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Music Music Features

Bobby Whitlock talks Memphis, Stax, “Layla,” and more.

Talking to Bobby Whitlock, best known as a keyboardist for Eric Clapton, George Harrison, and others, it’s easy to summon up that era when Memphis was seemingly the biggest small town on Earth.

“Dewey Phillips used to come over to my grandmother’s house when I was a little fella. You know, I’ve always sang, and he’d say, ‘You need to get that boy to Nashville!’ So, when I was 12, I did a studio recording of a song called ‘The Lord’s Prayer’ for Ted Mack’s Amateur Hour. I won, and the grand prize was a Brownie Instamatic camera and a six-pack of chicken legs.”

When I note that it sounds like he still had one foot in the country back then, he tells me, “I had both feet in the country when I was a kid! We chopped cotton and did all of that hard work.”

But for a nervy country boy in that looser, less wary time, there were more adventures to come. As a teenager playing with the Counts, he visited another recording studio, this one on McLemore Avenue. Asked to join in on some clapping, he found his way onto a hit piece of vinyl titled “I Thank You” by Sam and Dave. His fellow hand clappers were Isaac Hayes and David Porter.

“I was privileged to be one of the few people to walk into Stax when they were recording. I watched Booker play that organ many, many times.” As it happened, he wound up being a Stax artist himself. “I was the first white act signed to Stax’ newly formed Hip label. They have my 45 hanging on the wall at the Stax Museum now.”

From there, the chicken legs just kept coming. Stax brought a talented California couple known as Delaney & Bonnie to Memphis. Upon hearing Whitlock’s group play, they asked him to join them, and Whitlock left for Los Angeles the next day. Delaney & Bonnie & Friends soon caught the attention of George Harrison, who tried to sign them to Apple Records. They went on to join Clapton’s Blind Faith on a world tour, eventually incorporating both Clapton and Harrison into their group of performing “friends.” And this was just two years after Whitlock had first lent a hand for “some of that old soul clapping” on a Stax track.

That loose group of players was recruited by Harrison to record his first solo album in 1970. “The first piano playing I ever did was on All Things Must Pass. I played organ and pump organ on almost all of that record. But the B3 was taken one day, and Eric said ‘Why don’t you just play piano on this one?’ So I started playing, and it sounded like Jerry Lee or Memphis Slim or my mom or something.”

Out of this time, Clapton’s Derek and the Dominos was born, as was their career-defining album, Layla and Other Assorted Love Songs. Whitlock wrote and played through the 1970s, first with Clapton and then as a solo artist. Any fan of music from the era knows Whitlock’s playing, if not his name.

Not long after, Whitlock retired from the music industry. “I didn’t drop out of music; I just dropped out of the public scene. I didn’t have anything to offer the disco era or the ’80s. I wouldn’t compromise my art, my craft, my integrity for the sake of being a rock star. I was already that.”

Whitlock lived on his Mississippi farm for much of that time, doing occasional session work. He now lives near Austin with his wife, CoCo Carmel. The couple now tours together. In Carmel, a saxophonist, audio engineer, and producer, Whitlock has found a sympathetic musical colleague. “She puts a foundation down for me, real support. That’s the role I played in Derek and the Dominos.”

The duet plays new originals and revisits the classics that Whitlock is famous for. With their upcoming Memphis show a homecoming of sorts, Whitlock clearly enjoyed walking through his many memories of the Bluff City.

Bobby Whitlock and CoCo Carmel play The Warehouse on June 2nd.

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We Recommend We Recommend

Irene Crist in “Ripcord”

If Memphis is a theater town as actor/director Irene Crist asserts, she did her part to make it so. As a performer, she’s set a high bar. As a teacher for Playhouse on the Square’s conservatory, she’s shared her gifts across generations. She’s retiring from the stage in June after one last performance at Circuit Playhouse in Ripcord, Pulitzer Prize-winning playwright David Lindsay-Abaire’s geriatric farce about odd-couple roommates who find themselves in an all-out brawl to determine who reigns supreme in the nursing home.

Crist has been one of Memphis’ most reliable and recognizable actors since she first went to work for Jackie Nichols and Playhouse on the Square 39 years ago in 1978. She’s known Overton Square in its glory days, remembers when it hit the skids, and watched it bounce back and the number of theaters grow. She dropped into the scene on a high note, and it looks like the classically trained actress, who built a reputation for versatility — playing characters that ranged from Shakespeare’s ingenues to a smoky-voiced waitress in The Full Monty and the pharmaceutical-impaired matriarch of August: Osage County — will bow out on one, too.

Irene Crist

“Now, I don’t want people to think I’m leaving the theater,” Crist says, unable to bear the thought of getting out for good. In recent years she’s turned her attention to directing, staging an epic production of Angels in America, in addition to smaller odder pieces like Hand to God. That part of her stage life will continue, Crist says. But fans who’ve enjoyed her performances in shows like Burn This, Oliver, The Lion in Winter, The Little Dog Laughed, Frozen, and Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? have only one more opportunity to catch this Memphis classic working her magic under the light.

“Ripcord” at the Circuit Playhouse June 2nd-25th. playhouseonthesquare.org

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We Recommend We Recommend

Blueshift Ensemble Concert With Dave Shouse

Blueshift Ensemble director and musician Jenny Davis knew she’d arrived at the right spot. “YES!” she said. “We have got to do something here.” Here being the old, ornate, and ever-so mysterious theater inside the Scottish Rite Temple on Union Avenue, a quirky time capsule of a space where Masonic Rite secret rituals of initiation have been performed for the last century.

Blueshift Ensemble specializes in a different kind of performance, bringing classical musicians together with performers and artists from other disciplines. “We want to create something that’s more of an experience than a concert,” Davis says. Blueshift’s Concert with Dave Shouse finds the experimental group performing a variety of contemporary compositions with diverse, sometimes strange instrumentation. Pitched crystal wine glasses will be played. There’s a solo for flute and digital delay. Rhodes College music professor David Shotsberger’s new composition is inspired by gaming and game culture. The evening’s most improvisational and immersive element will be a collaboration with Memphis rock stalwart Shouse of the Grifters and ManControl.

Shouse has always been an envelope pusher, playing multiple instruments in numerous bands like Think as Incas, Moroccan Roll, and the Grifters, a crunchy noise ensemble that helped to define ’90s lo-fi. In more recent years, he’s teamed with Robby Grant of Big Ass Truck and Vending Machine for a project called ManControl that — crazy as it sounds — uses light to manipulate waveforms. This is the style of performance Shouse will employ to a loosely composed piece by Blueshift co-founder Jonathan Kirkscey.

“We make it a point to do something new and different each time,” Davis says.

Blueshift Ensemble Concert With Dave Shouse at the Scottish Rite Temple. Friday, June 2, 8 p.m. $10. blueshiftensemble.com

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Cover Feature News

Outsourcing Tennessee

On December 1, 2015, Tennessee’s Department of General Services (DGS) filed a request for proposals through the Central Procurement Office for facility management services through a private vendor.

Simply put, more than two years ago, the state quietly sent out feelers. If they decided to outsource or privatize the lowest-paid and most diverse part of their workforce — custodial maintenance and groundskeepers — which private company would be interested in absorbing their employment? And what would they charge?

Two years later, Tennesseans have their answer. Multi-national commercial real estate management giant Jones Lang LaSalle (JLL) inked a deal with the state to outsource facility workers at state-run institutions to the tune of $1.9 billion to be paid from the state to the company over five years.

The biggest targets of the contract are higher education facilities, including the University of Memphis, Southwest Tennessee Community College, and the University of Tennessee Health Science Center. The union representing workers employed by public higher-ed institutions, United Campus Workers, say that more than 760 workers in Memphis alone are at risk for lowered wages and benefits.

Micaela Watts

Across the state, the numbers jump anywhere from 3,000 to 10,000, depending on who you ask. But even if the scope of the contract is considered small in contrast to the population of the state, the move itself is unprecedented. No state has attempted to auction off swaths of campus workers’ jobs.

As of today, Tennessee, under Governor Bill Haslam’s administration, is making fast moves to become the first to do so. Repeated talking points are savings to taxpayers and public universities, which will theoretically, in turn, prevent raises in tuition.

But as of press time, there are several unknowns — the number of workers affected, what their new salaries and benefits packages will look like, and how the contract will affect smaller districts that house state-run prisons and other facilities that are employment bedrocks in sparsely populated areas.

What is known is that JLL, a company that Haslam has invested in to an unknown tune (more on that later), is about to rake in billions in profits, and thousands of Tennesseans will be shuffled from the public sector to the private sector. Read on to find out how you sell a state, one workforce at a time.

 

BURNING QUESTIONS: VANILLA RESPONSES

In late April, after the state prematurely and quietly pulled the trigger on the outsourcing contract, bipartisan opposition went from tepid to boiling. Seventy-five of the state’s 132 lawmakers signed a letter penned to Terry Cowles, the director of the Office of Customer Focused Government (OCFG), the office that will oversee the outsourcing.  

The letter urged Cowles and the comptroller’s office to slow down the contract office until more solid information was known about the cost and the workers affected. Eighteen of those legislators requested economic impact statements specific to their district.

All 18 legislators received the same response, absent of district-specific information. Bob Oglesby, a commissioner with the DGS, floated the same number to all of them — $155.5 million in savings over five years.

“Obviously, if more authorized entities [contract speak for universities] participate, the savings will be even greater,” Oglesby wrote. The commission also pointed to savings accrued already from the state capitol facilities previously managed by JLL — $26 million over a three-year contract.

Though the state declined to provide district-specific information to representatives, the contract was approved by the comptroller’s office anyway and declared effective on May 26th.

John Ray Clemmons, a Democratic representative for part of Nashville and an established critic of the state’s outsourcing quest didn’t hold back. “There’s been absolutely no transparency in this process,” Clemmons said. “Their response was neither sufficient nor district specific. They responded with vanilla information.”

Another Nashville Democrat, Bo Mitchell, echoed his colleague’s response. “The bottom line is that privatization is harmful for state employees, public servants that have worked so hard for this state. Now they’re going to lose those jobs for corporate greed.”

Pointing to Tennessee’s privatized prisons as a cautionary tale, Mitchell warned that the contract is more of the same — sham numbers, false savings, and corporate greed. “I call on anybody in the state to release numbers that prove that this is helpful to state employees,” he said.

As of press time, no such numbers have been released, and they likely won’t be even after this story goes to print. All concerned departments in state government will insist that’s because too many variables hang in the balance. After all, it’s not even known at this point which facilities and universities will choose to “opt in.”

The OCFG has pointed to the “opt-in” option repeatedly as the contract’s major safety lever.

“This is really about what makes sense for each institution,” said Michelle Martin, spokesperson for the OCFG. And while the OCFG has maintained that autonomy still reigns supreme for each institution, United Campus Workers drew no comfort from the officials from OCFG seen touring campuses across Tennessee, just days before the contract was signed.

 

LOCAL COLLEGES WEIGH IN: CUE CRICKETS

Amid the protest and touting of the outsourcing plans, one group of voices remains glaringly absent from the official process — the state employees who actually stand to be affected.

To date, not one meeting has been held between the OCFG and workers in state-run facilities. No major university or college has taken it upon themselves to do so either.

To those uncertain about their future employer, the silence is deafening and has prompted civic action.

Three days before the contract was signed, a week before it was to be presented and on record to the public, UCW members and University of Tennessee Health Science Center workers gathered at their employer’s administrative building. Cowles was rumored to be inside, supposedly touting the benefits of the contract with JLL.

Micaela Watts

“If you’re going to outsource someone, you should give us the benefit of the doubt from the start and let us have some input in it,” said Charles Kendricks, a specialized carpenter at UTHSC.

“We don’t know the impact this is going to have on minority workers, on single mothers, or on veterans,” said Kendricks, a veteran himself.

The protest Kendricks attended was small, fewer than 30 people. But that’s been par for the course for the majority of the process. Campus workers and university students have spearheaded the majority of public outcry against the contract, going so far as to unroll a scroll of more than 6,000 signatures from individuals opposed to the plan in the state’s Capitol.

Still, the efforts by student and union organizers have been loud enough that no major university president is in the dark about opposition to outsourcing. But since the contract’s signature by both parties and approval at the comptroller level, no major university is willing to indicate whether or not they will sign on. Only the University of Tennessee system came close.

“Each campus within the University of Tennessee will meet with the proposed contractor and receive information to help determine whether contracted services would be in the best interest of the campus,” said David Miller, CFO for the UT system.

Miller added that each UT campus will present their individual decision to the board of trustees at a later point in the year. The University of Memphis has effectively washed its hands of the decision and deferred the future of more than 500 workers to the university’s independent school board.

A U of M student group, the Progressive Student Alliance (PSA), has been dogging university president David M. Rudd — and, occasionally, Haslam — about the decision at every opportunity.

PSA member Lindsey Smith said that Rudd had declared the matter as being out of his hands. “He’s told me that he’s personally against it, but that it’s not up to him but up to the school’s board,” said Smith.

The board’s chairman, FedEx’s CFO Alan Graf, said that the matter has not been discussed and that the next board meeting would occur on June 6th, and that it would be open to the public.

Graf didn’t say whether the privatization matter would be discussed and when asked for any update following the comptroller’s approval and the contract’s effectiveness, U of M spokesperson Gabby Maxey said that the outsourcing matter was not on the June 6th agenda and that the university had no additional comment, still.

Numbers provided by the campus workers’ union show that roughly 500 people work in building maintenance and custodial services at the U of M and that staff has seen reduction in the past years, to the point that some custodial staff are charged with cleaning entire buildings by themselves at night after classes have mostly dispersed.

And though these numbers aren’t readily available, a brief stroll around the campus seem to confirm findings that jibe perfectly with a study done on privatization and its effects by research and policy center In the Public Interest: The majority of U of M campus workers are women and minority, demographics that are employed by the public sector at high rates.

The study reads, “When contractors degrade jobs, taxpayers make up the difference through food assistance, emergency health care, and other public support programs.”

Should workers like Kendricks at UTHSC see their worst fears come true, outsourced employees will find themselves on the receiving end of reduced wages and benefits, and taxpayers savings through privatization will evaporate as additional federal and state assistance could be needed to supplement the loss in wages.

 

THE LEGISLATIVE DODGE

While the UCW represents much of the opposition in larger metro areas that are home to many higher education institutions, the Tennessee State Employees Association (TSEA) is the organization that rallies behind state workers at parks, prisons, and smaller state facilities.

TSEA president, Randy Stamps is a former Republican state representative, and he’s troubled by the tempo and secrecy of the plan. “It’s alarming, the pace of public outsourcing taking place in Tennessee,” said Stamps. “We have it on several different levels — state parks, higher education institutions, and the department of general services.”

Stamps had been long critical of the state’s efforts to privatize the Inn at Fall Creek Falls, one of Tennessee’s most popular state parks. That effort recently sputtered to a stop when no companies returned with a bid for state park facility management.

“When you decide to privatize state parks — including their inns and marinas — we feel like that’s a public policy decision, and the legislature should be involved in it,” said Stamps.

The legislature wasn’t involved in the process, but instead could only submit letters urging for more information and a halt to the process — efforts which were ignored.

As far as how a decision of this size and scope could legally be made without legislative input, Stamps points to a procurement act authored by state senator Bill Ketron in 2016. The act grants total autonomy to the state in pursuing public-private partnership.

Stamps insists that Ketron, who was unavailable for comment, believes his own piece of legislation yielded results entirely out of line with the original intention. “It gave a lot more authority than he intended to give,” Stamps said, adding that Ketron will be working with TSEA over the summer to rein in some of the language around contract oversight.

“He doesn’t feel like the transparency he intended is available,” said Stamps.

Even before the procurement act was passed, Haslam had already been in the process of parceling off state responsibilities and services to JLL for years, starting just after he took office in 2011. The first contract signed with JLL was a real-estate-management contract. Relatively small in comparison, it yielded the management of Tennessee’s real estate portfolio to JLL.

The next contract with JLL was inked in 2013 and ceded facilities management of state capitol buildings to the company. That contract was not renewed when it expired in 2016, since those buildings could be covered under the latest outsourcing plan.

Tennessee’s comptroller office found several violations of that contract, however, including JLL’s failure to submit timely building inspection reports.

Bit by bit, Haslam has been transferring power to the real estate management behemoth, in spite of repeated criticism of his previous ties with the company before taking office. Haslam’s current JLL investments are in a blind trust while he is in office, and his holdings pre-election are largely unknown, since, much like President Trump, Haslam has refused to release his tax returns. And Haslam has even signed into law a bill that effectively eliminated any Tennessee politician’s requirement to do so.

JLL: IT WILL ALL BE OKAY

The company that may or may not soon become the employer for thousands of state employees broke its silence on the issue the day the contract went into effect.

In a statement, the company assured Tennesseans that employees who transition to JLL “will have a compensation package, including benefits, equitable to their state compensation.”

Joe Hall of Hall Strategies, the public relations firm representing JLL, insisted that the move to JLL often ends up being more beneficial to the employee than employment with the state.

“Former State of Tennessee employees on the JLL team now earn approximately 38 percent more,” Hall said. He also adds that JLL employees receive additional professional development that furthers their skill sets and marketability.

According to Hall, JLL is able to produce savings not because the company lays off workers and slashes wages, but because they specialize in key areas of cost savings: namely energy savings, purchasing power, and self-performance, erasing the need to contract out any large capital projects.

“We recognize that job security is an extremely important issue; we stress that the jobs at these facilities are secure,” said Hall. “It is a priority to JLL to work collaboratively with college and university leadership to directly engage employees and assure them of that fact and highlight the opportunity available at JLL.

Micaela Watts

 

WAITING ON A SIGN

For all the efforts made by the OCFG and JLL to soothe workers potentially affected, none of it is swaying the contract’s harshest critics.

The state has stuck to the main talking points consistently, and detractors have countered with one argument, essentially, “Show us the proof.”

One thing is certain, though, the contract has been signed, stamped for approval, and is in effect. The rest depends on the state’s universities to opt in or opt out. No doubt, they’ll have UCW in their ears every step of the way until they make a decision.

Thomas Wayne Walker, the spokesperson for the union, says he stopped being shocked by the state’s actions a long time ago. Instead, he and the union will keep insisting the universities take heed and examine every loophole they feel exists in the contract.

“The question is,” said Walker: “Why is Haslam so hell-bent on signing this contract, even though nobody in Tennessee seems to want it?”

Editor’s note: David Roberson, Director of Communications for the Tennessee Department of General Services responds to our story:

I’m writing regarding some factual errors in your story “Outsourcing Tennessee.”

1. “…the state quietly sent out feelers…” – This RFI was posted on the state website, exactly the same way we put out hundreds of RFIs, RFQs, and RFPs each year, and in the same place that our vendors know to look for them. We want maximum response to these requests, so there is no reason we would issue them quietly. We didn’t.

2. “No state has attempted to auction off swaths of campus workers’ jobs.” – The contracting process cannot with any accuracy be called an auction since cost is only one of several elements considered. Also, contracting with external vendors for work formerly done by campus employees is widely practiced, in Tennessee and elsewhere. Many universities in Tennessee already contract out their food service and custodial work, and some contract out their groundskeeping – all of which are jobs formerly held by state employees. The business case for this new procurement, posted on the CFG website for many months now, specifically cites the experience of Texas A&M University in contracting out its facilities management. The National Association of College and University Business Officers even held a conference on outsourcing in 2015 (https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2015/07/21/institutions-outsource-they-should-keep-their-mission-and-vendor-close). Saying that no state has done this before is not remotely accurate.

3. “JLL…is about to rake in billions in profits….” The estimated maximum liability for this contract is $1.9 billion, and the vast majority of that (about 96%) will be in pass-throughs and cost recovery. The remaining 4% would constitute JLL’s and the Alliance Partners’ profits (or management fees). Please see attachment F3 of the contract, where you can see details for the cost proposals of specific institutions.

4. Your paragraph describing the history of JLL’s contracts with the state contains several errors. The first contract JLL signed was for a facilities assessment, and it was followed by a second contract for facilities management for properties operated by the Department of General Services. An amendment to that contract required JLL to act as a lease broker for the state. That amendment expired in 2016 and was not renewed. The original contract for facilities management was for five years and is still in effect.

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Editorial Opinion

Reaping the Whirlwind

There may still be a misguided sense of loyalty among Republicans both locally and elsewhere, that fealty to the party requires looking the other way at the rapidly onrushing perils that threaten the country as a result of the tragi-comedy known as the Trump administration. It is worth examining some of the more recent threats to Americans’ life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness:

It seems a dead-level certainty that sometime this week, perhaps even before this issue of the Flyer comes off the press, President Trump will announce some fateful alteration in this nation’s observance of and commitment to the international Paris Agreement on climate change.

Either Trump is prepared to withdraw the United States from the terms of the Agreement, or he intends to soften our commitment to it in such a way that it comes to the same thing. That much seems clear from the President’s recent domestic actions in disavowing one previously adopted environmental safeguard after another and granting the fossil-fuel industry free rein to resume polluting the atmosphere with massive amounts of carbon dioxide. The net result of that will likely be to accelerate the ravages of ongoing climate change — one species of which, last weekend’s violent windstorm and downpour, Memphians are even now attempting to recover from.

Beyond weather catastrophes themselves, though, Trump’s attitude has also invited the ongoing contempt and alienation from nations long allied with the United States and now, as witness the aftermath of last week’s NATO meetings, preparing to go their own way.

And the breakdown of NATO, an alliance already at risk from its cumulative nonstop disparagement by candidate and now President Trump, would leave its member nations, including the United States, vulnerable to increasing pressure from the resurgent and expansionist Russia of Vladimir Putin. The case can certainly be made that a measure of cooperation between Russia and the United States is necessary to combat Islamist terrorism, but Trump’s policy seems obviously aimed at something larger and more recklessly transformative than that.

Although various governmental investigations are belatedly underway into the meaning of Trump’s undeniable, unrelenting, secretive, and potentially illegal devotion to Putin and Russia, these inquiries are just now moving in a dangerously lumbering fashion. What’s holding them back is a lack of significant participation from Trump’s own Republican Party — participation like that from Tennessee’s GOP Senator Howard Baker and others that helped resolve the Watergate crisis of a generation ago.

Another Tennessee Republican, Senator Bob Corker, has lately begun to vent serious misgivings about the Trump administration’s course of action, and that’s a start. But too many other members of the President’s party are holding themselves back from the prospect of remedial action. While there’s still time, key Republicans can reconsider their reluctance and provide real service to the nation by holding the President to account. If they don’t, they could end up reaping, not the gratitude of their fellow citizens to themselves and their party, but the whirlwind itself.

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Politics Politics Feature

Even in his off-duty time, Jim Strickland had to face the weather.

Is there such a thing as time off when you’re Mayor of Memphis? Maybe not. Jim Strickland, the city’s chief executive, made room on his schedule Snday for an opportunity to kick back a little on a Memorial Day weekend stop by the annual Bratfest, co-sponsored by several longtime friends at the Natchez Lane home of Steve and Susan Steffens.

The backyard affair, a cookout featuring brats, burgers, chips, drinks, and whatever sides guests chose to bring, looked the same as always, but there was a difference. If it happened to rain — something that looked ominously possible for most of the afternoon and evening — guests lacked the usual recourse of taking the party inside.

For on Natchez Lane, as in much of the city after Saturday night’s torrential downpour-cum-windstorm, there was no power. And that circumstance dominated much of the general conversation, as well as a fair amount of Strickland’s time during his roughly hour-long attendance.

The mayor was kept busy at the Bratfest detailing the steps that various organs of local government, assisted by regional power companies, the Red Cross, and other agencies, were taking to deal with the fallout from this latest weather catastrophe. Beyond the obvious matters of clearing away felled trees, repairing power lines, and restoring essential utilities, there were human-service issues to deal with.

And, mixed in with such small talk as he was able to manage, Strickland fielded questions from attendees on such questions as:

Whether Memphis was officially a sanctuary city vis-a-vis the Trump administration’s potential immigration crackdowns (it isn’t, technically, though the mayor is standing by his position that the Memphis Police Department has no role in rounding up supposed violators);

Whether the city could follow the example of New Orleans in removing its Confederate statuaries (it can’t, because of state law prohibiting such action, though Strickland repeated his openness to the idea of relocating such memorials);

How police recruitment was going (well, according to Strickland, thanks to progressively larger recruit classes; from a recent low of 1,941 officers, he projects something like 2100 members of the MPD by 2019).

And, over and over again, when it was likely that power would be back on throughout the city.

On that last matter, Strickland didn’t sugar-coat things; he said the course of full restoration would likely take a week. (Update: he was able to announce on Tuesday that that the number of MLGW customers without power had been reduced from 188,000 to 63,988.)

In the course of the Memorial Day weekend, Strickland would avail himself of numerous tweets and Facebook entries to discuss the weather crisis, submit to several TV interviews, find time to attend Memorial Day ceremonies, and maintain contact with emergency officials.

And, at Bratfest, Strickland did manage to deal with one wholly personal issue: In answer to a former playing partner’s challenge, he resolved to resume playing Ping-pong on the table he keeps in his garage at home. (Progress on that point will be reported in this space.)

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News The Fly-By

A Sessions Session

U.S. Attorney Jeff Sessions didn’t say anything during his Memphis visit.

That is, the content of his speech here didn’t make any headlines. But that speech did send a shudder through the criminal reform community, who fear a time-travel return to a “lock-’em-up” approach to prosecuting criminals.

To run the elephant out of the room, Sessions did not mention Russia. Reporters were not allowed to ask questions. Sessions’ route through the building to his car was blocked by very-serious-looking security personnel (and, yes, they had those earpieces and talked into their wrists).

Spickler (left) and Sessions (right)

Sessions knows criminal prosecution. Before he was U.S. Attorney and a Senator, he served as the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Alabama and served as that state’s Attorney General. For that time, Sessions gave himself some credit Thursday for the crime reduction wave that has gripped the nation.

“Yes, we’ve had 30 years of declining crime,” Sessions said. “I’d like to think what we did with tough sentencing, and tough prosecution, and the work we did laid the groundwork for a longtime decline.”

But, he warned, “[Crime] is up again.” He said the nation has had three consecutive years of increases. The murder rate, he said was up 11 percent over last year, “the biggest increase since [1968].” Memphis, he noted, broke its homicide record last year.

He pointed to the Sycamore Lake Apartments in northeast Memphis, where two men were murdered last week and seven people were murdered in 2014.

“Imagine what it does to good people and families that must live every day as hostages in their own homes, facing potentially deadly violence just to walk to the bus or avoiding certain gang-controlled territory just to get to work,” Sessions said.

For them, Sessions promised a return to a tough-on-crime approach to sentencing and prosecution with “severe consequences.” Sessions called the approach “common sense.”

“A lot of criminal justice reform is simply the application of logic and common sense,” said Josh Spickler, executive director of Just City, a Memphis-based criminal justice reform advocacy group. “Almost all of Sessions’ policies run completely counter to this.”

Spickler said, for example, that Sessions would have local law enforcement crack down on those with small amounts of marijuana, “resulting in even more arrests, more supervision, more jail cells, and more costs, with no evident benefit to public safety.” That would crowd the already-crowded Shelby County Jail, he said.

Sessions’ ideas will “cost local taxpayers many more millions of dollars in additional law enforcement officers, corrections officers, and jail cells,” Spickler said.

Rep. Steve Cohen said in a brief speech Thursday that Sessions’ speech sounded like “something out of the ’50s or ’60s.” He said Sessions talked tough on crime, but he “didn’t talk at all about the costs of crime.”

“There’s a smart way to attack crime, and there’s a dumb way to attack crime,” Cohen said. “The dumb way is to return to the era where we failed because we locked up so many people at $30,000 a year. The only people that are happy about [Sessions’] approach is the private prison industry who make money out of people’s miseries and crime.”

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News The Fly-By

Fly on the Wall 1475

Scanners

Sometimes your Pesky Fly likes to check in with the Twitter account Memphis Scanner (@ScannerMemphis) to find out what’s being talked about on area police scanners. This month it’s all about animals.

Not Memphis

Occasional reminder: Just because a local TV news station promotes some shocking, scary, or downright weird headline, don’t assume the story happened in Memphis. Take, for example, this bit via Fox 13: “Naked Man Caught on Camera Stealing Swan Sculpture in …”

Florida. It happened in Florida. And speaking of the Sunshine State. …

Neverending Elvis

This relentlessly exploitative tale comes to us from Niceville, Florida, home of the annual Boggy Bayou Mullet Festival, courtesy of the Northwest Florida Daily News.

From a news column headlined, “Elvis’ Wife to Pre-Teen: Stop Having Sex With My Husband”: “Elvis Presley, 42, was arrested last week and charged with three counts of felony lewd and lascivious molestation. …” In a videotaped interview, Elvis told investigators that he told his wife he’d “goofed.” Judging by the information presented here, it appears many people goofed, beginning with Spanish adventurer Juan Ponce de León, who opened the door to European exploration and occupation of Florida in 1513.