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We Recommend We Recommend

A Dramatic Solution

Outside the Nappi by Nature salon on May 30th, poet J’malo Torriel, the salon’s owner Sefu Uhuru, and three others say they were brutally attacked by Memphis police officers for no apparent reason. Following the attack, three officers were relieved of duty pending an internal investigation.

Ironically, the group was there to begin rehearsal for their play Why We Die, a serious look at why so many young African-American men face untimely deaths in Memphis.

Torriel (pictured at right with Jasira Montsho) is a member of the spoken-word group Brotha’s Keepa. He began writing the play three years ago in response to the homicide rate for that demographic.

“It’s a play about four young men who are childhood friends. They all end up putting themselves in harm’s way because of social engineering,” says Torriel, who also directs and acts in the play.

“It tackles parents being careful of what they do in front of their children and being economically independent, so kids don’t grow up thinking they have to make money off of crime,” Torriel adds.

Proceeds from the play will benefit Brotha’s Keepa’s Youth Prison Prevention program, their Summer Youth Theatre Camp, and their efforts to feed homeless people downtown.

“Why We Die,” Friday-Saturday, September 28th-29th, 8 p.m. and Sunday, September 30th, 3 and 7:30 p.m., Southwest Tennessee Community College Theatre, 737 Union (409-2655 or 859-4051). $15 advance/$20 door.

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Opinion Viewpoint

Is There an Echo in Here?

Editor’s note: The Flyer received many letters from Memphis musicians in response to our September 13th cover story, “Standing at the Crossroads,” which detailed the revival of the Memphis Music Commission and Music Foundation. Among the responses was this one from legendary Memphis producer Jim Dickinson.

Yeah, that’s just what we need: “a multi-Grammy-winning producer coming to town to build a studio.”

Tell that to multi-Grammy-winning producer Norbert Putnam of the sadly flawed and failed Cadre studio.

Does the name Chips Moman mean anything? The Moman-return scenario was tragic for everybody concerned and all but ended the career of the most successful producer in the history of Memphis music.  

House of Blues studios A, B, and C stand empty. The Three Alarm and 315 Beale studios are gone. Easley Recording is in ashes. Posey Hedges shut his studio down.

Other Memphis studios teeter on the brink of extinction: Knox Phillips will keep Phillips Recording open until it falls over in a heap. Willie Mitchell is going nowhere, thank God. Stax is a museum and a label destined to fail, owned by out-of-towners. John Fry at Ardent has enough money to burn a wet mule. Ward Archer is in the process of renovating the old Sounds Unreel studio into what will be the most modern, world-class studio in a 200-mile radius. God only knows why.

As anyone with any knowledge of the music business knows, studios are going toes up all over the country.

The new ideas touted by the new music “leaders” are just as unrealistic, though not as self-serving, as former commission head Rey Fleming’s.

I’ve seen them come and go — the saviors of Memphis music. And we the musicians will be here when the latest bunch is gone. We will have to live with the fallout and clean up the mess.

Memphis’ musical strength is not in studios or venues or festivals. Our strength is our musicians. In the years since the self-destruction of Stax, many a deserving artist has slipped through the cracks: Kevin Paige, Wendy Moten, and Eric Gales, to name three. The great O’Landa Draper was on his way to true superstardom when he suddenly died, far too young.

Music is a business where how good you are doesn’t necessarily matter, and sometimes even genius is not enough.

Phineas Newborn Jr. and Shawn Lane both died in relative obscurity and financial distress. How many others have there been? They give up or move away or struggle along against impossible odds.

Witness the success of Cat Power — a mediocre talent who came to town, recorded a successful record with great Memphis musicians, and toured with the recording band. So much of it is dumb luck. Getting a job at Tater Red’s on Beale Street will do more good for musicians than a tax break for rich folks with investment capital.

Don’t take it personally, Memphis. It’s not happening just to us. It’s just happening. Studios on Music Row in Nashville are standing empty. The best studio in the state recently went out of business. Artists make recordings at home. Mick Jagger records on a laptop.

I have a near-religious faith in Memphis music. Our music endures. Pop culture is disposable, designed to become obsolete and create a demand for more and more. Art is for the ages.

On a recent trip to New York to play Carnegie Hall with my sons, we had a meeting in the Sony Tower. After the meeting, we rode the high-security elevator down — past six empty floors that used to be the once-mighty R.C.A.

Things are tough all over. Hang on, Memphis. Suck it up and tough it out. As the late, great Charlie Freeman once said, “They don’t call it the Bluff City for nothing.”

I applaud Three 6 Mafia. I applaud Saliva. Getting out of town is no easy task, but it is necessary. Our music has power worldwide. Once upon a time there was this teen-age truck driver from Tupelo …

Jim Dickinson has been playing, recording, and producing music in Memphis since the late 1960s.

Categories
Sports Sports Feature

Baseball Legends Hit the Links for Charity This Weekend in Memphis

A lineup of baseball greats, including Vida Blue, Stubby Clapp, John Denny, Bob Forsch, Fergie Jenkins, Tommy John, Don Kessinger, Bill Madlock, Gaylord Perry, Manny Sanguillen, Lee Smith, Dave Stewart, John Tudor, and Reggie Williams, will descend on the Mid-South this weekend for the Memphis Redbirds’ annual Redbirds Classic Golf Tournament.

The event is one of the biggest fund-raisers for the Memphis Redbirds Baseball Foundation. For details on the various events, and a full list of the former ballplayers scheduled to appear, go here.

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News

Timberlake Leads Nominees for Euro Video Awards

Justin Timberlake has been nominated for four MTV Europe Video Music Awards, more than any other nominee, but just barely.

The “SexyBack” singer is nominated for the Video Star Award, Headliner Award, Ultimate Urban Act, and Solo Artist of 2007.

Amy Winehouse, Avril Lavigne, Beyonce, Fall Out Boy, Linkin Park, My Chemical Romance, Nelly Furtado, and Rihanna were all nominated for three awards. Furtado, Lavigne and Rihanna are all nominated for 2007 solo artist, as well.

The awards will be presented in Munich November 1st.

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Politics Politics Feature

Yacoubian Poll Shows Herenton Leading…Barely

With the final poll, the one to be taken of all voters on
Election Day, Thursday, October 4th, just around the bend, late
sampling taken by established local pollsters provide some clue as to what the
portents are.

Berje Yacoubian, whose well-established Yacoubian Research
firm has taken the measure of numerous significant elections over the last few
decades, has provided The Flyer with exclusive use of the tables and
results of a mayoral poll taken over a four-day period, with polling itself
undertaken on Thursday night, September 20th, and Monday night,
September 24th.

Some 395 respondents across various age, racial, and
neighborhood lines were asked a variety of questions, and pollster Yacoubian
reckons the degree of accuracy to be plus or minus 4.8 percent.

The bottom-line results: Respondents stated their
preferences in this order – Herenton, 30 percent; Chumney, 28 percent; Morris,
21 percent; Willingham, 2 percent; undecided, 18 percent; none of the above, 1
percent.

Chumney, it would seem, is maintaining the viable position,
at or near the lead, that she has held in a variety of polls going back to the
spring. Morris appears to have broadened his support since those earlier polls,
while Willingham has not managed to gain much ground.

Almost as telling are the results in other categories.
Asked to evaluate the prior job performance of the candidates on a scale ranging
from poor to excellent, councilwoman Chumney led the others with 40 percent
rating her excellent or above average, followed by Morris with 33 percent in
that category, Herenton with 31 percent; and Willingham with 15 percent.

\Incumbent mayor Herenton was rated as superior to the
others on the scale of his ability to foster economic development, with a rating
of 32 percent to Chumney’s 28 percent to Morris’ 20 percent to 1 percent for
Willingham.

Chumney leads the others as most likely to produce good
results for education, with 36 percent, compared to former schools
superintendent Herenton’s 29 percent and Morris’ 13 percent, and Willingham’s 2
percent.

Perhaps most surprisingly, Chumney, who has produced a
15-point crime plan, is rated best on that score, with 26 percent preferring
her, to 24 percent for Herenton, whose Blue Crush plan is now in effect, to 20
percent for Morris, and 1 percent for Willingham.

(Willingham’s relatively unimpressive showings may reflect
voter uncertainty rather than disapproval, with a whopping 42 percent of
respondents recording themselves as “not sure” about his job performance,
compared to 22 percent for both Morris and Chumney and only 3 percent in that
category for the mayor.)

Interestingly, a resurgent Morris led the other candidates
when the question was, Who would be your second choice? He garnered 29 percent
to 26 for Chumney, 7 for Willingham, and only 5 for Herenton.

An additional poll question asked voters for their attitude
toward amending the city charter to mandate a two-term (8-year) limit for both
the mayor and members of the city council. A convincing 71 percent approved the
change, with 17 opposing it and 12 percent uncertain.

Percentage-wise, the sample of those polled broke down this
way: African-American females, 35 percent; white females, 25 percent, and 20
percent apiece for both white males and African-American males.

Age-wise, the voters sampled were predominantly in the
category of 35 to 64 years old, with 56 percent. Next came those 65 or older, 33
percent; and, finally, voters aged 34 and under, 10 percent.

The methodology of the poll assumes these breakdowns to be
as close as possible to the ratios obtained in actual elections in recent
years.

For the complete results, check links below.

Yacoubian Results
Yacoubian Summary
Yacoubian Addendum
Yacoubian Methodology
Yacoubian Crosstabulation
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News

Mike Heidingsfield, Iraqi Security Force Commissioner

Mike Heidingsfield spends most of his days studying local crime-fighting strategies in the safety of his downtown Memphis office. But back in 2005, the president of the Memphis Shelby County Crime Commission helped train police forces in Iraq. That experience qualified him for another dangerous task recently.

Heidingsfield spent two weeks in early July in Iraq as part of a commission studying the progress of the Iraqi Security Forces, which includes the Iraqi Army and the Iraqi Police. He, along with 20 others who served on the commission, testified before Congress earlier this month. — by Bianca Phillips

How did you end up on the Iraqi Security Force Commission?

In the appropriations bill that passed Congress in May, there was language inserted by Senator John Warner requiring that an independent commission be established to go to Iraq and assess the progress of the Iraqi Security Forces, which means the Iraqi Army and their military in general and the Iraqi Police.

We were supposed to determine, if in the next 12 to 18 months, they’ll be able to secure their borders, deny safehaven to terrorists, re-build their infrastructure, and train additional personnel. That was our mandate.

The commission was chaired by a retired marine corps four-star general. He chose about 15 additional retired general officers to go with him. Then he chose five police executives, so I was one of those.

How do you study the Iraqi Police?

We broke up into teams. The law-enforcement team stayed together. We traveled all over Iraq by helicopter gunship — all the way north to Kurdistan, west to the Al Anbar Province, east to the Iranian border, and south toward Basra.

We met with the Iraqi Police. We went to their training centers. We sat through their classes. We watched them operate in the field. We interviewed them. We did everything possible to immerse ourselves in what they were doing. It was of no value to stay in the Green Zone and simply be briefed because you don’t get a since of what’s really happening.

What did the commission find about Iraqi Army?

On the good side, the Iraqi Army has made very substantial progress. Probably in the next 12 to 18 months, they will have the ability to operate independently of coalition forces. They’re much more advanced than the Iraqi police.

If you look toward the regions of the country where you have one religion, you definitely have a level of order that was not there when I was there before. Al Anbar Province is one example because it’s all Sunni.

Conversely, Baghdad itself is as or more dangerous than it was when I was there previously. The sectarian violence seems more apparent and more deliberate. In Basra, because the British are drawing down their presence, there is very significant violence that, ironically, is Shiite on Shiite. They’re trying to see who will prevail down there in the oil-rich country.

What about the Iraqi Police?

The Iraqi police are struggling terribly. You have the Iraqi Police Service, which is a national force of 235,000 members. They still remain under-trained, compromised by having a significant number within their membership who are militia members or insurgents. They’re under-equipped. They’re under-armed, and it’s very difficult for them to do their job. It’s aggravated by the fact that, unlike the Iraqi Army, which is controlled by the Ministry of Defense, the Iraqi Police are controlled by the Ministry of the Interior, which is roughly equivalent to our Justice Department.

The Ministry of the Interior is just a dysfunctional bureaucracy. It is riddled with sectarianism. There is a massive amount of distrust and a complete unwillingness to share power or information. As a result of that, the Iraqi Police, as you try to mature them and develop them as a force, suffer terribly.

There’s also an Iraqi National Police organization. So you have the Iraqi Police Service, the IPS, with 235,000 members. They’re throughout the country at 1,200 different locations.

The Iraqi National Police, which is an organization of 25,000 people, are sort of a flying squad for the Interior Ministry. They’re really not police except in name. They’re more like commandoes. They’re heavily rumored to be involved in death squads and torture and are universally disliked in Iraq.

One of our recommendations is that the 25,000-man force should be deconstructed and re-organized. It should be probably one-quarter the size it is now, down to about 6,000 men. They should have specific, highly specialized skills, like urban search and rescue, dealing with improvised explosive devices, tasks that require a highly developed skill level, but don’t have any political connotation. The rest of them should be disbanded and maybe put into the Iraqi Police Services or the Iraqi Army.

It’s kind of a mixed bag. There’s no doubt the borders are not secure. They cannot secure the infrastructure. They cannot deny safehaven to terrorists, and they’re having great difficultly training additional forces. It’s a pretty pessimistic picture.

Their police force is set up like the military. When you say police officer in Iraq, that’s like a captain or a colonel or a general. They have 10,000 generals in the Iraqi Police. Everybody’s a general. They’re the bosses.

Then they have shurtas, which is the worker bees. But there’s nothing in between, and that’s one of the issues. The shurtas don’t have any independent decision-making authority. And the whole notion of first-line supervisors or middle management doesn’t exist in Iraq.

They can ultimately be successful if the Iraqi government commits to re-organizing the Ministry of the Interior. Until that is re-organized, the Iraqi Police will never be successful.

Didn’t you help train Iraqi police back in 2005?

I was there from October 2004 to January 2006. I was the State Department’s contingent commander for the police advisory mission in Iraq. I was responsible for all the U.S. police advisors who were there to train Iraqi police. There were 500 of them.

We built a basic police academy curriculum that had a lot of the same things that we teach here about Western democratic principles. That did not resonate at all with the Iraqis. They don’t have any point of reference for that sort of thing. It just doesn’t make sense to them because they haven’t lived under that kind of system.

Plus, the Iraqi Police recruits were being killed at such a high rate on their way to us to be trained or after we released them from the duty station. They didn’t have the skills to stay alive.

So the curriculum had to be changed pretty substantially and it made them more of a light infantry force. They learned survival skills.

Today, they go through a hybrid-training program. Some of that Western training is occurring, and there’s also a great deal of some of those survival light infantry skills. Slowly, you see some progress being made. One of the best things that’s happened is we have now trained a sizeable contingent of Iraqi trainers, so we’ve got Iraqis training Iraqis. That’s better than having Americans training Iraqis in the classroom.

There’s a lot of controversy now over whether or not the U.S. should pull out of the war altogether. Based on what you’ve seen, what do you think?

I think we ought to re-deploy our forces to bases in Turkey, Kuwait, and Jordan. Obviously, Syria is not going to let us base any troops there. We gave up our base in Saudi Arabia. But in Kuwait, Turkey, and Jordan, we’d be strategically positioned around Iraq.

I think we should secure the borders of Iraq, so that Syrians and Iranians are denied the ability to go in and influence events.

I think we should secure the infrastructure, like the electrical grids, the oil fields, and if we do that, we should leave the internal political decisions to the Iraqis. They have to sort through how they’re going to come at political reconciliation.

We did three things in Iraq: We removed a bad guy, we gave them the structure for a representative government, and we determined there were no weapons of mass destruction. But we can’t fix thousands of years of religious history. All we can do is give them a safe operating environment and a level playing field.

Do you think the troop “surge” made a difference?

I think it made a difference in the interim. Whenever you impose 30,000 additional troops in a relatively confined area, it’s going to displace the violence and reduce the level of violence.

The question is whether the Iraqis have the ability to sustain that after we no longer have the surge in place. I think the original premise of the surge was to give the Iraqis the opportunity to make political decisions. And they have not done that.

What were the Iraqi attitudes like toward Americans while you were there?

It’s kind of a mixture. There’s a sense of weariness because we’ve been there so long. I think they feel like they need us, but they’re really weary of having us. I had a police commander say to me, “You can’t leave because you’ve caused this situation. There’s a moral imperative that requires you to stay.”

I didn’t respond to that, but in my heart, I felt like there’s an equal moral imperative that says, “We have to be sure we’re sending our children to die for the right reasons.”

What about the morale of American soldiers?

It’s very good. They’re tired. Many of them have been there two, three, or four times. It’s fair to say they’re weary. But morale is very good. No matter how the soldiers feel personally about the war, they just keep saluting and doing the job.

Were you afraid while you were there?

Yes, you’re always afraid, because if you’re out in the Red Zone, you never know who the enemy is because they look just like the next person. You never know where the next explosive device is going to be hidden. And you never know when you’re going to be targeted.

In my 14 months there in 2005, on my first tour, the headquarters I was in was bombed three times. I got ambushed on a highway and we had to fight our way out of it. And we got hit by a roadside bomb. I experience the variety of attacks that one gets when you’re part of the coalition. So you’re fighting all the time.

You sleep in catnaps. You’re always listening. I slept with my body armor and my machine gun. That’s just the way you live.

Does the Green Zone feel safe?

No it doesn’t, oddly enough. It used to feel safer. When I was there the first time, every so often, the Green Zone would get rocketed or hit by a mortar. But unless it was that unlucky fellow who happened to be underneath it, nothing tended to happen.

This time, we got rocketed and mortared every day in the Green Zone. And there were five deaths within the span of four days. In fact, the first death of an Army nurse in combat since Vietnam occurred while we were there. She was going to the gymnasium to work out and was hit by a mortar.

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News

Machine Gun Kelly Arrested in Memphis 74 Years Ago This Week

As anniversaries go, it’s an odd one. But it’s still one of Memphis’ most spectacular crime stories.

Just before dawn on September 26, 1933, Memphis police officers and federal agents crept up to a quiet bungalow off South Parkway. Inside was their quarry, a man known throughout the country as “Public Enemy Number One,” and a killer so skilled with a tommygun that he could stitch his name in .45-caliber slugs.

The police crept up to the front porch, slowly opened the front door, and stepped inside. Just coming out of the bathroom was George Kelly Barnes, who raised his hands and meekly surrendered. Without firing a shot, the officers had arrested the notorious gangster known as Machine Gun Kelly, the Central High graduate who would end his days in Leavenworth and Alcatraz.

For the real story of the dramatic life of one of America’s most famous criminals, read the Flyer’s story.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

GADFLY: Support the Troops?

The debate over the Iraq war has devolved into a struggle
over whether the political combatants in that fight “support the troops.” The
Republic party (the equivalent of what the president cynically—or maybe just
ignorantly—likes to call the “Democrat” party), which continues to support the
President’s “stay the course” strategy in Iraq, continues to assert that any
attempt to end the war and bring our troops home constitutes a failure to
support the troops.

That’s a little like saying that any attempt to cure cancer
is a failure to support the livelihoods of the medical professionals who
diagnose and treat it. And, many of the so-called anti-war politicians in
Washington counter that assertion with the equally sophistic phrase that it is
possible to oppose the war, but support the troops.

All of this made me want to examine, closely, the whole
“support the troops” meme the right wing likes to trot out (and the chickenshit
Democrats buy into) as the ultimate justification for the continuation of the
war, and the conclusion I came to is that supporting the troops is both a false
mantra, and worse, is not justified by the facts.

Let’s start with the premise that the purpose of a standing
military is to defend the U.S. from attack. Indeed, since funding for the
military is part of the “defense” budget, there’s no arguing that point. Since
we all know, after the fall of the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war,
that few, if any, countries have the power, much less the ability (or even
desire), to attack the U.S. (at least not conventionally, as by launching an
amphibious force or parachuting onto our shores), one has to wonder, has that
purpose outlived its usefulness.

Even if one were to posit as a given the “threat”
represented by the “axis of evil” (i.e., Iran, North Korea, China), the
inescapable fact is that the threat from those countries (if one truly exists,
rather than being ginned up by an administration that uses the fear of attack as
its ultimate political weapon) is that they will launch a nuclear attack on the
U.S. Why else are the neocons beating the war drums against the prospect of
Iran’s development of a nuclear capability, and why else is this president
spending billions of dollars on a “missile defense shield” which has, in
testing, been a demonstrable failure?

Now, of course, a standing army will not have any ability
to defend the U.S from nuclear attack. It’s a little like the scene from one of
the “Indiana Jones” movies where the colorfully-attired tribesman brandishes a
long and lethal-looking scimitar in threatening gestures aimed towards our hero,
only to have an amused, but obviously not intimidated, Jones pull his gun and
shoot the flamboyant warrior dead on the spot.

In other words, don’t bring a sword (even if it’s a big
one) to a gun fight. Similarly, don’t bring a rifle, pistol or even a canon to a
fight with someone who has a nuclear weapon. No matter how sophisticated a
standing army is, it is no match against ICBM’s. But, we also know that there
are no countries who currently have a delivery mechanism for any nuclear weapons
(the laughable “test” conducted by North Korea several months ago proved that),
though the joke that’s told about the Chinese lack of a delivery system is that
with a population of a billion people, they can just pass the weapon, hand to
hand, across the ocean.

We also know, because our president and his sycophants have
been telling us this since at least September 11, 2001, that terrorism (and the
terrorists who use it) is an unconventional form of warfare. They use the word
“asymmetric” to describe the “enemy” in the “war on terror,” and tell us that,
among other things, this kind of war is different because it isn’t state
sponsored, the combatants don’t wear uniforms, etc. That, of course, is one of
the rationales this administration has used for denying “enemy combatants” the
essential rights granted under the Geneva Conventions and other international
treaties, thereby exposing American troops to similar mistreatment in the event
they are captured.

So a conventional military force isn’t the right vehicle to
fight an unconventional (i.e., “war on terror”) war, if we’re to credit what
we’ve been told. And, if we’ve learned one thing from the debacle that Iraq has
become (and should have learned from the earlier misadventures of, for example,
France in Algeria, Russia in Afghanistan, or even our own experience in
Vietnam), it is that conventional troops are almost powerless to fight a war
against terrorists and insurgents.

So what other purpose does a standing army serve? The
answer is all too simple: to fight conventional wars (and, not incidentally, to
line the coffers of what Dwight Eisenhower so presciently called the “military
industrial complex”). That means to land troops by air or sea on “enemy”
territory, conduct military operations, the purpose of which is to kill as many
of the enemy (whoever we declare them to be) as they possibly can.

That’s what our military did in the days immediately
following our initial invasion of Iraq. It’s also what our military has done in
wars going back to the War of 1812, including, but not limited to, World Wars I
and II, the Korean War and the Vietnam War (the latter of which was also a war
against an insurgency, and we know how well that turned out). In other words, a
standing army is an excuse to fight conventional wars in an era where
conventional wars have become all but useless, with the exception of wars whose
purpose isn’t to defend our country from attack.

In order to accomplish the purpose of its conventional
military operations of late, the U.S. has been relying on the services of a
so-called “all-volunteer” corps of fighters. Of course, these fighters aren’t
volunteers, in the conventional sense, since we all know that the dictionary
definition of a volunteer is “a person who performs a service willingly and
without pay.” Hence the nickname for the state of Tennessee as the “Volunteer
State,” a term that originates from the outpouring of volunteers (in the truest
sense) from that state to fight in the War of 1812.

No, the current “all volunteer” military is anything but
volunteers (except, and only, to the extent they are to be distinguished from
the “involunteers” in prior wars, who were drafted, usually against their will,
to serve). They are, in fact, job applicants who have a variety of motivations
for wanting the job.

For some, it’s the signing bonuses (as much as $20,000,
depending on the speed of deployment and the duration of the commitment) the
military is dangling to entice applicants, especially given the difficulty it’s
been having meeting its recruitment quotas. For others, it’s the benefits that
come from military service, including educational benefits and medical benefits
(illusory as it appears those benefits have become) following their service. For
some, it’s the fact that the military is the employer of last resort for a
variety of slackers and dead-enders, including felons, high school dropouts and
even skinheads, neo-Nazis and gang members. It is no accident that the vast
majority of volunteers for the military come from the lower economic rungs of
our society.

For many, however, it’s a combination of jingoistic
patriotism and a desire to engage in legitimized, permissible, sanctioned
violence. How else can we explain the fact that the military has now begun
accepting volunteers who have a history of committing violent crimes?

The members of the military, whether they be ground or air
forces, are trained, to put it simply, to kill. If they did stateside what
they’re paid to do “in theater,” they would be considered criminals, but put a
gun in the hand of a 20-something, wet-behind-the-ears soldier, tell him he’s
fighting for a great and glorious cause, and let him loose on the enemy du jour,
and just about anything he does with that weapon is OK, even if includes killing
innocent civilians.

And if he can’t find enough enemies to shoot at through
normal tactics, he can always (as we found out in the last few days) bait the
field of battle with enticements to potential insurgents and terrorists to up
his kill rate. In other words, our military thinks it can do something to
facilitate the killing of human beings that the laws in most states prohibit a
hunter from doing to kill wildlife. Is this a great military, or what?

A good friend of mine, who was a fighter pilot in Vietnam
(and, among other things, dropped napalm and agent orange on civilians in that
country), told me that among the patches some pilots had sewn onto their flight
suits was the motto “We Control Violence.” When you have the ability to fire
canons or drop bombs (the kind that kill people instantly by blowing them up, or
that take longer to kill them by giving them cancer or other fatal diseases)
from the air, or fire 50 millimeter bullets from a sniper rifle on the ground,
there’s no doubt that, as far as the victims of your firepower (especially when
those victims are what the military calls “collateral damage”) are concerned,
you certainly do control violence.

It might have been more accurate if that patch had said “We
Control Life.” Let’s not forget, though, that the military is the spearhead for
the effectuation of our foreign policy. If that policy includes “regime change,”
or the imposition of our form of government, and if that policy dictates that
tens of thousands of innocent civilians be killed in that effort, then the
military is the vehicle by which that policy is accomplished.

So the question is, is the military (especially in its
activities in support of Bush’s policy in Iraq) worthy of our support. Are the
men and women who “volunteer” to accomplish Bush’s objectives praiseworthy?
Remember, Bush never served in combat (thanks to his daddy’s connections with
the Texas Air National Guard), nor did most of the chickenhawk neocons who
engineered the war in Iraq. None of them, nor any of their family members, was
ever going to fight the war either. Without obedient, compliant, and credulous
men and women to fight Bush’s war, there would/could be no war.

So is the military entitled to a pass for wittingly doing
the president’s bidding because they’re “just following orders?” You may
remember this as part of the infamous “Nuremberg defense,” a rationalization
that was debunked at the war crimes trial following World War II, and has been
made obsolete in, among other places, the Uniform Code of Military Justice which
empowers soldiers to disobey unlawful orders. Is the military entitled to a
pass, much less our admiration, because they dutifully (some might say blindly)
follow the orders given by their commander-in-chief, or are they complicit in
the atrocities that accompany the combat in which they engage?

Why, one might ask, aren’t more members of the military
speaking out against the policy in Iraq, and why aren’t more members of the
military taking other action (e.g., deserting) as they see the effects of that
policy on the ground? Could it be because they agree with the policy, and if so,
aren’t the policy and their service in its support inseparable?

Let’s admit something: anyone who has volunteered for
military service since the war in Iraq started knew they might be sent to fight
that war, and many, suffused with an overwhelming sense of “duty, honor,
country” volunteered precisely for that reason. Pat Tillman, the NFL quarterback
who was killed by his own troops, only to have that fact covered up by the
military and the Bush administration, was the poster child for that motivation.

So we have to assume that they not only agreed with the
policy effectuated by that war, but that they were eager to serve as the tools
(or, if you like it better, vehicles) of the apparatus that has given us that
war for the last five years. They are not unwitting victims, innocent bystanders
or accidental tourists in this war; they are the means for its accomplishment.

The people who are fighting the current war may be cannon
fodder to the cynical politicians who want to keep them there, but they are the
personification of those politicians’ policies. Therefore, it is impossible to
oppose the war, but support the people who, by volunteering to fight it,
implicitly (if not explicitly) support it and make it possible.

Of course, this rationale may not be as applicable to the
members of the National Guard and Reserve, who have been, essentially,
conscripted to fight, and who may or may not support the policy they are being
forced to fight for, but even they realize, when they sign up for duty
stateside, that they can be drawn into a foreign war, and we’re not seeing any
mass rebellion or revolt by these troops either against the administration’s war
policy.

In terms of admirability, I suggest there are many
categories of people (and the jobs they perform) that are far more worthy of
support than the members of the American military who are being used, with their
knowledge and accession, as a means of foisting an unjustified, and
unjustifiable, war on the American (not to mention the Iraqi) public. Police
officers, firefighters, teachers, nurses, and even garbage collectors are, in my
opinion, worthy of far more admiration, respect, and yes, support, than the
people who kill in pursuit of George Bush’s insane policies.

The U.S. military in Iraq isn’t defending this country.
Even General Petraeus (speaking of tools) couldn’t make that argument in his
recent “show and tell” before the Congress. It isn’t making this country any
safer; it isn’t lessening the threat of worldwide terrorism (in fact, just the
opposite) and it isn’t defending the American way of life (unless you think the
American way of life is unbridled violence, either of the domestic variety—as
the recent upswing in national crime statistics suggests—or of the kind we
export).

Of course, the same political machinations which cause
Democrats to drink the “support the troops” Kool Aid being served up by our
president and his party’s members are what prevent those same political
calculators from coming anywhere near saying that the military is far less than
the admirable, self-sacrificing, infallible institution it is portrayed as
being. That’s why the well-deserved (if less-than-delicately worded) criticism
of Petraeus contained in the recent MoveOn.org ad in the New York Times mustered
the indignant outrage it did, even from enough Democrats in the Senate to pass
an embarrassingly irrelevant resolution condemning the ad.

Apparently, criticizing a general who manipulates the facts
to fit the policy is akin to treason, or at least to blasphemy, to our elected
officials, including many chickenshit Democrats. Never mind that when Bush has
been critical of what generals have told him, he flat out fired them. Now that’s
what I call supporting the troops.

I realize my analysis and conclusions about the “support
the military” cliche make it seem like I probably don’t believe in the sanctity
of such American institutions as baseball, hot dogs, apple pie or Chevrolet
either, and truth be told, I don’t. Baseball has become a money-grubbing,
sleazy, corrupt industry; hot dogs are laced with harmful chemicals, apple pie
contributes to an epidemic of obesity (besides, I prefer peach) and Chevrolet
builds more gas guzzling vehicles than any other manufacturer, thus contributing
to our dependence on foreign oil and, indirectly, to the terrorism that has been
spawned by our petro-centric foreign policy.

However, nothing I’ve said should be interpreted as a
desire to see American soldiers harmed in any way. Quite the contrary. Just
because American soldiers volunteer for service knowing they may be grievously
injured, or even killed, doesn’t mean they deserve either of those fates And
just because they have volunteered to serve a corrupt, indefensible policy also
doesn’t mean they deserve to be punished by being injured or losing their lives.

They are entitled to every safeguard and protection from
harm this country can give them (rather than the lip service they are frequently
paid), and to the fulfillment of promises that get made to induce them to serve,
whether that is effective body armor (rather than the garbage they’ve been
getting as a result of a corrupt procurement process), vehicles that will
protect them from explosions or adequate medical care following their service.
Which is why what they deserve is to be removed, immediately (if not sooner)
from a situation that exposes them to such risks for all the wrong reasons. If
there is to be any punishment meted out as a result of what has turned into a
criminal war, that will be for an appropriate tribunal to decide.

Nor would it be valid to draw the inference that I’m some
kind of pacifist. I would be the first to call for military action were any
foreign power to attempt to come ashore in amphibious vehicles on Long Island,
Boca Raton or San Diego, or invade the U.S. by any other conventional means (and
that includes fighting Al Qaeda in Afghanistan). And far be it from me to
suggest any kind of reallocation of resources, either financial or human, away
from defending our country against a bogus “war on terror” to defending our
country against real risks, like dread diseases, and a pathetic health care
system that cause (or do little to prevent) the deaths of more people in this
country every single day than were killed on September 11, 2001.

My point about the military is only that it is manipulative at best, and dishonest at worst to justify a continuation of the war based on the need to “support the troops,” and the rush to glorify the military or act like that institution is somehow sacrosanct ignores reality, especially when that reality dictates that institution deserves no more honor, or support, than the dishonorable mission it is fighting.

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Kaywin Feldman to Leave Brooks Museum for Minneapolis Position

From TwinCities.com: With the selection of Kaywin Feldman to head the Minneapolis Institute of Arts, the Twin Cities cultural scene completes a yearlong leadership transition that created openings in some of the area’s top artistic organizations.

Feldman, 41, is currently director of the Brooks Museum of Art in Memphis. She’ll be the first female MIA director in a history that stretches back to the founding of the Minneapolis Society of Fine Arts in 1883. She replaces William Griswold, who is moving to New York to head the Morgan Library & Museum.

“First and foremost, I was attracted by the collection,” said Feldman. “It’s a remarkable collection of international importance. And then there was the warmth of the community, the friendly people, the level of philanthropy. It’s a great opportunity as well as a great place to live.”

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Radar Failure in Memphis Affects Hundreds of Flights

From CNN.com — Air traffic controllers were forced to use their personal cell phones to reroute hundreds of flights Tuesday after the Federal Aviation Administration’s Memphis Center lost radar and telephone service for more than two hours, snarling air traffic in the middle of the nation.

The FAA’s Memphis Center lost communication service Tuesday, affecting FedEx flights and others.

A spokesman for FedEx, which has its hub in Memphis, Tennessee, said the package delivery company had diverted 11 aircraft to other cities. But most of its flights take off and land after 10 p.m., so FedEx expected the impact to be minimal, the spokesman said.

Air traffic was halted at 12:35 p.m. ET when a major communication line that feeds all the telephones at the FAA’s Memphis Center failed, said FAA spokeswoman Kathleen Bergen.

Service was restored at 3 p.m.

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