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News The Fly-By

Rowing on the River

there are some stories you just don’t want your byline on. This is one of them.

My canoeing partner and I got to the 24th Annual Outdoors, Inc., Canoe and Kayak Race a little after 8 a.m. Saturday morning. The starting area at Mud Island’s Green Belt Park was controlled chaos, with people unloading canoes from trailers and the tops of their cars and hauling them to the inspection area. It was chilly, but everyone seemed to be in good spirits. Friends For Our Riverfront was out, putting bumper stickers on boats, and two racers dressed as glam rockers walked around with mullets and mesh shirts.

Some of the kayaks were beautiful, streamlined crafts that looked state-of-the-art, while some of the canoes looked like relics from Camp Kankakee’s summer of 1973.

About a week before the three-mile race, a friend gave me a crash course in canoeing, using an ax handle to demonstrate the J stroke — the twist at the end of the paddle stroke that lets you steer the canoe.

“If you wear your PFDs — your life jackets — and you stay close to the shore, you should be okay,” he said.

And so we carefully launched our canoe into the Wolf River and paddled behind the starting buoys. Soon, all the canoes were clumped together. At times, I couldn’t even put my paddles in the water because there were boats on both sides of us. We bumped and jostled our way to a semi-empty spot and someone near us remarked, “Number 161’s going in.” My partner laughed and then looked down at the number on her PFD.

“Hey, that’s us!” she said. We then made a pact to not fall in.

And then it started. The kayakers took off, their paddles a whirl of motion. Apparently, Olympians Greg Barton and Jeff Smoke were duking it out for first place, but we never saw them.

When the canoes started three minutes later, in an ugly frenzy of their own, we quickly realized the J stroke wasn’t working for us. As we zigzagged down the Mississippi River, there were only a few canoes near us, but it didn’t seem so bad until we passed by an older couple in a canoe near the shore.

“Do you need help?” they asked.

They were a safety boat. We assured them we were okay and continued on.

Another safety boat, this one piloted by a middle-aged man, paddled up to us a few minutes later. This time I admitted we were having problems.

He quickly taught us some steering techniques, but it was just about this time that the canoe trying for last place overtook us.

We rowed past Harbor Town and under the I-40 bridge, our personal safety- boat escort never very far away. When we got to the tip of Mud Island, we turned left into the harbor.

The end of the race was rough. The wind was against us. We didn’t have the current anymore, and we were tired. Up on shore, our friends yelled encouragement. (They assumed that the safety boat next to us was our competitor in the race for second-to-last place.)

In Jefferson Davis Park, a bluegrass band was playing and boy scouts were selling hamburgers. It had taken us 43 minutes to get there.

The race timers, standing at the finish, took pity on us and helped us land our canoe. Then several Boy Scouts appeared like little elves.

“Can we carry your canoe?” they asked. Each grabbed a side and scurried the canoe up a very steep hill.

It seems there are some perks to being last.

And there’s always next year.

Categories
Opinion

Marketing Memphis

Memphis isn’t known as a particularly bicycle-friendly city, but a little marketing and a few fairly simple additions to the riverfront could change that. The model could be New York City’s Five Boro Bike Tour, which was held last Sunday.

Twelve Memphians, including myself, were among the 30,000 riders who pedaled from Battery Park to Central Park, across various bridges, and through five boroughs, ending on Staten Island four to eight hours later. It was the 28th time for the tour, and the actual number of participants is anyone’s guess. It would have taken a helicopter to see the beginning and the end.

A tour is not a race. Serious bikers in Memphis showed no interest in the e-mail invitation from Memphis organizer Bill Stegall. Kids and out-of-shape folks pedaled along at a leisurely pace, and speedsters were few and, fortunately, far between. The weather was chilly and wet at the start, sunny and warm at the end. There is an invisible pull in riding with a huge crowd that seems to make covering 42 miles and several bridges easier on the pulse than a shorter, more vigorous ride.

If there is any problem with the Five Boro Bike Tour it is that it is simply too big. If 10 percent of the participants send an e-mail with a generally positive review to 10 of their friends, as they surely do, then the growth must be exponential. The wait to get moving from Ground Zero was 33 minutes, and there was a sea of bikes behind us as far as the eye could see. If there was an official start or a starting line, none of us saw it. We moved up the Avenue of the Americas in fits and starts, never more than about 10 miles an hour, then came to a long halt half a mile or so from Central Park, where a wide street funneled into two narrow streets through the park. The wait was about half an hour, but the rain had stopped and no one seemed to mind. After Central Park, the choke points were few and not long.

The scarcity of bathrooms was a big problem. Rest stops every eight miles were nearly overwhelmed by the horde, and they quickly ran out of bananas and snacks. In the scheme of things, that was nothing. The city’s gift was itself, along with the closing of streets to cars by the NYPD for one day. It was a New York City reality tour, not a travelogue of the prettiest sights and most famous places, and that is the charm of such events. Spectators, ranging from inner-city kids playing basketball in Queens to Hasidic Jews in Brooklyn to pedestrians patiently negotiating their way across the street, watched without interest or maybe a little curiosity about what would make so many people do such a thing on this day.

It was a sweet piece of America, and Memphis could start its own version. Maybe a “Bike the River Parks,” from Meeman-Shelby Forest to the National Ornamental Metal Museum. Diversions could be made past Elvis’ former home in Lauderdale Courts, Sun Studio, the National Civil Rights Museum, and The Peabody like the Memphis marathon for runners. Those sights are as iconic as the Brooklyn Bridge or the Empire State Building. It is rare that a month goes by without Memphis or a famous Memphian being the subject of a story in the national media, such as the one Monday in The New York Times about Elvis Week and an upcoming CBS mini-series on Elvis this month.

A marketing expert quoted in the story called it “the re-emergence of Elvis as a brand” now that 85 percent of Elvis Presley Enterprises has been bought by Robert Sillerman and his entertainment firm CKX.

The things that sometimes make Memphis exasperating to Memphians, like the things that make New York City exasperating to New Yorkers, don’t matter much to a visitor riding a bicycle. Who knows the state of the school system, or the tax rate, or even the name of the mayor? The point is to watch where you’re going, see the big picture, smile at strangers and helpful cops, and celebrate America from the vantage point of a bike. Memphis is as good a place as any to do that.

Categories
Cover Feature News

Riding Shotgun with John Ford

It is last Thursday, we are halfway to Memphis, and John Ford, sitting jaunty at the wheel of his Mercedes sports coupe, is musing on the giant billboard alongside I-40 that has just told us the Tennessee lottery’s current Powerball jackpot is at $63 million. “I get nervous when it gets to be more than that,” Ford says, and he falls to planning what he would do if he should get lucky and actually win such a booty. Doing his arithmetic out loud, Ford calculates that with taxes and other instant deductions, a claimant would end up with about half that amount, some $30-odd million. Still a right smart allowance — especially for a man who has just entered his 60s, facing an uncertain future.

“I’d probably get a foundation set up,” Ford says. “Save four or five million over time, and you could give away money to folks. That way you could take care of your family. With the rest of it, you could buy things, live your life the way you want to live it with what you have left.”

Ford, who plays the lottery consistently, keeps working on such a happy scenario. “The first thing I’d do is move out of Memphis,” he says. As is well known, he has children to worry about — several of them, more than he’d care to enumerate just now — and he knows the perils that a well-publicized sudden prosperity could bring to himself, or anyone, for that matter, in his rather well-known extended family.

“If I won, it’d be everywhere,” Ford says, “but if Joe Blow won, nobody would ever see him, and it would be over with. One day he moves way out, and nobody knows who he is.” It is true that Ford’s predicament would differ seriously from such an Everyman. Ford, a state senator for the last 30 years, is, after all, the most famous legislator in Tennessee, the one name everybody knows. Even Jay Leno, the national wag in Los Angeles, joked on The Tonight Show in January about the state senator’s child-support hearings — the ones that revealed multiple households and (less of a joking matter ultimately) the IRS filings that would expose his earnings to scrutiny and himself to jeopardy.

In the four months since those child-support hearings became public, Ford has become editorial fodder for virtually every newspaper in the state and many elsewhere, a poster boy for charges of legislative boondoggling and potential conflict of interest, and the subject of a reputed federal investigation into his financial ties with corporations doing business with the state. He has also been the catalyst for the most sweeping ethics bill in Tennessee history, one that has passed both chambers of the legislature in the last two weeks.

Ford himself had joined the other 32 Tennessee senators in voting for the bill in a well-publicized Monday-night session last week that saw him make a gallant last stand of sorts, challenging the bill’s Senate sponsor, Roy Herron of Dresden, over arcane issues of interpretation — notably including the question, important to Ford, of whether the bill said anything about “influence-peddling” per se. As Ford would say, on this ride home from Nashville: “There’s conflict of interest, and there’s illegal.” And the difference — to him, anyhow — was not a matter of hair-splitting.

“Those crazy-assed rules and everything? Shit! I won’t be able to make a living,” he avers. And then suddenly: “Goddamn! Look behind me. A big-ass truck, right on my ass!”

LET ME STIPULATE RIGHT HERE that I like John Ford, and make of that what you will. For all his public notoriety during his three decades in the state Senate and in a term as Memphis city councilman before that, for all of the current storms attending his name, for all his sporadically outlandish behavior, for all his confrontations with a prying media, and, yes, for all his suspect dealings, Ford has a reputation among his peers as a go-to guy, as a stout supporter of The Med and a pillar for the mental-health community, as a dependable vote for programs of benefit to society’s economic bottom-dwellers, as a legislative strategist for FedEx and other locally based concerns, as, in fact, an all-purpose facilitator.

Ford likes to tell of being present some years ago at the dedication of a bridge site being named for former Govenor Ned Ray McWherter. Ford says John Wilder, the state’s venerable lieutenant governor, turned to him and confided, in tribute to Ford’s yeoman efforts on behalf of such projects, “John, this bridge ought to be named for you.”

Memphian John Farris, whose law firm handles lobbying matters for the city of Memphis, was an attendee at state House Speaker Jimmy Naifeh’s Coon Supper last week and worried out loud about Ford’s current predicament. Farris maintained, as the senator himself would, and as various legislative supporters had (most in private conversations, though a handful dared venture their comments in public debate), that pending implementation of the new legislation’s restrictions on consulting arrangements and its far stricter disclosure requirements, Ford’s relationships and activities had remained within the letter of the law. The point is moot, of course, and subject to drastic revision as the real world takes its unpredictable turns.

Meanwhile, it is of some consolation to Ford that he has friends and allies in both parties. In the aftermath of last week’s Senate vote, the senator adjourned with some companions to an after-hours session in the bar of the Sheraton, just across Union Street from the Capitol and the air-conditioned underground mine of Legislative Plaza. Among those present for this cup of cheer were longtime Chattanooga senator Ward Crutchfield, former Democratic eminence John Jay Hooker, and Memphis legislators Joe Towns, Beverly Marrero, and Larry Turner. Though Turner did not speak during House debate on the ethics bill (Memphians John DeBerry and Larry Miller did, to great rhetorical effect), he and Towns, along with fellow Memphian Kathryn Bowers, recorded the only votes against the bill.

After that House session two weeks ago, Turner had vented himself this way: “We’re paid $16,500 to come up here, and we’re here six months out of every year. We cannot support families, send children to school, and do all the things we have to do on $16,500 a year. We have to allow people the room and the opportunity to make a living so they can support their families while they serve in the legislature. Otherwise, we’ll become a legislature in which only the rich and the retired can serve. And that’s not good.” Turner, a Democratic representative from South Memphis, also objected to the new law-to-be’s felony prescriptions for nondisclosure and what he and others regarded as loopholes for lawyers.

In the bar of the Sheraton, Ford was nodding his head sadly and saying, “I chickened out myself and voted for it.” But he seemed at peace with himself and continued to maintain, against all reason and evidence, that the bill and the statewide pressure for its passage had nothing to do with him. Leaving the Senate chamber after that vote, he had made his way through a sea of media people and other onlookers and climbed aboard an already jammed elevator for passage down to the tunnel leading to Legislative Plaza.

“I’ll hide you, John,” jested state senator Charlotte Burks, climbing in after him. Burks was the Monterey Democrat who succeeded her husband, the widely beloved Tommy Burks, after his 1998 murder by a deranged political opponent, Byron (Low Tax) Looper. “I don’t need to be hid,” Ford had responded placidly. “I have been saved by the grace.”

FOR YES, VIRGINIA, there is a laid-back John Ford — one who co-exists with the shotgun-wielding, profanity-spouting, skirt-chasing, glowering John Ford of legend. Oh, that one does exist, but so does the John Ford who could respond to an off-hand remark of mine about eating occasionally in McDonald’s with a look of shock and, I swear to you, concern, as he said, “You eat in — McDonald’s!?” I thought he was about to offer me meal money. No, no, I protested: It was a matter of accommodating my daughters, that was all.

This also was the same John Ford who cautioned me to fasten my passenger-side seat belt as we settled into his Mercedes coupe last Thursday after the momentous legislative week had ended. I had told him the week before that I wanted to make that Nashville-to-Memphis run with him, even if it meant leaving my own Ford Explorer behind for a few days. To my surprise, he agreed the next week on the very Thursday morning, and I set out with him to ride shotgun on a voyage that, I suspected, might merge at any moment with the conventional image — and perhaps the reality — of John Ford the madcap driver.

I thought of all those people who used to sport those bumper stickers that read, “God is My Co-Pilot.” Well, just now John Ford was mine. Or rather, I was his. God help both of us, I thought.

And not without cause. There were intermittent thunder showers all the way home, and the ride offered some NASCAR-like moments, as well as some that were more in keeping with the experience of a contemporary suburbanite (which, let us remember, Ford, with his two outer-county residences, happens to be). Like many of his conventional fellow citizens, the senator is a multi-tasker — fielding calls on his cell phone while he programs his CD deck and adjusts the height of his hydraulic drink-holders (as the onetime owner of a Kia, which not only had no such holders but no place to affix any, I was impressed), all the while carrying on a stream of conversation.

Every now and then, the Mercedes would veer over to the margin of the left shoulder and encounter the narrow corrugated surface there which signals a driver to straighten out with its warning sound of rudda-rudda-rudda-rudda. This was no big deal, however. For the most part, Ford seemed to be that kind of driver who takes chances because his abilities permit him to. As for the famous speeding habit, which has had him clocked repeatedly by the highway patrol over the years, it is either more restrained than the myth of John Ford would have it or the man has simply slowed down a bit, like any other mortal on the cusp of Social Security.

“It’s all exaggeration,” Ford says about his driving reputation. “I don’t drive any faster than anybody else.” We were going 80 mph at the time, and, as he rightly observed, so was everybody else in our westward lanes. “I usually drive between 75 and 80,” he continues. “If you go about 90, you’ll be running into somebody and having to wait for them to clear, and that defeats the purpose.”

Just after we cross the Tennessee River, at roughly the 134-mile mark, Ford notes somberly, “This is where I got into it with those truckers.” That was the famous case that in 1991 saw the homeward-bound senator charged with — and acquitted of — firing a pistol at the truck-drivers who had hemmed him in with their 18-wheelers. “They said I climbed up out of the sundeck and shot at ’em,” Ford says, challenging me to try to rise in like manner through the sundeck of his current vehicle. Point made: It appears difficult, if not impossible.

Ford notes the point (mile-marker 126, the Paris Landing exit) at which he had begun to notice the unfriendly convoy surrounding him and prepares me to note mile marker 104, where highway patrolmen doing routine duty had managed to break up the phalanx around Ford. As it happens, he is on the phone when we get there, talking to an unidentified female. (He had previously held business-like, comradely conversations with legislative colleagues Lois DeBerry and Kathryn Bowers.)

“Not really,” Ford answers when I venture to ask if he had many women companions. “You’ve never seen me with a girlfriend, have you?” asks the man who is now supporting children in three households. “No, I don’t have a lot of girlfriends, but I don’t want that. That ain’t nothing but trouble. You know what I mean?”

As for the children who came of his marriages and liaisons, Ford says, “If I had to do it over again, I wouldn’t give anything for the kids that I have. I don’t ever sit around thinking, I wish I didn’t have all these kids.”

As he describes himself, he is no longer the hell-raiser of the stories but an ordinary senior citizen. The night before, he says, he went back to his hotel room after the day’s legislative session, watched TV, read the paper, and fell asleep about 8:30 p.m., missing that night’s playoff game three between the hometown Grizzlies and the Phoenix Suns. “I woke up, and Conan was on,” he says sheepishly.

“I spend my time reading. I don’t do anything. I don’t really know Nashville,” Ford says, characterizing his time in the state capital as an almost unbroken work session. He compares himself ruefully to his celebrated nephew, Memphis congressman Harold Ford Jr., the prospective U.S. Senate candidate who is an apple in the same media eye in which he himself is a mote. (While reciprocating Representative Ford’s refusal to speak critically of him, Senator Ford does allow that he, like many other Democrats, is baffled by his nephew’s increasingly conservative rhetoric and voting record.)

“When I was Harold Jr.’s age, shit, I could do anything, do all the partying,” Ford says. “Not now.” He intended to forgo joining the political flock that night at the annual Coon Supper held by state House Speaker Jimmy Naifeh in Covington. “Don’t get me wrong. It’s a good party, but I’ve got so many things to do. And I get so damn tired.”

NOT THAT JOHN FORD has banked all his fires, you understand. Recalling the recent — videotaped and widely seen — incident in Nashville, when he threw inquiring WREG-TV reporter Andy Wise out of his office, Ford heats up somewhat. “They better not send him back to my office. If they do, they’ve got a lawsuit on their hands.” Ford contends that Wise had interrupted his work and ignored his emphatic repetitions of “No Comment.”

“I had grounds to use force, whatever force was necessary, whatever force became necessary. They use force,” Ford says, leaving the pronoun somewhat indefinite. “If they become overbearing, you can do what you need to do. You come to my house that way, I’m going to shoot your ass. Pure and simple. ‘I’m going to give you 10 seconds to get the hell out of here; 9-8-7 — you’re on your own — 5, 4, 3, Bam!” And all the while Astrud Gilberto is singing sweetly on the CD deck.

A truck pulls in front of Ford, and he hits the brakes. Maybe a bit too hard, he concedes.

Out of nowhere, he wonders if I know what “perspicacious” means. I do, I say. I even know the noun form, “perspicacity.” Ford seems properly impressed. He describes himself as a philosopher, a reader of Plato, Aristotle, and Schumpeter. “Schumpeter?” That turns out to be an esoteric economist of the 20th century.

Maybe Ford isn’t just bragging about his philosophical bent. At one point, he estimates what the mile-marker is before we’ve yet come upon it. He turns out to be right. I tell him he probably knows all the leaves on this route he’s been traveling for 30 years. “I don’t know the leaves,” he says, “but I know the trees. The leaves change every year.”

Then comes a bombshell. He won’t run for the Senate again next year, he tells me. “I’ve been there long enough. You never can tell. I might run for mayor. I might run for county commissioner. I don’t know. I might even try to go to Washington.” And he might just buckle down and focus his energies on N.J. Ford, the family funeral home.

At one point, Ford is narrowly missed by another vehicle changing lanes and offers me a package deal with himself at N.J. Ford. I profess mock gratitude, but I decline. In actual fact, he isn’t a bad driver. Only once is there a truly scary moment, when, on the outskirts of Memphis, Ford shifts abruptly into the right lane and almost tail-ends a slow-moving driver pulling a trailer. “Whoa!” I say, by way of warning.

“I’m glad you saw him. He was waffling,” Ford says, by way of explanation.

WHATEVER JOHN FORD ENDS UP doing — or is allowed by his suddenly imperiled circumstances to end up doing — he has more moral support, and perhaps more morality, than the ever-mounting news account would have one realize. One day last week, he had invited me up to his fastidiously kept room at the Sheraton in Nashville and showed me a letter he had received from a woman in Arlington.

Under a “National Day of Prayer” letterhead, the woman explains that she had wished to be urged to pray for someone of her own Republican Party but was commanded by the Lord to pray for John Ford. “He kept laying your name on my heart, and I kept telling him that we don’t have anything in common. My selfishness kept me asking the Lord to pray for someone else, someone that I thought held my same values, and was a member of the party I belong to … Senator Frist or President Bush or any other Republican was my plea, and my answer was always the same: Pray for Senator John Ford. … The Lord pointed out to me through prayer that, if my life was under a microscope as yours is, that it wouldn’t look too much different from any other sinner in this world. However, we are saved by grace.”

The bottom line: John Ford got me home safe and sound. As for himself? Well, he could surely stand some of that divine intervention.

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We Recommend We Recommend

wednesday, 4

If author Deborah Ford’s organization, GRITS (that is, Girls Raised in the South) makes you want to GAG (that is, form a group called Girls Against GRITS), consider the underlying theme of Ford’s latest book, Puttin on the Grits: A Guide to Southern Entertaining. Among the recipes for Oreo pie and the bromides about wearing pearls, there’s something everyone should remember, regardless of gender or geography: Be nice. Ford signs Puttin on the Grits at Davis-Kidd tonight at 6 p.m.

Categories
News The Fly-By

EVERYONE’S A MEDIA CRITIC

This week, the Fly-Team planned to lampoon a recent front page Commercial Appeal headline reading, “Viagra, its cousins drawing younger, fitter men too: Drugs getting use for `recreation’ in addition to therapy.” Autoegocrat, the quick-witted blogger at Rivercitymud.blogspot.com beat us to the punchline by suggesting an excellent followup to the CA’s hard-hitting experiment in investigative advertorial: “Now available Vicodin! Lowest Price online by 27% Guaranteed! We offer all other popular prescriptions at deep discounts 100% Private and Confidential.” —Chris Davis

Plante: How It Looks

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News News Feature

EDITORIAL: OUR A.W.O.L. CONGRESSMAN

Given Harold Ford Jr.’s peculiar voting pattern in recent weeks (last month, he voted in favor of the Bush administration’s bankruptcy bill), the congressman’s failure to vote at all for the budget measure passed by the House last Friday might be considered by many Democrats — who are the majority in his district — as something of a plus. That Republican budget, of course, includes clauses that pave the way for oil drilling in parts of the Alaskan wildlife refuge, as well as a new round of tax cuts balanced on the backs of the poor, who in turn get huge cuts in Medicaid and other entitlements.

The budget was passed by a narrow 214-211 margin, with Congressman Ford one of just 10 members who failed to show up for the vote. The Congressman told The Commercial Appeal that his absence was the result of “a previous commitment to be in Tennessee” on the night of the budget vote. He did not mention that that commitment involved attendance at Tennessee House Speaker Jimmy Naifeh’s Coon Supper in Covington, a city outside the boundaries of his Ninth District.

It is no secret that Ford has set his sights on Bill Frist’s Senate seat in 2006, and that his quest for that position is currently taking him far and wide across the state. Fair enough. But when his attempts to further his political career involve failing to register a vote on a critical measure in Congress on behalf of his Memphis constituents, he does every citizen of the Ninth District, Republican or Democrat, a disservice.

Let us clarify somewhat the nature of this disservice — in which Ford, to be sure, had company. There were 10 absentees; six of them, besides our own congressman, were Democrats. Presumably, a majority were opposed to the budget. If Ford and the others had been in Washington to cast a vote, the budget would have presumably failed.

Alternatively, if Ford — who prides himself on his accessibility to the folks across the aisle — had been there and had been able to talk a single Republican into a change of heart, the vote would have been tied.

By such action — and inaction — is history made.

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We Recommend We Recommend

tuesday, 3

The Memphis Girls Choir will have a spring concert at Church of the Holy Communion, 7 p.m. There’s a National Teacher Day Banquet, featuring a talk by the CEO of the national PTA, Warlene Gary, at the Cook Convention Center, 6 p.m.

Categories
Politics Politics Beat Blog

POLITICS

MAKING THE STATE


The congressman meets the Nashville press.

Harold Ford Jr. made several Tennessee stops last week to reinforce his seeming determination to make the U.S. Senate run in 2006 that some observers have become skeptical about — perhaps recalling the elongated period of soul-searching that preceded an ultimate decision not to make such a race in 2000.

Appearing last Tuesday morning on Teddy Bart’s Roundtable, a much listened-to Nashville radio show for political junkies, the 9th District Memphis congressman addressed such doubts by noting that he was “traveling the state every weekend” and promised an announcement “soon,” though he acknowledged that “some are doubting it.”

The Senate race would be decided “not by 40 or 50 insiders but by people across the state,” Ford said. “I’m running. I’m not hinting.” He said he’d raised $800,000 in the last fiscal quarter, “the most of any member of Congress by far” and was on pace to raise $6 million for the Senate race. He observed that he would only need a half-million, “at most,” to run for reelection to the House.

After addressing a Save Social Security rally at the Capitol later that day, Ford fielded some questions from reporters. These are some of his answers:

On state Senator John Ford’s current problems: “I’m not going to trash my uncle. If he’s done something wrong, he should be treated like everybody else. He makes decisions in his life, I make decisions in mine. I’ve never been arrested. I’ve never done a drug. I don’t go to strip clubs. I’m proud of the way I’ve lived my life. He’s my uncle, and I love him. Anybody who comes from a family with 15 aunts and uncle and 91 first cousins — I put my family’s accomplishments up against anyone’s. When I ran for Congress the first time, in ‘96, my Dad was my predecessor. I didn’t expect people to go to the polls and vote for me because of all his good works, and I don’t expect people to go to the polls and vote against me because of the questions, the real questions, they have about my uncle.”

The ethics problems at various governmental levels: “We have a challenge in Washington, personified by Tom DeLay. The Ethics Committee has tried to change its rules to make it — easier is the wrong word, but to provide a reasonable process for ethics complaints to be heard. I’ve supported every piece of ethics legislation that’s come before the Congress to make it more likely that, if an investigation needs to occur, it does occur. As you understand, we don’t have the kind of issues that state legislatures have. I’m not allowed to work outside of my job.

“Most state legislatures — I don’t know all the research — have that challenge. We don’t have that challenge in Congress. The only job I have is in Congress; it’s the only income I can derive. I support any effort to make people disclose what they make, how they make it, and if you work for the public, you have a responsibility to answer to the public. And everything in my life in politics — I should say, my tenure in Congress in politics — is about that: If people have questions about any person, they should ask, and that person should answer.”

On USA Today‘s finding that he ranks high in privately funded travel: “Since I’ve been in Congress, I’ve taken 63 trips, most of them around the state of Tennessee, speaking to different organizations. There’s no question about where the money is. It’s all fully disclosed. I’ve gone to 63 different places in eight years — five or six years, I think, since they’ve been doing the counting. One of them was to the University of Tennessee graduation in 2003, to which I paid my own way. But all of it’s disclosed, and I think public officials should have to disclose everything. They know where the money is. They [USA Today}mentioned the number of trips that private groups paid for. But I don’t go overseas trip on private — I’ve been overseas three times, and you paid for it each time. The taxpayers.

“I went to Iraq, to visit our troops. I went to Afghanistan to visit our troops. I went to Israel, to the Palestinian territories to see what little I could do as I come back here and vote on matters in Congress that would help us reach an agreement there fast, because I think as quickly as the Palestinians can find some agreement, the faster these kids from Tennessee can come home. And, for that matter, the other 49 states. But all of that is — you can go look it — I have to disclose it every year. There’s not much about my life that hasn’t been disclosed, about my finances.

On his reasons for supporting the Bush administration’s bankruptcy bill: “Two-fold: One, I think the real issue with regard to credit in this nation has to do with credit agencies, reporting agencies that determine your credit worthiness. If you’re a college student, and you’re late paying your phone bill because you have no job or because you’ve been flooded with credit-card requests from banks and credit-card companies alike, I believe that after you’ve satisfied that debt it should be erased from your credit history. Banks and other creditors base how much they will expend to you in credit and money on those numbers. The bankruptcy bill in a lot of ways just wanted to pin the blame on financial institutions. They are part of it.

“And I thought that the idea of urging personal responsibility is a smart thing. The incidences of bankruptcy in Memphis and in this state are high. I’ve introduced legislation to to make it a law where lenders have a responsibility to share with borrowers all of their rights and all of the legal responsibility that comes with taking out a loan or borrowing money from an institution. And that banks have a responsibility to know the payback power of those they lend to. That, I think, is the better route, because, even if we didn’t have a bankruptcy bill, we would still have the problem of under-educated or uneducated borrowers in this country.

“If it were up to me, we’d teach financial literacy, starting in elementary school, because I think kids understand that a dollar today, if you borrow it, really means a dollar-ten, a dollar-fifteen, a dollar-twenty-five. And I don’t think most people appreciate that. We teach kids how to catch footballs, how to throw baseballs how to jump over a hurdle in track at school. I think it would be equally important to teach them the value of money.”

One of Ford’s Tennessee stops was noted in advance by the congressman in this passage from a letter to potential supporters: “[T]his Thursday and Friday, my travels take me to Covington, Tennessee for Speaker Jimmy Naifeh’s coon supper. This annual Tennessee tradition is an integral part of Tennessee’s storied political culture. I look forward to it every year having the chance to see old friends, see folks I see all the time and then eat a little something.”

Some Democrats were complaining that Ford should have been in Washington on Thursday, voting on the Bush budget for fiscal 2005-6, which passed by a margin of 214-211. The congressman was one of ten absentees.

What Round Is It, Steve?

The continuing adventures of the forever embattled Steve Cohen took another turn last week. Already involved in combats of various kinds with Governor Phil Bredesen and a variety of Memphis-area political figures, Cohen escalated his running argument with state House Speaker Jimmy Naifeh last week, charging the speaker with bottling up his bills in the House.

And, during Senate debate last week on an anti-stalking measure, Cohen rose to ask, tongue-in-cheek, to ask whether the bill contained a clause that prohibited “House members” from engaging in stalking. Nobody missed his meaning.

Until two weeks ago, when state Attorney General Paul Summers ruled “unconstitutional” a provision of then-pending ethics legislation that prohibited legislators’ spouses from lobbying the General Assembly, Cohen had been among those continuing to press for such a clause. (Naifeh’s wife Betty Anderson is a lobbyist.)

At his annual Coon Supper in Covington last week, Naifeh responded succinctly and angrily to Cohen’s accusations: “I don’t pay a bit of attention to that little son-of-a-bitch. He’s insignificant!”

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CITY BEAT

MARKETING MEMPHIS

Memphis isn’t known as a particularly bicycle-friendly city, but a little marketing and a few fairly simple additions to the riverfront could change that. The model could be New York City’s Five Boro Bike Tour which was held last Sunday.

Twelve Memphians were among the 30,000 riders who pedaled from Battery Park to Central Park, across various bridges, and through five boros, ending at Staten Island four to eight hours later. It was the 28th time for the tour, and the actual number of participants is anyone’s guess. It would have taken a helicopter to see the beginning and the end.

A tour is not a race. Serious bikers in Memphis showed no interest in the e-mail invitation from Memphis organizer Bill Stegall. Kids and out-of-shape folks pedaled along at a leisurely pace, and speedsters were few and, fortunately, far between. The weather was chilly and wet at the start, sunny and warm at the end. There is a sort of invisible pull in riding with a huge crowd that seems to make covering the 42 miles and several bridges easier on the pulse than a shorter, more vigorous ride.

If there is any problem with the Five Boro Bike Tour it is that it is simply too big. If ten percent of the participants send an e-mail with a generally positive review to ten of their friends, as they surely do, then the growth must be exponential. The wait to get moving from where our group was next to Ground Zero was 33 minutes, and there was a sea of bikes behind us as far as the eye could see. If there was an official start or a starting line, none of us saw it. We moved up the Avenue of the Americas in fits and starts, never more than about ten miles an hour, then coming to a long halt half a mile or so from Central Park where a big wide street had to be funneled into two narrow streets through the park. The wait was about half an hour, but the rain had stopped and no one seemed to mind.

The scarcity of bathrooms was a big problem. Rest stops every eight miles were nearly overwhelmed by the horde and they quickly ran out of bananas and snacks. In the scheme of things, that was nothing. The city’s gift was itself, along with the closing of streets to cars by the NYPD for one day. It was a New York reality tour, not a travelogue of the prettiest sights and most famous places, and that is the charm of such events.

Spectators, ranging from inner-city kids playing basketball in Queens to Hassidic Jews in Brooklyn to pedestrians patiently negotiating their way across the street between the bikes watched with disinterest or maybe a little curiosity about what would make so many people do such a thing on this day. After Central Park, the choke points were few and not long, and the course could have easily been completed in five or six hours.

It was a sweet piece of America, and Memphis could start its own version. Maybe a Bike the River Parks, from Meeman Shelby Forest to the National Ornamental Metals Museum. Diversions could be made past Elvis’s former home in Lauderdale Courts, Sun Studio, the National Civil Rights Museum, and The Peabody ala the Memphis marathon for runners. Those sights are as iconic as the Brooklyn Bridge or the Empire State Building. It is rare that a month goes by without Memphis or a famous Memphian being the subject a story in the national media, such as the one Monday in the New York Times about Elvis Week and an upcoming CBS mini-series on Elvis this month.

A marketing expert quoted in the story called it “the re-emergence of Elvis as a brand” now that 85 percent of Elvis Presley Enterprises has been bought by Robert Silierman and his entertainment firm CKX.

The things that sometimes make Memphis exasperating to Memphians, like the things that make New York City exasperating to New Yorkers, don’t matter much to a visitor riding a bicycle. Who knows the state of the school system, or the tax rate, or even the name of the mayor? The point is to watch where you’re going, see the big picture, smile at strangers and helpful cops, and celebrate America from the vantage point of a bike. Memphis is as good a place as any to do that.

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monday, 2

Today at the Cherokee Valley Golf Course, 11 a.m., the Juvenile Intervention and Faith-based Follow-up, or J.I.F.F., is holding a golf tournament to raise money for its program, which helps kids in trouble.