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Opinion Viewpoint

TRANSLATION: MEMPHIS: Speaking Free

I first saw them from the window of Square Foods on Madison, as I nibbled on a veggie stir-fry and drank a Chai tea. As it seems, I was feeling rather healthy this weekend.

Anyhow, from the window of the restaurant’s dining section one has a view of the Square, and at the corner of Cooper I spotted the line of protesters as they made their way toward Overton Park on a two-mile trek from First Congregational Church.

These were the people who marched as a means of expressing frustration at our newly-born war.

As for me, I rarely am inclined toward marching as a means of voicing my opinions, though I have many, to be sure.

See, the thing is– I often vacillate mentally as I try to understand whatever a given point of social contention is, and it doesn’t make me a good candidate for the manning of a megaphone.

Nevertheless, I am often compelled to stop and listen.

In this case, I took a walk and then listened, after eating the last of my squash and carrots.

Organized by the Mid-South Peace and Justice Center, the march included maybe 500 or so people who ultimately assembled in Veteran’s Plaza in Overton Park, a contentious destination in the eyes of some, I’m sure.

On that note, I noticed several “protesters of the protesters,” one camouflaged, with a patch declaring, “no slack for Iraq,” another with a sign proclaiming, “give Saddam another chance again?!”

At this particular gathering these were far and few between, though.

The language of dissent is interesting in how it reflects the various temperaments of the human response to a perceived tragedy. Examples ranged from the milder signs such as “peace supports our troops,” or “war is so last millennium,” to the more confrontational, a la “stop mad cowboy disease,” or “God forgive America.”

Perhaps the most chilling non-verbal protest came from a gentleman who simply carried a cross bearing the pictures of what appeared to be Iraqi children.

While watching and listening, I found myself disturbed more than anything else. Though some surely feel that to protest the war is the most unpatriotic thing in the world, I do feel it’s important– that the right to disagree is essential to any well-functioning democracy.

And I didn’t get any feeling that these protesters held resentment towards the troops, even from these who oppose the war. This seems to be a common refrain from those who oppose protest.

Actually, one of the speakers, George Grider, is a veteran himself, part of what I believe to be an organization called “Veterans for Peace.”

So where did I fit in? I really don’t know.

There is a particular atomic structure to a protest, it seems. At the center, the nucleus, you find the PA, the megaphone, the shouting voice.

Then there is the charged ring of the most ardent supporters of the cause. These, I suppose, are the transmitters of the message, the people who agree most passionately with the dissent at hand.

If there is a song, a chant to be shouted, these are the people who spread it to the crowd. At Veteran’s Plaza, these chants ranged from “Peace now, Freedom now,” to “Drop Bush, not Bombs.” My favorite, though, was one that went “This is what Democracy looks like, We know what Democracy looks like.”

I can tap my foot to that one.

As you move outward from this front row group, there are shades and degrees by which the personalities seem to change. Some of these people are the quiet ones who choose to carry signs. “Regime change begins at home,” or “Grief has more power than rage.” Others here work to get petitions signed.

These individuals provide the density of a protest, create the unique poetry of a crowd.

Finally there is an outer ring, a group less easy to define in this obviously simplified model. In the outer ring you often find passersby who for whatever reason–be it curiosity, antagonism, whatever–decide to stop.

And herein, I think, lies the power of a demonstration. If people are willing to stop, then perhaps they are willing to listen.

Often the people who diffuse toward the outer boundaries of such an event are those with the most furrowed brows. Often they are the undecided who have stopped to think.

This outer ring is like the question mark around which the topic of protest finds its meaning.

If there were ever easy solutions to things such as a war, then of course there would be no need for protest.

But as long as people are thinking, maybe it doesn’t matter whether one is with the “fors” or the “againsts.”

Let’s just make sure that we all remain free to speak.

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We Recommend We Recommend

wednesday, 26

The Memphis Grizzlies take on Phoenix tonight at The Pyramid, and that, as

they say, is that. As always, I really don’t care what you do, because I don’t even

know you. And unless you can get Dr. Gott to answer some more letters from his

readers about rectal irregularities, I’m sure I

don’t want to meet you. Besides, it’s time for me to blow this dump and go clean out a

closet for the hate mail that’s sure to be

coming in. Now go in peace.

T.S.

Categories
Politics Politics Beat Blog

CITY BEAT

HEAVY LIFTERS

Property-tax payers, brace yourself.

Your share of the tax load is increasing, and it will get heavier if present trends continue and some new proposed tax-break policies are put in place to fight the war on blight downtown and the war on empty space in eastern Shelby County.

There are 280,756 residential parcels in Shelby County (and 25,925 commercial and industrial parcels). Their owners pay a combined city and county property tax rate that ranges from $3.79 in Lakeland, which has no city property tax, to $7.02 in Memphis, which has the biggest in the state. The rate in Nashville, for comparison, is $4.58.

In 1996, Shelby County got 50 percent of its revenue from the property tax. Now, the property-tax share is 62 percent. There is no reason to think that number won’t keep climbing when the city of Memphis and Shelby County adopt their budgets later this year. As Flyer political columnist Jackson Baker reported last week, Governor Phil Bredesen is dead serious about cutting state revenues to counties. Shelby County currently gets 12 percent of its revenue from the state. The federal government’s share, also likely to decrease due to the war in Iraq and the cost of fighting terrorism, is only 3 percent.

Meanwhile, two expanded tax-incentive programs are in the works or have been approved within the past year.

One, via the Memphis and Shelby County Idustrial Development Board (IDB), gives tax freezes to existing unoccupied offices and warehouses. Under the old rules, tax credits could only be given to companies that occupied new buildings. But speculation and overbuilding by developers in the 1990s created a surplus of empty space in so-called second-generation buildings.

The other, via the Center City Commission, would create a “tax-increment financing” district, or TIF, in much of downtown and part of Midtown. The theory of a TIF is that public investment sparks growth in the area that wouldn’t have happened otherwise. The additional tax revenue that comes from the growth is dedicated to pay for the public improvements specifically within the TIF instead of mixing with general public funds.

So far, so good. But the history of tax incentives in Memphis and Shelby County for the last 20 years or so has shown that incentives tend to become entitlements. In other words, they are taken for granted and handed out generously to the deserving and not-so-deserving as Applicant A scrambles to keep up with Applicant B and so on.

If the second-generation principle catches fire in the suburbs, there could be a parade of lawyers and developers seeking tax breaks from the Industrial Development Board to level the playing field with competitors. The board, it should be noted, has recently shown signs of toughening its standards to punish or deny companies that promise more jobs and benefits than they deliver. But it’s too early to say whether or not the liberalized second generation incentives will work the way they’re supposed to.

The Center City Commission, on the other hand, can more accurately forecast the success of the proposed TIF district. The future “growth” in tax revenue is already in the cards. It comes in the form of expiring tax freezes that were granted 15-25 years ago. When the Rivermark, for example, starts paying property taxes, it’s not exactly new growth. The building, once a Holiday Inn, is nearly 40 years old. The owner’s tax freeze has simply run its course.

Incentives have their limits. The Sterick Building and other abandoned, once prominent office buildings and much of the Main Street Mall have defied 25 years of downtown revival. And, with the exception of AutoZone, subsidies have not lured a single large corporate employer to downtown.

Instead, the result has been a mixed bag of prizes, ugly ducklings, and oddities in the Center City Commission’s real estate inventory. Also, the “center city” boundaries extend farther than you might think. Properties getting tax breaks in the name of downtown redevelopment include Malco’s Studio on the Square in Overton Square, the Applebee’s restaurant at 2114 Union Avenue, a Church’s Fried Chicken at 925 Poplar, and a cluster of 20 apartment buildings in the 2200 block of South Parkway East.

In all, according to Chandler Reports, there are 254 properties to which the Memphis Center City Revenue Finance Corporation holds title. They include The Peabody and Marriott hotels, several apartments on Mud Island, the Morgan Keegan and AutoZone office buildings, various restaurants, and some eyesores. Their total appraised value, according to the Shelby County Assessor’s Office, is $538 million. The property taxes on that would be $15 million a year if they were on the tax rolls.

Two big-ticket downtown public projects the FedExForum and the expansion of the convention center are not being paid for with property taxes. Their financing comes from several sources, including tax surcharges on hotel rooms, rental cars, event sales, downtown entertainment, and state government. With those sources tapped out, the property tax is left to pay for everyday public expenses such as police protection and schools.

Few people would trade the downtown of 20 years ago for the downtown of today, just as no one would deny the explosion of growth and wealth in eastern Shelby County. The question for policymakers is whether the same thing can be said of other parts of the city and county that don’t directly benefit from incentives. And when is enough enough?

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tuesday, 25

Tonight is opening night of the Black Ensemble Theater’s production of The Jackie Wilson Story at the Cannon Centerr for the Performing Arts. And tonight’s Sippin’ Suds for Subsidium at the Fresh Market in Germantown, a fund-raiser for the Memphis Oral School for the Deaf, features some 35 beers from around the world for tasting, along with food from Equestria and Yia Yia’s.

Categories
News The Fly-By

FREEDOM DIPS

No doubt you’ve heard about the congressional push to change the name of French fries and French toast to Freedom fries and Freedom toast. So we pondered how this might affect Franco-American nomenclature in the Mid-South. La Baguette might become the Infinite Liberty Bread Company. The rib shack known as the Rendezvous could change its name to the Willing Coalition, and La Petite Academy could become the Tiny Patriot Training Center. The Peabody’s swank eatery, Chez Philippe, might become Phil’s Place, while chef Jose Gutierrez becomes simply “Jo-Bob.” Of course, La Nails on Riverdale would become La Casa de Nails.

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News News Feature

FROM MY SEAT

CORNER TURNED

I had several reservations when the University of Memphis announced the hiring of John Calipari to take command of its basketball program on March 11, 2000. Here was an Armani clad carpetbagger sweeping into town in the aftermath of the most public wooing in these parts since Elvis was serenading Priscilla. Calipari had led the University of Massachusetts to the Final Four in 1996, only to jump ship for the NBA amid a scandal involving All-America Marcus Camby. He took a lowly New Jersey Nets franchise to the playoffs in 1998, only to lose control of the team before being fired 20 games into the abbreviated 1998-99 season. Calipari seemed like a “me-first” coach who would treat the Memphis job as little more than a launching pad toward greener pastures elsewhere.

Consider me at least a qualified convert. I wish I saw more cases like Shyrone Chatman and Earl Barron, contributing players under Calipari who have either graduated or expressed intent to do so. Love him all you like, but Chris Massie — regardless of the loaded coarse load he tackled to qualify for the spring semester — was no more a student at the U of M

than I am. He’s a 25-year-old basketball player with ambitions to play professionally. I find it easier, alas, to root for student-athletes.

With that said, Coach Cal is doing precisely the job he promised a little over three years ago . . . and is earning his seven-figure salary. Over his three seasons in the Bluff City, Calipari has won with a team recruited by Tic Price, made the most out of a disappointing club relegated to the NIT, and regained admission to the Big Dance for the U of M after losing arguably his three best players.

Calipari’s critics often tend to be that part of Tiger Nation most devoted to Larry Finch, the greatest Tiger of them all, and the program’s top career winner (220 games). While Finch inherited a solid team in 1986 from the disgraced Dana Kirk, Calipari took on a club that finished 1999-2000 at 15-16 under interim coach Johnny Jones. Finch won 67 games over his first three seasons and made appearances in the NCAA tournament his second and third year (winning one game in ’88). Calipari has won 71 games in his three seasons, reached the NIT semifinals his first two (winning the title last year), and led a team no one forecast for such heights back to the NCAA tournament for the first time since 1996.

The 2002-03 Tigers were the first Memphis team to truly reflect Coach Cal. Chatman, Kelly Wise, and Shannon Forman weren’t his recruits that first season, and last year’s stud, Dajuan Wagner, really wasn’t a Calipari kind of player (defender first, gritty, covered with floor burns). When not only Wise and Wagner, but Scooter McFadgon and his 10 points per game were taken from his roster, well, the local hoops “wise men” had rebuilding on the brain.

Calipari took reclamation projects in Massie and John Grice and made them stars for this year’s club. He held his team together around injuries to Jeremy Hunt and Billy Richmond. He oversaw a 12-game winning streak (after a 10-game streak in 2002 and an 8-gamer his first year; Finch never won more than 8 in a row). And his team started beating the big boys. After going 3-11 against major non-conference opponents his first two years, Calipari was 5-2 against the heavy hitters in 2002-03 (the wins coming against Syracuse, Ole Miss, Illinois, Arkansas, and Villanova). This is the strongest measuring stick for how the U of M program is progressing nationally. And it’s a credit to Calipari.

Finally, let’s not forget a figure every bit as important to the University of Memphis administration as the wins and postseason success: 16,940. That’s the average attendance at The Pyramid since Calipari coached his first game there on November 17, 2000. The season before his arrival, the figure was 11,974. And for the first nine years in the building, the figure was 14,135. Calipari is winning games, sure, but he’s also selling tickets and filling seats. All this with NBA competition in the very same arena.

Calipari knows the breadth of his job and its responsibilities within this region. “The obligation in this town is to be involved in all segments of the community,” he said after beating UAB in The Pyramid last month. “If you come into this job to just coach basketball, you’re cheating the position and you’re cheating the city. This job is bigger than just coaching basketball. That’s what makes this a tough job. You’re in a position to cross all racial lines, from walking into Orange Mound to walking into the Memphis Country Club.”

I hope I was wrong in my misgivings of March 2000. Here’s hoping Calipari goes into the history books (many years from now) remembered primarily for his achievements in the Bluff City. For the first time since he swept into town, I’m starting to believe this just may happen.

Categories
Politics Politics Beat Blog

DOGS, PONIES, AND DEMOCRATS

DOGS, PONIES, AND DEMOCRATS

“Political bullshit,” scoffed Willie Herenton about some of the machinations going on during the Shelby County Democratic Party’s preliminary caucuses at Hamtilton High School Saturday. The caucuses were to select delegates for the party’s April 12th convention, which will elect a chairperson and new executive committee, and His Honor was on hand to show the flag for the current chair, Gale Jones Carson, who doubles as his press secretary.

A few minutes later, however, Herenton was prompted to a more sober assessment by an encounter with an angry attendee, whose support for Carson’s opponent, State Rep. Kathryn Bowers, was fueled , as she made clear, by her anger toward the mayor himself.

Sitting down on a ramshackle row of auditorium seats (two of them had collapsed only minutes before), Herenton shook his head and repeated several times, “If somebody wants to get at me, they can get on a ballot.” Around him and throughout the school auditorium, clumps of would-be delegates — some for Carson, some for Bowers, some discreetly keeping their own counsel — were jockeying for positions in their district delegations.

A red-dot sticker meant Carson, a yellow rectangle meant Bowers, and the state rep, who was reported to have wide support from her delegation peers, seemed to have something of an edge. There was a large third force of formally uncommitted people brought to the event by State Rep. Carol Chumney, current chair of the Shelby County legislative delegation and a stated neutral. Chumney thereby positoned herself to be a power broker on April 12th — and thereafter — and conceivably could end up being a compromise candidate herself.

If Herenton was prominent by his presence, another major political figure was prominent by his absence. This was U.S. Rep. Harold Ford Jr, who figured as a luminary on both sides of the contest. Virtually every one of the congressman’s better-known cadres was employed on Bowers’ behalf–and three, David Upton, John Freeman, and State Senator Roscoe Dixon, functioned as the principals of her command-and-control center.

Not only was the Ford organization so deployed, word was that the congressman himself had, early on, encouraged Bowers. Indeed, it was hard to imagine any of his prominent supporters taking on such a conspicuous political mission on their own tack — especially not Freeman, a loyal factotum who has, he acknowledged, been on the congressman’s campaign payroll for lo, these last several weeks. Notoriously, the Ford arsenal doesn’t contain loose pistols.

But, in an astonishing development — connected, it would seem, with the onset of war in Iraq and Ford’s preoccupation with that — the congressman made a point in the last few days of dissociating himself from the local contest. He even became sufficiently alarmed at early media reports of his people’s efforts for Bowers as to exert himself — despite the fact that no reporter had ever even mentioned his name — to deny his own involvement.

That took the extreme form of calling up Carson and offering her his support and making explicit statements to The Flyer to that effect.

It is fair to say that Carson’s people were grateful and Ford’s own supporters were mystified — though the latter, once they had regained their breath, predicted that no votes would be turned by the congressman’s nominal assurances to Carson and then renewed and even redoubled their effort on Bowers’ behalf.

It certainly remained the case that Ford loyalists were a major component of Bowers’ support. Others backing her were several fellow legislators from Shelby County, other public officials like County Assessor Rita Clark, Democrats still smoldering over Herenton’s support last fall of Republican senatorial candidate Lamar Alexander, and perhaps a few potential delegates out of sorts with the mayor over some issue like his open feud with the city school board.

To be sure, the political cleavages were too diverse to justify treating the showdown which commenced Saturday and will culminate on April 12th as some narrow Herenton-Ford struggle — especially in light of the congressman’s unusual actions. Still the rosters were familiar, and the mayor’s people — Sidney Chism, Chuck Taylor, Nate Jackson, and Rich Fields, among others — had tactical duties for Carson that were similar to their Ford counterparts’ effort on Bowers’ behalf.

For all the new dogs and ponies of this show — and irrespective of Harold Ford Jr.’s curious tightrope act — it was to large degree the same old same old, the familiar political circus.

And that, to appropriate Mayor Herenton’s vernacular of Saturday, is no bullshit.

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sunday, 23

Brunch at Isaac Hayes today with The Overton High School Choir and The Zion Hill Baptist Church Choir, followed later tonight by Nokie Taylor. Disco, Funk & Retro Night at the M Bar in Melange.

Categories
News The Fly-By

SPEAKING OF THE GRIZZLIES…

Amid their laudable efforts to serve every possible facet of Memphis culture, here’s some — um — interesting news: In his online column at NBA.com/grizzlies, Greg Graber writes, “Appearing soon in this column will be Part 2 of my Grizz Classic Literary Adaptations. This one will be based on Shirley Jackson’s ‘The Lottery.’ You won’t want to miss it!” A possible excerpt: “Eenie-meenie-miney-moe, killing one will make four grow.” Jackson, whose dark short story depicts a human sacrifice in a small,unnamed village, once said, “I delight in what I fear.” No doubt Graber’s forthcomingt sports analogy would have given the author much cause for delight had she not died so very long ago.