”

Lustbader says that regardless of the outcome of the settlement discussions, CRI’s lawsuit will help make the daily lives of Tennessee’s approximately 11,300 foster children more tolerable. He contends that at least now the hellish situations they live in are known.

Terry

Terry is an 18-year-old girl who was recently discharged from the foster-care system, ill-prepared for life on her own.

While in substitute care, Terry was diagnosed as having bipolar disorder and was heavily medicated with several psychotropic drugs, which caused her to sleep most of the day.

Besides not having emotional stability or life skills, Terry’s medication often caused her to sleep through school hours. Being frequently moved from placement to placement caused Terry to fall even farther behind in school. She does not have a high school education and will most likely face difficulty in securing employment.

Sadly, Terry’s story fits easily into the statistics. Once in the system these children have a greater chance of becoming homeless, getting pregnant as teens, dropping out of school, or being incarcerated than they do of ever being adopted.

Nationally, 40 percent of foster children will enter either the welfare rolls or the prison system within two years of leaving the foster-care system. Only 17 percent will become completely self-sufficient two to four years after leaving substitute care. Similarly, only 49 percent will be gainfully employed as adults and almost 60 percent of the girls will give birth within two years of leaving the system. Former foster children are three times more likely to be homeless than parented children are, and most metropolitan areas report that 30 to 40 percent of their homeless population have passed through their foster-care system.

“What gets lost in the thought process is that it is ultimately less costly to provide resources at the front end,” says Lustbader. “Otherwise the children can become strains on other state systems, criminal justice, welfare, and they could have their own children that enter state custody. It’s a cycle.”

Whether or not CRI’s actions are appropriate, the fact remains that thousands of children are growing up in Tennessee without any support or guidance. Many of these forgotten kids will never see their names written on a birthday cake, never attend their prom, never graduate from high school. Many have only a garbage bag to carry their second-hand clothes in when DCS moves them time and again. For these children college is as real as the tooth fairy, love as distant as the moon.

Simply sleeping safe from sexual predators and physical abusers is as much as they can hope for, and even at that we fail them. These children — kids like Charles, Jack, Tracy, Denise, Brian, Amy, Charlette, and Terry — slip through the cracks while we look the other way. Often born into abuse and poverty, we “rescue” them only to make their lives worse, and then we imprison them years later when they act on what they’ve learned under our watch. They are orphans of the living and every day of their lives is worse than the day before. Each day they grow older, more callous, and less likely to ever have a place to call home.

Categories
News The Fly-By

CITY REPORTER

Old Debate Continues on School Consolidation

While some Shelby County residents reacted negatively toward a proposed school consolidation bill last week, at least none of them, or their municipalities, threatened secession.

School consolidation has a controversial history in Shelby County. When the idea of joining the city and county school districts was considered more than 10 years ago, the mayors of Arlington, Bartlett, Collierville, Germantown, Lakeland, and Millington warned they would secede from the county if the two districts consolidated. The secession, had it occurred, would have created Neshoba, the first new county in Tennessee since 1869.

Luckily, then-county Mayor Bill Morris quieted supporters on both sides by forming a 62-member task force to study the districts’ options.

“We’ve been through studies before on this matter,” long-time Memphis City Schools board member Carl Johnson recalled early last week. “Consolidation didn’t mean a good thing in ’71, ’72, ’73, or through the ’80s.”

The 1990 threat of secession by the suburban mayors was the result of a 1988 proposal by J.C. Williams, then a member of the city school board, who thought the city and the county school systems should consolidate to unify funding.

But even before the task force could issue its suggestions, a deficit of $35 million in the city schools’ proposed budget reopened the school consolidation debate in 1991. The city school board decided to wait for the task force’s results before taking any action.

Eventually the task force came back with the solution of single-source funding under the Shelby County Commission, possibly setting up a central overseeing body, and creating five smaller districts. Ultimately tabled because of statewide education and tax reform, the idea of five school districts was not revisited.

The idea of limited consolidation, however, resurfaced in 1993, when it was mentioned by city Mayor Willie Herenton. Herenton had proposed an all-inclusive city-county consolidation, but his plan was rejected because of its various legal and political entanglements. Memphis would have had to surrender its charter and it could not do that without approval from the state legislature. Limited school consolidation was suggested as a way to slowly consolidate the city and the county, but it was never carried out.

“I feel like we’ve been talking about this issue forever,” Memphis City Schools board president Dr. Barbara Prescott said last week.

In 1998, the Memphis City Schools board passed a resolution to study the effects of consolidation on the schools, but the study somehow got lost in the shuffle. It was never presented or even conducted.

The Memphis City Schools board reissued the resolution February 19th so that they could take an educated stand on the issue. Three days later, the Shelby County Schools board, as well as many residents, made up their mind to oppose the measure.

A consolidation of the Memphis city and Shelby County school districts would create a system of 160,000-plus students, making it the 10th largest in the country.

Were the measure to pass, it would take effect September 2004.

And even if school consolidation doesn’t pass, proponents take heart: This probably won’t be the last time we hear about it.

Mary Cashiola

Zoo Plans To Open New China Exhibit With or Without Pandas

Motorists driving down North Parkway near McLean cannot help but notice that a good chunk of the Memphis Zoo appears to have been flattened by a meteorite. While the reasons behind the clear-cut are not quite so unusual, they are pretty exotic in their own right.

Though the zoo officially broke ground for its forthcoming China Exhibit back in December, it has only recently begun to transform one of the oldest and most outdated portions of the zoo into a Chinese garden complete with a pagoda, stone bridge, and a number of wild animals that can’t be found outside of China. Featured animals will include Asian small-clawed otters, a species of monkey found only in China, Chinese goldfish, and pandas.

Well, maybe not pandas — at least, maybe not right away.

Visitors to the China exhibit will begin their tour by watching a film about panda conservation, and early press releases mentioned areas for viewing pandas up close. Still, there is no guarantee that the zoo will have the animals on display by the time the exhibit opens. In fact, there is no guarantee that it will have pandas at all. The zoo does have a letter of intent filed with the Chinese government and is presently working diligently to secure a pair of the endangered animals.

“We’ll open the exhibit with or without pandas,” says zoo spokesperson Carrie Strehlau. “After all, it’s about Chinese history, culture, and architecture, too. And there are other animals.”

According to Strehlau, obtaining pandas is extremely difficult since the animals are found only in China and are among the most endangered creatures in the world. “It’s very political,” she says. “It’s a question of conservation. You have to prove that you are capable of doing more than just putting these animals on display.”

Nevertheless, the zoo is confident that the exhibit, which is scheduled to open in Spring 2002, will eventually have pandas. “It’s just a matter of time,” Strehlau says. Zoo director Charles Brady was unavailable for comment. He’s currently in China. — Chris Davis

Galloway Fees Remain a Mystery

Playing golf on the renovated Galloway Golf Course will cost golfers more than it used to, but how much more remains to be seen.

Paul Evans, city golf operations administrator, told the Flyer that the exact fees have not yet been established.

“I can’t even speculate on what the fees will be,” says Evans. “I don’t think it’s going to be as much as some people think it will be. I think the increase will be moderate.”

When the city council approved $3.7 million in renovations for Galloway, it was estimated that fees would increase from 3 to 5 percent, or approximately $18 to $25. However, now that the renovations have begun, some, including city councilman John Vergos, doubt that the $18 fees will cover the debt. Vergos and some Galloway golfers speculate that the fees will more likely be in the $35 to $50 range to play 18 holes. This pricing is in line with what area public, non-municipal courses charge.

“I don’t know how you can spend almost $4 million on a golf course and not raise fees significantly,” said Vergos.

City Finance Director Mark Brown confirmed that Galloway will pay the principal and interest over 20 years and that studies conducted before construction showed that Galloway can repay the loan with only a modest increase in fees. The exact amount of increase, however, remains a mystery to everyone.

“The city provides park services for its citizens,” says Vergos. “I just don’t think the city should provide top-flight courses. I’m concerned that it will cut out the senior citizens and kids that would have played Galloway before.”

Rebekah Gleaves

Death-Row Update: Workman Loses Last Appeal; West Is Tried For Competency

PHOTO AP
Philip Workman

Philip Workman’s only chance to live now rests with Governor Don Sundquist.

Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court decided not to hear an appeal that the death-row inmate was convicted on perjured testimony and that ballistics evidence suggested he did not kill a Memphis police officer in 1981. Sundquist can commute Workman’s sentence to life in prison, a decision the governor is taking what he calls “a reasonable amount of time” to make.

One month ago Workman was granted a stay of his scheduled January 30th execution date — a move by the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals one day after a state paroles board voted unanimously not to recommend that Sundquist grant clemency. The board’s decision came after nearly 12 hours of testimony, which included lengthy debates about an autopsy X-ray which the defense says demonstrates that Workman’s bullets would not have caused the type of wounds the officer suffered.

The autopsy was not introduced as evidence in Workman’s 1982 trial. A reference to the document was found by the defense as they were perusing paperwork from the Shelby County Medical Examiner’s office. Workman’s attorneys claim that the X-ray was purposefully omitted.

Workman’s attorney Jefferson Dorsey says he is “more than a little bit surprised” and had “high hopes that the Supreme Court would step in.”

Dorsey says he believed that the highest court would hear Workman’s case because of a tied ruling delivered by the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals last fall during a rare en banc (entire bench) hearing. All 14 justices split their decision to grant Workman an evidentiary hearing along party lines, with seven Democratic-appointed justices voting in favor and seven Republican-appointed justices voting to deny the inmate a forum. It was the 6th Circuit that stepped in the day after Workman’s January 26th clemency hearing to issue the prisoner’s current stay.

“It’s just an extreme letdown,” says Dorsey.

The Tennessee Supreme Court could set a date for execution any day.

Late last week, U.S. District Judge Curtis Collier stayed death-row inmate Stephen Michael West’s execution until June 15th.

Longtime West attorney Roger Dickson of Chattanooga says that a hearing has been set in Knoxville for June 13th to decide if the prisoner is making a “knowledgeable and intelligent” decision not to file any more of his allotted habeus corpus appeals. West purposefully did not choose to pursue his appeals and told Riverbend Maximum Security Institution officials that he wished to die in the electric chair.

But Saturday Tennessee Attorney General Paul Summers filed a petition to proceed with the execution. The petition, arguing that West is competent and has given no indication of mental deficiency, was filed with the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals. There is no word yet on whether the request will be granted.

But opponents of the death penalty, most vocally the Tennessee Coalition to Abolish State Killing, stated that they believed the execution to be “state-assisted suicide.” West declined after being asked three times by U.S. District Judge Todd Campbell to explain why he’s chosen not to pursue his federal appeals for an expedient death in the electric chair — a relic that was tuned up 10 years ago but hasn’t been used since 1960.

Campbell assigned Dickson to this portion of West’s defense. The inmate’s case is Dickson’s first death-row litigation since 1979. — Ashley Fantz

Fighting Words Turn To Bluster, Backtracking

The fight between Alabama football booster Logan Young and University of Tennessee booster Roy H. Adams looks more like a farce, at least temporarily, as both men backtracked last week.

Young said two weeks ago that he plans to sue Adams for alleged defamatory comments on the Internet. Such a lawsuit could test the limits of Internet freedom of speech and, possibly, help get to the bottom of the Memphis football recruiting rumors.

But now the Young-Adams fight looks more like a spitwad war, with both men saying, in effect, they had their fingers crossed.

Young will wait until the NCAA finishes the investigation of the Alabama football program announced last Thursday. If the investigation leaves him and Alabama unscarred, as Young hopes it will, then he may not “stir it all up again” with a libel suit, Young said. A damning investigation, on the other hand, would undermine a libel suit.

Many skeptics have doubted all along that Young would follow through. In a radio interview with the Flyer last week, Birmingham Post-Herald sports columnist Paul Finebaum said Young is “famous for threatening to sue.”

If so, the threat seems to have gotten the attention of Adams, the chatty Memphis booster known as “Tennstud” on the Internet. He posted messages suggesting someone else could have used his computer to say those bad things about Young.

“In fact, my computer is in an open area in my library and numerous friends have lurked and some have even posted using my name,” he said in one Internet message on the Gridscape Web site. “Under Gridscape, tacked to a shelf, I have left on an index card my pass word for Gridscape!”

Fellow posters greeted this with a razzing (“As the Dud backstrokes,” began one), giving the whole bizarre affair the tone of a schoolyard shoving match between two boys who don’t really want to fight while the crowd eggs them on.

In an interview with the Flyer, Adams owned up to the mystery-poster posting.

“I’ve been real careful in making posts about the Memphis situation that I didn’t use [Young’s] name in a defamatory or mean-spirited manner,” said Adams. “I’ve tried to be careful not to open myself to any libel or defamation suits.”

Young’s lawyer, Louis Allen, says they are “still looking into all aspects and going ahead with our investigation.” Former Shelby County District Attorney General John Pierotti, now in private practice, is also working for Young and Allen, “doing whatever they ask me to.”

Young has been repeatedly mentioned in Internet postings and news reports in connection with an alleged $200,000 payment to high school football coach Lynn Lang for delivering player Albert Means to Alabama. Young and Lang have denied that there was any such payment.

The source of the allegation is former coach Milton Kirk. According to Adams, Kirk blurted out the story last October to a crowd of people, including Adams.

“I know a dozen or more people heard it that night,” Adams said, but it was January before Kirk went public with his story in The Commercial Appeal. Adams denies speculation that he paid Kirk to put the story out in order to hurt Alabama’s recruiting.

“The only advice I have ever given Kirk was to keep it quiet, and that shows how much influence I have on him,” said Adams.

Adams, University of Tennessee Class of 1963, even disavowed his now infamous nickname. He said he tried several other Internet handles before choosing “Tennstud” after the Doc Watson tune about a horse that was “long and lean, the color of the sun and his eyes were green; he had the nerve and he had the blood, and there never was a horse like the Tennessee stud.”

“I hate that damn name more than anyone knows,” he said. “I am short, fat, ugly, old, and balding and anything but a Tennessee stud.” — John Branston

Categories
Art Art Feature

Not Dead Yet

Michael Byron’s 1960 Ernst.

This week I am compelled to review the work of three very different painters, Michael Byron, Barbara Zaring, and Tom Chaffee, but to do so, some prologue is in order.

For most of art history, the medium of painting has ruled supreme. With the exception of figurative sculpture, the history of art itself is virtually undifferentiated from the history of painting. Some of the earliest instances of representation are found among the depictions of humans and animals in the cave paintings at Lascaux, dating from the Paleolithic era. Over the centuries, among various cultures, technical and aesthetic innovations evolved that were rooted in the idea of creating an illusionary reconstruction of three-dimensional space on a two-dimensional surface. During the 19th century, however, the depiction of an external realism gave way to an acknowledgment of the painting as a flat plane upon which pigment is suspended, giving the world Impressionism, Cubism, Abstraction, and ultimately, Minimalism.

This reduction of painting to its logical terminus has inspired the declaration from time to time that the practice of painting is dead. Since the ’60s, painting has played a secondary role in the art world as other forms of media have gained ascendancy.

Standing before the paintings of Michael Byron at Rhodes College’s Clough-Hanson Gallery, I cannot help but consider them stillborn. Don’t get me wrong, the artist is a consummate craftsman. His command of the medium of oil paint is evident in the sensitive depictions of images of modernist and ethnographic sculptures copied from black-and-white postcards. What leaves me cold is the self-consciousness of the whole enterprise. Byron is first and foremost a conceptual artist and painting for him becomes nothing more than a parlor trick at the service of his premeditated program.

For instance, each painting accentuates the flatness of the plane by way of trompe l’oeil water droplets. In an essay for the exhibit, Rhodes art history professor David McCarthy writes that “instead of the pristine picture plane needed to confirm the illusion of transparency, the stained surface calls attention to its opacity. This emphasis on surface returns us to the modernist insistence that a painting is, before anything else, an arrangement of pigment on a canvas.” God bless Byron for his attempt to make the viewer reconsider the contributions of modernism, but the patented approach makes for aclinical experience.

On a different note altogether, as a practitioner of oil painting, one might say that Barbara Zaring is a true believer. Like Byron, Zaring is in complete command of her medium, painting in a style that seemingly borrows from Impressionism, early Kandinsky, and Bay Area figurative simultaneously. The artist, who is exhibiting work at the Cooper-Young Gallery, is well-known in the Southwest for her depictions of the local landscape, and I especially am enamored of images of rock faces, as in Earth’s Crowning and Red Canyon in Spring.

What I found troublesome was the formulaic nature of Zaring’s palette. What one recognizes immediately is that the artist’s pungently chromatic colors seem to repeat themselves in practically every painting. I initially assumed that this was a reflection of the artist’s stylized representation of the much-touted light of the Southwest landscape until I came across the tiny Notre Dame. This work, while neutralized somewhat, contains the same juxtapositions of complementaries found among the images of the Southwest. This recurring palette risks relegating Zaring’s work to the simply decorative.

Tom Chaffee, professor of painting at Arkansas State University, is exhibiting several new works at the Jay Etkin Gallery. One would never accuse Chaffee of making pretty pictures. Rather his paintings juxtapose images of innocence with those of a mean world, as in Back Home in Indiana, in which a little girl in a pink dress stands side by side with the corpse of Mussolini, hanging by his ankles. Elsewhere, images of black buzzards, crumbling facades, haunted cathedrals, and angry dogs coexist among indecipherable texts and baby Jesus, and it seems that Chaffee’s favorite color happens to be a murky asphalt gray. Chaffee’s enigmatic layering of symbols and texts brings to mind the paintings of Basquiat.

Chaffee’s paintings are, as always, engaging, yet I am somewhat disappointed that they don’t seem to be a far cry from what he has been doing for quite some time now. Somehow, pairing innocence with degradation doesn’t seem as shocking as it once did, and the experience of this show left me feeling like I had seen it all before.

If these shows are any sign of the potency of painting, then no, painting may not be dead, but it is certainly hurting.

“Michael Byron: The Grisaille Series 1997-2000” at Rhodes College Clough-Hanson Gallery through March 22nd; “13 Paintings” by Barbara Zaring through March 3rd at Cooper-Young Gallery; “Paintings for the South Wall” by Thomas Chaffee through March 16th at Jay Etkin Gallery.

Categories
News The Fly-By

AND LO, HE WAS ASHAMED

When asked why he fled when police attempted to pull him over, West Memphian Fate Patterson answered, Because I was naked. Of course, that s not entirely true. When Patterson was extracted from his vehicle he was wearing a jacket.

Categories
Sports Sports Feature

The Company You Keep

We’ve seen this scenario before: Memphis has a successful minor-league pro football team with good attendance and community support, but the league in which it plays goes bust. Were the WFL and the USFL not successes in Memphis?

Reports of the XFL decline in TV ratings continue to pour in. What difference does it make if Memphis is the leading UPN market for the XFL? (Similarly, what difference does it make that Channel 5 pre-empted Saturday’s NBC telecast of the XFL because of a thunderstorm?) What does it matter if the Maniax meet their attendance expectations? This is a television league, half-owned by a TV network. And what do network executives do when a show fails to get good ratings? They quickly go to the ax.

The Maniax have done an admirable job of hiring personnel (including head coach Kippy Brown and general manager Steve Ehrhart) and marketing the team. But unfortunately, as the Grizzlies and the Showboats discovered before them, if the league folds, your team goes right down the drain.

The same does not hold true of college sports. That’s good, because the University of Memphis has been a member of three different leagues in the past 12 years. But a league can hold back a school. It is difficult for a team to be consistently better than the league it plays in.

But, unlike the Maniax, there will always be a league for the Tigers. That’s because Memphis needs Louisville, just as Louisville needs Cincinnati. These schools may not be the athletic equivalent of best friends, but they are a lot like the school clique that forms out of necessity. It’s either that or be a loner. And in college athletics, as in life, the solitary road definitely has a downside.

Memphis is lucky, then, to have Louisville, Cincinnati, Houston, and Southern Miss. They should call their league the Nobody Wants to Play With Us Conference. The alternative is not to have sports at all. Not to have a big raucous crowd at The Pyramid for a national telecast.

Too bad that every city that wants and can afford a professional football team can’t have one. Because if Memphis has proven anything, it is that it will support traditional, outdoor football. The Maniax would be a success if every market embraced the XFL as Memphis has. But from a television perspective, there aren’t enough markets turned on to the XFL. What do Pittsburgh, Boston, or Kansas City care about the XFL? Why would anyone in those cities watch?

NBC got into the professional football business with the same sort of mind-set that led the teams in C-USA to join forces. The National Football League hooked up with the other guys, leaving NBC as the only old-school network without an NFL contract. So the network formed its own league — partnering with Vince McMahon of all people.

But the TV execs are now seeing the writing on the wall. Sex and violence may work for the WWF, but football fans want to see good football players on teams that they know and care about. As someone else said, “The XFL is not good enough football for the die-hard football fan and not good enough drama for the average wrestling fan.”

Memphis supports the XFL because as a city we have been conditioned to do it. When McMahon and his cohorts held that first press conference at The Peabody it was like Pavlov ringing the bell. Memphis started to salivate. It isn’t Memphis’ fault that the league won’t survive.

Conference USA is not as fragile. It will be around as long as Memphis, Louisville, and Cincinnati don’t have anywhere else to go. But the league makes for strange bedfellows. Marquette, DePaul, and Saint Louis are urban Jesuit schools that don’t play football. Charlotte is an urban public school that also doesn’t play football. Tulane is a private urban school that plays football, not that anyone in New Orleans notices or cares. The ties that bind these schools are not always apparent.

The league originally got together to play basketball, but it seems that the football schools (Memphis, Louisville, East Carolina) are calling the shots now. How long will the non-football schools tolerate that? It is that dynamic which drives C-USA. Sometimes it can be a sputtering trip.

We are going to hear a lot in the next few days about what a terrible year Conference USA has had in college basketball. Many are saying that the league may only get one team in the NCAA tournament, especially if Cincinnati wins the conference tournament and the automatic bid that comes with it.

Memphis has three things going for it: its tough early-season schedule, its strong showing at the end of the season, and the personality of its coach. John Calipari has already started to lobby hard for his team. And he can be a very persuasive guy.

When the XFL is just another footnote in history, Tiger basketball will still be around. Whether the same can be said of Conference USA is another story.

The C-USA race will probably come down to the Memphis-Louisville game, and there is something that feels right about that. The Tigers head to Freedom Hall Saturday to close out the regular season against the school’s number-one rival. Besides being senior day for the U of L, it will also probably be Denny Crum’s final regular-season game.

The game has passed Crum by. That’s the conventional wisdom. He never adapted to the era of the shot clock and the three-point line. Now the school is forced with making the difficult decision to fire a legend.

And Memphis thought it was difficult to fire Larry Finch.

In fact, Louisville will be ground zero for Tiger basketball this week and next as the conference tournament, for the second consecutive year, finds itself hosted by a school whose program is in turmoil. Last year it was in Memphis, where the fan base had turned grumpy. Wonder if the U of L will use the tournament and the hordes of reporters present as a forum to name a new coach?

Calipari started all four of his seniors Sunday night. It was the final home appearance for Marcus Moody, Shyrone Chatman, Shannon Forman, and Shamel Jones. The seniors got to start, but they were not immune from the lash of their head coach.

After Jones failed to get a rebound, Calipari sent Earl Barron into the game. When Jones made a face, Calipari was incredulous. “He’s looking at me,” the coach said to his assistants. “Why is he looking at me?”

As Jones made his way to the bench, Calipari turned the question to the senior from Brooklyn. “Why are you looking at me? Expect it. You’re not rebounding the ball.”

Twice Calipari called timeouts after Moody mistakes. “Do you want to win this game?” the coach asked the guard during one timeout, after South Florida had scored a breakaway basket when Moody didn’t get back defensively.

But the coach wasn’t always negative.

“Yes! Yes! Yes!” he screamed at Moody after a driving basket. “That’s what I’ve been telling you.”

After the game Calipari repeated his admiration for the group of seniors, who have had to play for three different coaches while going through the Tic Price scandal and the coaching search that ended with Calipari.

And the toughest thing they have had to go through may have been the transition to Calipari.

THIS AND THAT: It is easy to rag on Tic Price. I have done it myself. But perhaps we should mention here that not only did Price recruit the four seniors who were at the heart of the lovefest Sunday, but he also brought in Kelly Wise, Courtney Trask, Scooter McFadgon, Earl Barron, and Paris London. Hard to believe but UNO is supposedly thinking of bringing Price back as head coach. According to several published reports, Rhode Island recently made a pass at Calipari. Better get used to it, Tiger fans. It’s the price a school pays for having a hot young coach. As the week began, Cincinnati ranked 36th in the RPI; Southern Miss was 64th, Charlotte 76th, Marquette 80th, and Memphis 81st. Not much to crow about is it? This from The Sporting News Website (sportingnews.com): Bubble teams (listed in order of probability of making the field): Temple (47), Penn State (35), Mississippi State (28), Richmond (48), Utah State (63), Memphis (81), BYU (53), St. John’s (51), New Mexico (46), South Carolina (45), Southern Miss (64), Pepperdine (72), UTEP (62).

You can e-mail Dennis Freeland at freeland@memphisflyer.com.

Categories
News

REPORT: LAWLER LEAVES WWF

According to 1wrestling.com, Memphian Jerry “The King” Lawler has left the World Wrestling Federation (WWF) in a dispute involving his wife.

WWF.com issued the following statement:

“Stacy Carter (The Kat) was released today by the World Wrestling Federation. Her husband, Jerry “The King” Lawler, also decided to leave the company under protest.”

Categories
We Recommend We Recommend

Past Tense

It’s been 38 years since dynamite killed Denise McNair, Carole Robertson, Addie Mae Collins, and Cynthia Wesley in Birmingham, Alabama; 37 years since members of the Ku Klux Klan shot and killed James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner in Philadelphia, Mississippi; 36 years since a lone gunman shot and killed Jon Daniels outside a rural grocery in Lowndes County, Alabama; and 35 years since fire bombs hit the home of Vernon Dahmer near Hattiesburg, Mississippi, leading soon after to Dahmer’s death.

Dahmer was a middle-aged black businessman and landowner respected by blacks and whites alike. Daniels, age 26, was a white seminarian originally from Vermont. Chaney, 20, was a black from Meridian; Goodman, 20, and Schwerner, 23, were whites from New York. All five participated in the Freedom Summer of 1964, and all, for that reason alone, were objects of suspicion, potential targets of white violence.

Denise, Carole, Addie Mae, and Cynthia were not local civil rights activists, however, nor were they “outside agitators” acting on conscience and publicly calling for an end to bigotry. They were, on September 13, 1963, four girls in their early teens in Sunday school at the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham. But their church had been the starting point the previous April for a march led by Martin Luther King Jr., and when dynamite ripped through its foundation, the blast blew their Sunday best from their backs.

Who was directly responsible for these crimes? Initial investigations on top of reopened investigations over the past several decades have identified the guilty, overturned in some cases innocent verdicts, and put those guilty behind bars. But several new books — one memoir, one biography, a photography collection, and two major histories — depict more than the well-covered events enacted by equally well-known players. Together they concentrate on individual figures, some known, some not-so-known, who shaped or were shaped by the uncivil Sixties South.

One of those not-so-knowns was a minister named Robert Marsh, who moved his family from the relative quiet of southernmost Alabama in the spring of 1967 to become pastor of the First Baptist Church of Laurel, Mississippi. This was a plum assignment for an up-and-coming “Man of God, revered by everyone who knew him for his preaching and teaching and spiritual insight,” a Man of God equipped as well with the build of a line-backer and “killer good looks.” The words are those of Marsh’s son Charles, who in The Last Days: A Son’s Story of Sin and Segregation at the Dawn of the New South (Basic Books) tells of just how unquiet Laurel’s corner of Mississippi was in 1967, especially unquiet if a pastor so much as questioned his white congregation’s basic stand on race. And it was Bob Marsh’s basic stand too until two events drove him near to breakdown: his handing of the Jaycee of the Year award to a man who within the hour was arrested for killing Vernon Dahmer; and his subsequent talk with a black minister in Laurel who gave Bob Marsh a lesson in the price paid for taking an honest stand. But the book is more: an especially close look at the fine-tunings of racism within a single, extended, Southern family — from the author’s grandfather, Kenneth Toler, who “dared to tell Jim Crow’s dirty secrets” as a reporter covering Mississippi politics for The Commercial Appeal, to an uncle in Kosciusko who helped found that town’s virulent Citizen’s Council.

Any wonder, then, that Bob Marsh, on the invitation of Green Acres star and Laurel native Tommy Lester, preached to Jesus freaks for a few weeks north of San Francisco? Laurel had changed him, California changed him, and Bob Marsh (along with the political gains of blacks in the South generally) helped change Laurel upon his return. Author Charles Marsh, professor of religion at the University of Virginia, changed too — into directing the “Project on Lived Theology,” a topic his father taught him even as his father perhaps scarcely realized it.

Lived theology took a life-ending turn, however, in 1965, in Alabama, in the person of Jon Daniels, subject of Charles Eagles’ recently republished Outside Agitator (University of Alabama Press). A child of New England Congregationalist parents, the quiet, bookish Daniels hardened himself at the Virginia Military Institute, quit Harvard as an English graduate student his first year, and turned his sights to the priesthood when he entered the Episcopal Theological School in Cambridge, Massachusetts. There his training required work with the inner-city poor, and there, in the spring of 1965, he heeded Martin Luther King’s call for clergy to march from Selma to Montgomery. And it was in Alabama that Daniels mostly remained — registering black voters, integrating churches, manning protest lines — until August, when he and other demonstrators (including Stokely Carmichael) were arrested in the town of Fort Deposit for marching without a permit.

The mayor was advised to release them, but he could not advise Tom Coleman, who encountered Daniels, along with the Catholic priest Richard Morrisroe and two black women also serving as civil rights workers. Outside a grocery near Hayneville, Coleman pulled out a shotgun, fired on Daniels, who died instantly, and fired on Morrisroe, hitting him in the back, an injury from which he eventually recovered. An all-male, all-white jury took 1 hour, 31 minutes to find Coleman not guilty of manslaughter. The defendant, the jury informed the court, was understandably acting in self-defense against two churchmen Coleman alleged were armed.

In 1994, the Episcopal church officially made Daniels a martyr of the church and added his name to its Calendar of Lesser Feasts and Fasts. And in the Chapel of Saints and Martyrs of Our Own Time at Canterbury Cathedral, his name appears alongside Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Martin Luther King Jr., and Archbishop Oscar Romero. This for a man Charles Eagles in his thoroughly researched and equally troubling Outside Agitator calls “a civil rights activist who was not a leader.” What Eagles means is a self-knowing leader in his own eyes in his own time. But T.S. Eliot, with eternity in mind, called a martyrdom “a design of God, for his love of men, to warn them and to lead them, to bring them back to his ways.” Make God, then, the designer; Jon Daniels, the non-knowing means back to God’s ways. (And if this makes Tom Coleman an unwitting tool, you are welcome to your beliefs.)

A year before Daniels’ murder, the look, the black and white look of civil rights volunteers from North and South, you can find in the photographs by Herbert Randall in Faces of Freedom Summer (University of Alabama Press). Published here are a handful of the 1,759 negatives Randall’s camera generated thanks to a fellowship which enabled him to spend a year creating a photographic essay on black life, an essay, thanks to the urging of Sandy Leigh, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee field secretary, Randall centered on the committee’s work that summer in Mississippi, Hattiesburg in particular.

Randall’s end-products were negatives not even he had thought to print until a University of Southern Mississippi staff photographer went to work producing them for the school’s archives and an exhibition in 1999. And what the resulting photographs lack in polish they make up for in immediacy: whether it’s Pete Seeger smarting under the glare of a Southern sun, Vernon Dahmer topped in a pith helmet and instructing Northern volunteers on the anatomy of a cotton plant, Rabbi Arthur Lelyveld’s blood-stained head and shirt, or Sandy Leigh’s anxious expression during a community center get-together in Palmer’s Crossing — an expression denoting full knowledge that Chaney, Goodman, and Schwerner had disappeared. Did Leigh know or not know then that on August 4th their bodies would be found?

What he certainly did know was Birmingham 1963, “Magic City” turned “Bombingham,” and King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” What we now know, thanks to S. Jonathan Bass’ Blessed Are the Peacemakers (Louisiana State University Press), is not only a textual analysis of that landmark document but the lives of the men to whom it was ostensibly, though not formally, addressed: the eight city clergymen who had called on King, in print, to follow a gradualist course of action in order to safeguard the nation from what they sincerely feared to be guaranteed acts of further violence. But it was King who changed these clergy to varying degrees, not the clergy who changed King, and none more so than then Catholic bishop of Alabama Joseph A. Durick, soon to be bishop of Tennessee and, as events in Memphis would prove, the greatest risk-taker of the group. Bass focuses squarely on these men, respectfully: their careers, their ministries, their heartfelt beliefs, their sense of justice applied and misapplied, what they stood to gain and loose, what they owed to the culture that produced them. What history makes of them isn’t Bass’ job because a history this comprehensive has yet to be written.

Just as no future history of Birmingham the city can now do without Carry Me Home: Birmingham, Alabama: The Climactic Battle of the Civil Rights Revolution (Simon and Schuster), the product of 15 years of research by New York Times reporter and privileged daughter of Birmingham society Diane McWhorter. Privilege blinded the author’s eyes to much as a 10-year-old in 1963, as sheer or willed ignorance did to privileged and unprivileged alike throughout much of Birmingham’s story. But with close to 600 pages of highly readable text and 70 pages of microscopically sized notes, it will be impossible not to cite McWhorter in future books on the period and place. From anti-unionizer industrialists to nascent Communist cells, from tough-as-nails Dixiecrats to New Dealer sympathizers, from prominent city politicos and white-shoe lawyers to Ku Klux Klanners and the truly psychopathic fringe, from hardhead City Commissioner Bull Connor to equally hard-headed civil rights leader Fred Shuttlesworth, from Hoover’s FBI to Kennedy’s White House, there was hardly room for King to engineer the publicity he needed to restore his flagging image, and “engineer” is the right word for King’s tactics, as both Bass and McWhorter leave us without doubt.

Whenever McWhorter questions her own father’s capacity for trash-talk and his knowledge of explosives, however, the view in Carry Me Home presents a truly chilling prospect, one even Vulcan, Birmingham’s good god on Red Mountain, can’t warm. Trust then to the arm of justice, not to the arm of a torch-bearing god: In May 2000, two longtime, still-living suspects in the deaths of Denise McNair, Carole Robertson, Addie Mae Collins, and Cynthia Wesley were indicted by a state grand jury and turned themselves in to Birmingham’s county jail. The charge: murder. No bond.

Diane McWhorter signing

Carry Me Home

Davis-Kidd Booksellers, Monday, March 12th, 6:30 p.m.

Charles Marsh signing

The Last Days

Borders Books, Wednesday, March 21st, 7 p.m.

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Politics Politics Beat Blog

A Lost Cause

(NASHVILLE) — Some of the most quoted lines from poetry are those from Yeats’ “Second Coming,” which go: “The best lack all conviction/ While the worst are full of passionate intensity.” Forget, for the time being, “best” and “worst”; the jury is going to be out for a while as to which side is which in the great school-consolidation struggle, which showed up virtually out of nowhere last week.

Other than this distancing from a value judgment which we’re going to permit ourselves, the Yeats lines work just fine if reconstructed to read: “The city board lacks all conviction/ While the county board is full of passionate intensity.”

For, as Shelby County Schools board chairman David Pickler made plain Tuesday at the annual “Day on the Hill” of the Tennessee Schools Board Association (TSBA) in the state capital, once the state legislature let the consolidation cat out of the bag — in the form of House Bill 273 — the county board lost no time in uniting to go to war against the bill, which would limit all Tennessee counties to a single,unified school board and would, in effect, mandate school consolidation.

With impressive unanimity, the county board members put themselves on record as opposing the bill. And, Pickler maintains, stopped it in its tracks. “If Shelby County hadn’t raised hell about this bill, it stood a good chance of going through. I think that chance is over with now, though,” he says.

By “Shelby County,” it turns out, he means the non-Memphis parts of the county; further, it turns out it means the county school board. Taking it a step further, it could mean Chairman Pickler himself, who took the lead in organizing opposition to HB 273 — although his board colleagues were shoulder to shoulder with him from the very start.

By contrast, the city school board has waffled, big-time. President Barbara Prescott and board member Michael Hooks at first made bold to sponsor a resolution to support consolidation. Though the bill itself was not referenced, the timing of the effort certainly had the effect of underwriting the bill. In short order, city schools superintendent Johnnie B. Watson said Aye to the bill, and so did Memphis Mayor Willie Herenton.

A “Study” Is Called For

And then the city school board started to cave. Those members who favored consolidation in principle — most probably a majority, though the lack of a formal vote made moot the issue of a head count — began to back away from HB 273.

Prescott and Hooks withdrew their resolution, and Superintendent Watson agreed to a suggestion that the board “study” the idea of consolidation. That vote will come Monday night, and since it lacks utterly any controversy (not to mention any of the aforesaid conviction), it is sure to pass, probably without a Nay vote.

Watson tried his hardest not to, but he gave an ever-so-slight nod of the head when he was asked if a “study” of the school consolidation issue wasn’t the same thing as an obituary for a legislative measure whose life or death will be decided, most probably, within a matter of days.

That’s usually what a “study” amounts to when any authoritative body opts to do one, and studies of this particular issue date back some three decades (see City Reporter, page 6).

Prescott, Hooks, and other board members believed to favor city-county school consolidation tried to make clear their continued interest in the subject at a TSBA breakfast Tuesday morning at the Sheraton Hotel at Legislative Plaza. “It isn’t that we don’t favor consolidation. It’s just that this particular bill isn’t necessarily the way to go about it,” Prescott said. She, Hooks, and board member Lora Jobe talked up a strategy whereby the city board would vote to surrender its charter — thereby automatically falling under the purview of the county board.

The charter-surrender idea, of course, is a variant of one floated by Herenton back in the mid-1990s when — somewhat intrepidly and prematurely — he first raised the issue of consolidation. Herenton’s balloon drew verbal shotgun blasts of the sort that have greeted the latest consolidation talk.

A point of interest in that vintage proposal was Herenton’s insistence that he wanted to try to achieve governmental consolidation of city and county with minimal impact on the two existing school systems. Indeed, then and for years to come he would footnote any remarks he made about consolidation with the qualifier that the city and county schools should have common funding but independent governance.

The mayor’s attempts to reassure suburban opponents on the score of school-system independence didn’t convince opponents of consolidation, who suspected them of being a smoke screen. And Herenton’s relatively easy abandonment of the qualifier last week, when he wholeheartedly endorsed the current school-consolidation measure, prompted many a chorus of “told-you-so” out in the skeptical suburbs.

Herenton’s subsequent declaration that matters of race and class were involved in the opposition to HB 273 contributed to the hardening of opposition on the county board and in outer Shelby County at large.

Moreover, the TSBA itself — composed of all state boards, large and small, city and county, east, middle, and west — was able to adopt a formal resolution of opposition to the school consolidation bill without visible or audible opposition Tuesday.

Not a “Chinaman’s Chance”

That doesn’t mean that all districts see eye-to-eye on this or any other issue, of course. Prescott and Hooks both made a point of stressing their opposition to another bill supported formally by the TSBA — one which would allow for the proliferation of special school districts. The measure — favored by the Shelby County board — would amount to a resumption of the “toy town” struggle of 1997, Hooks said.

That battle stemmed from a bill, sneaked through that year’s General Assembly without attracting attention, that would have allowed virtually any unincorporated suburb in Tennessee, regardless of size, to become an independent “city.” After what Herenton described as a “life-and-death” struggle between urban and suburban forces, the state Supreme Court decided the issue in Memphis’ and other cities’ favor by declaring the bill unconstitutional.

As matters stand, the current city-county school consolidation bill has little or no chance. City board member Carl Johnson, who professes himself skeptical about the virtues of consolidation, referred to HB 273’s unexpected emergence into the light of day as a “fluke.” (It had come out of the House Education K-12 subcommittee with a 7-5 vote.) And Pickler noted with satisfaction that House Speaker Jimmy Naifeh of Covington, a nominal supporter of the bill, was now talking of the opportunity for “dialogue” which HB 273 presented.

“When a bill’s backer starts talking like that, that tells you something about its chances. I don’t think it’s got a Chinaman’s chance of getting out of full [House Education] committee,” said Pickler. Even so, he said, “technically the bill is still alive, so we’re going to keep fighting it until it’s laid to rest.”

Under the circumstances, that laying to rest may come sooner rather than later. To switch from Yeats to Shakespeare, the proponents of school consolidation may have let “the native hue of [their] resolution sickly o’er with the pale cast of thought … and lose the name of action.”

Cohen’s Day Out On the Hill

One of the guest speakers at Tuesday’s breakfast of the Tennessee School Boards Association (TSBA) in Nashville was state Senator Steve Cohen, the Midtown Memphis Democrat who had, as he told the assembled board members, just “graduated.”

Cohen referred to the final passage two weeks ago of his perennial resolution to permit a statewide vote on a Tennessee lottery. When it passed the House easily (after making it through the Senate previously without a vote to spare), the bill — like the November 2002 referendum which it authorizes — had survived a long struggle.

“It took 17 years,” Cohen observed to the TSBA members. “It felt like going all the way from kindergarten through college.”

Cohen’s lottery triumph is not the only success he’s having these days. He may be on something of a roll. A current bill of his to ban cell-phone use by teenage drivers is given good chances of passage, as is a measure allowing bearers of gun permits to wear their weapons into places where package liquor is sold. — JB

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wednesday, february 28th

Oh, I just don’t know. I keep hearing things about the Black Light Karaoke Night at Madison Flame, and it does sound promising. Other than that, you are on your own. As always, I really don’t care what you do this week, because I don’t even know you, and unless you can give us the real reason for Tom and Nicole’s split probably the most widely known in Hollywood but not yet out of the bag, that Tom, um, has his malts in a different diner than Nicole then I’m sure I don’t want to meet you. Besides, it s time for me to go check on news in the Far East. I m sure Laura has mentioned something to George W. about getting rid of the china and all hell’s liable to break loose.