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Music Music Features

“The Rub”: Ken Burns’ Explores the Tennessee Roots of Country Music

Last week, a tour bus idled next to Sam Phillips Recording Studio. Police vehicles stood by, lights flashing. Seeing Memphis Mayor Jim Strickland appear, a bystander might have thought a foreign dignitary was visiting. But no, this dignitary was all-American: Producer/director Ken Burns was in town to promote his new eight episode series, Country Music, due to premiere on WKNO and other PBS affiliates September 15th.

Not every Ken Burns premiere gets such a buildup, at least in Memphis, but the Bluff City figures heavily in his new project. By Burns’ own reckoning, 70 percent of the series’ 16 hours takes place in Tennessee. Indeed, the Tennessee Department of Tourist Development is one of the show’s major investors. Hence the tour bus. A whole entourage, including Burns’ co-producers, Dayton Duncan and Julie Dunfey, was in the midst of a four-city Tennessee blitz, bringing word of what was to come. It’s a tale that may surprise many by its diversity.

“Our first episode is called ‘The Rub,'” Burns explained over the barbecue luncheon. “And ‘the rub,’ with all due respect to the Rendezvous, is not about barbecue; it’s about the friction that takes place between black Americans and white Americans in the South. The banjo is an African instrument. The fiddle comes from Europe and the British Isles. And when they meet in America, the friction that’s given off produces many different offspring. One of them is country music. You can take the Mt. Rushmore of early country music greats, from A.P. Carter to Jimmie Rodgers to Bill Monroe to Hank Williams to Johnny Cash, and all of them have an African-American mentor who took their chops from here to there.”

Ken Burns

Nowhere are the diverse underpinnings of country music more apparent than in Episode Four, which comprised the bulk of the preview segments shown in Memphis last week. As Duncan noted, “This thing we call country music came from a lot of diverse groups. Ballads, hymns, the blues, minstrel shows. It was always mixing and mingling. And this isn’t a film about rock-and-roll, but it makes the point that rock-and-roll has a connection to country. It’ll be a surprise to many that what Elvis was doing early on was going out and fronting for Hank Snow.”

Even more revelatory were the segments on the early days of Johnny Cash, whose first years in Memphis spring vividly to life, thanks to newly discovered footage. “Archivists will dig deep for us. People will haul out the black plastic bag of photos from their attic and basement and let us go through them,” Dunfey said. “The Cash daughters just said, ‘We have all these family home movies.’ And actually they had never looked at a lot of it. They just handed little canisters to us.”

What the producers found was brilliant color footage of Johnny, first wife Vivian, and their daughters, picnicking in the Memphis area, not to mention films of Cash clowning with Elvis and Carl Perkins. Beyond the visuals, the episode highlights the impact on Cash of African-American jug band leader Gus Cannon.

With all the talk of diversity and “the rub” between cultures, I asked Burns what role anthropology plays in his work. “My father was a cultural anthropologist. He was telling you how people lived and interacted and what their language and their dress and their music said about who they are and how they interrelated with other people. My father was also an amateur still photographer. And my very first memory is being in the dark room he built in the basement of our tract house in Newark, Delaware, where he was the only anthropologist in the entire state of Delaware, and watching that magic alchemy, in that weird light and that horrible smell of those chemicals, holding me in one arm with his left hand, and with the right hand manipulating those tongs on a completely blank sheet of paper, in water, that suddenly appeared with an image. And so I can permit you, with the anthropology and the photography, to infer the rest.”

His final comments, too, revealed more than a little anthropology: “We are operating in this really unique space, that is between ‘us,’ that two-letter, lower-case plural pronoun, and the capitalized ‘U.S.’ And all the intimacy of us, and we and our, but also the complication and contradiction and controversy, as well as the majesty, of the U.S. We’re dealing with questions of freedom and race and gender, no more so than in this film.”

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Letter From The Editor Opinion

Boom, Boom, Boom, Boom

For 20 years, I drove from Midtown to Downtown, five days a week, on Vance Avenue. The Flyer‘s offices were on the bluff near the Tennessee Brewery, and Vance was the most direct route from my house. It was a thoroughfare that had seen better days. There were still remnants of those days — a couple of big Victorian mansions, a once-posh-looking apartment building — but the street was scruffy, worn out. The only businesses were a small market plastered with “We Take EBT” signs and a couple of faded funeral homes.

As you neared Downtown, you passed Foote Homes, the city’s last public housing project. It always seemed to be the one place full of life on Vance, the yards and front stoops filled with people and activity. It had been rehabbed in recent years and seemed like a stable, family-friendly place.

When the Flyer moved its offices to Union and Front more than a year ago, I stopped driving down Vance and hadn’t seen it in months — until last Friday night, when we were headed to a friend’s house in South Bluffs.

What a change. Foote Homes is gone; a large, grassy vacant space is all that remains. Nearby, new apartments have sprung up on Vance, and new houses are being built just to the south. These are basically instant neighborhoods, homes created to house people of “mixed incomes,” we’re told. They look nice.

So where did the Foote Homes residents go? Scattered over the city, I suspect. The operative urban renewal theory being to break up “pockets of poverty.” So, eh, too bad if you live in one of the pockets. You gotta move.

The building boom is everywhere, especially in downtown and the center city. Near my house, a giant sign reading “The Citizen” now illuminates the night sky, proclaiming the presence of a new apartment complex at McLean and Union — with more apartment buildings to come in nearby blocks. A large, barn-like apartment building is provoking controversy and protest near Overton Square. “Tall skinny” houses are popping up like mushrooms in Cooper-Young, often to the dismay of neighboring home-owners. “Boom, boom, boom, boom,” as John Lee Hooker once sang.

Jean-Luc Ourlin

John Lee Hooker

So who’s moving in? And who’s being forced out by higher housing prices and disappearing single-family homes for rent? You can probably guess. It’s the age-old balancing act between encouraging investment and not displacing people from their homes — the gentrification dilemma. City leaders will increasingly have to deal with this problem as developers continue to jump into the now-hot Memphis market.

We have only to look 180 miles east to Nashville for a perfect case study. According to a recent affordability study by Numbeo.com, the average rent for a one-bedroom apartment in center city Nashville is now $1,529 a month. In Memphis, it’s currently $901. (That’s right.) That latter number will no doubt change as gentrification spreads, forcing lower-income folks to the margins — unless we do something about it. I suspect this issue will become a significant one in the 2019 mayoral contest.

The current administration’s Memphis 3.0 mantra is “Build Up, Not Out.” I get what they mean. The city has been hurt badly by urban sprawl. It’s geographically too large for its population. But Memphis leaders, now and whoever they may be in the future, will need to continue to pay close attention to make sure the gold-rush to redevelop the city’s core doesn’t come at the cost of forcing long-time residents out, and infesting established neighborhoods with make-a-quick-buck, poorly designed housing.

We should encourage and welcome the developers and investors who are putting their money into Memphis. Fresh financial resources are an important part of making a city vibrant. But the investors’ influence should align with the needs and wishes of the city’s residents. Their developments should respect the architectural integrity of our neighborhoods. And care must be taken to avoid chasing away long-time residents who have “paid their dues,” so to speak, by anchoring those neighborhoods before they became “investments.”

Unfortunately, too often those with the big bucks are the ones directing our cities’ urban revivals. We need to look to other “it” cities like Nashville and learn from their successes — and their mistakes.

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Opinion The Last Word

Snow Cones and Nazis: Twitter Keyboard Commandoes Strike Again

The billionaire Reimann family — owners of Krispy Kreme, Einstein Bros. Bagels, Panera Bread, Dr. Pepper, Stumptown Coffee, and a long list of other brands in your pantry and bathroom cabinet — recently confessed that their progenitor was a straight-up Nazi. Albert and Albert Jr., who died in 1954 and 1984, respectively, didn’t speak of those days. The Reimann heirs believed a 1978 report had uncovered all there was to see about their family’s Nazi past.

They maintained that they were “reluctant” employers of slaves and prisoners of war in their chemical plants: That was the cost of doing business back then. Further research, commissioned by the family a few years ago, revealed otherwise. Father and son were avowed anti-Semites and early donors to the SS. Huge Hitler fans.

“They belonged in prison,” a family spokesman told German newspaper Bild. The Reimanns pledged to donate $11 million to charity after learning the extent of their ancestors’ crimes.

“Never get another dollar from me again,” one Twitter user said. “And I bet I’m not alone.”

Others: “Oh well, another business I don’t have [sic] patronize.”

“You have no loyalty and made a lot of enemies.”

“Never buying a snow cone from y’all again.”

Okay, wait. My bad. I must have gotten my notes mixed up. Those quotes aren’t about the Nazi bagel family. That story barely registered a blip on the outrage meter; I stumbled across it five levels deep into the Washington Post app.

Justin Fox Burks

Tennessee traitors? Nope, it’s Jerry’s Sno Cones.

No, those comments were a sampling of responses to locally beloved icy treat purveyor Jerry’s Sno Cones after they tweeted a picture of an orange UT-themed Jerry’s shirt with good luck wishes for the Volunteers in the NCAA Tournament. For this apparent mortal sin, a small army of snow cone snowflakes masquerading as “real Tiger fans” bullied @ConesJerry into deactivating their account.

If you weren’t convinced by now that Twitter has outlived its usefulness as a medium for polite and reasonable conversation, re-read the sentence above. It’s the most embarrassing thing a handful of people has done in the name of “Tiger Nation” since the Calipari lawn vigil a decade ago.

I only wish the person running the account — probably some teenage employee trying to build a portfolio for job applications — had been empowered to respond appropriately: “We’ll sure miss you in the line this summer, @TiptonTyger5892335. We hate to lose a regular.” Or “When the Tigers make the tournament, we’ll post something for them, too.” They could have turned off notifications and deleted the app for a few days. Shortly after Jerry’s was “canceled,” Purdue sent the Vols and their orange-and-white trousers back to Knoxville.

Twitter is the only place where acknowledging the existence of other universities in the state is viewed with frothing rage as an affront to “901 loyalty,” because who would say that out loud? That’s the beauty/agony of the platform. You don’t even have to consider whether your tweet is thoughtful, right, or stable. Just chuck it like a Frisbee and hope someone catches it. And if someone calls you out for saying something ridiculous? Well, they need to learn how to take a joke. I swear, for every connection I’ve made on that website, there are at least two asinine takes I wish I’d never read.

Want to be angry at a business? There are so many to choose from, and so many legitimate reasons. Get mad that one chicken restaurant can’t stop bankrolling anti-LGBTQ organizations or disrupting traffic on Poplar. Stay forever mad that one family owns almost every bagel and coffee chain in America — a fact that depressed me before I learned they’re a couple generations removed from actual Nazis. Look around and observe all the conveniently timed exterior projects in Memphis: How many companies could have spent their tax cuts on payroll and hiring, but opted to paint the building gray instead? Shake your fist at pay inequality, crappy family leave policies, CEO compensation, and all the other gross side effects of capitalism. Instead folks are pitching fits over a snow cone stand and an orange T-shirt. Very cool.

Jen Clarke is an unapologetic Memphian and digital marketing specialist.

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Opinion Viewpoint

Killing Obamacare: Trump Goes It Alone

If you are a Trump voter, why trust me? Let’s go to President Trump’s toadies in Congress and see what they have to say about his Justice Department’s call last week to push the federal courts to kill the Affordable Care Act (ACA).

Representative Tom Reed (R-N.Y.), one of Trump’s strong backers, bluntly told The Washington Post that the president’s order to the Justice Department is “not the smartest move.” He explained that doing away with the current law without having a replacement ready to go “leaves millions of Americans in harm’s way and they didn’t do anything.”

And here’s a Republican voice with enough distance from Trump to get the joke: “We couldn’t repeal and replace it with a Republican House,” Senator Lamar Alexander said, also to the Post, while laughing at the memory. He also pointed out the obvious: The House is now under the control of a Democratic majority.

Juan Williams

Now let’s go to Trump’s biggest enablers. Oh, they’re not talking. House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell want no part of this political suicide.

Here’s a tweet from Josh Holmes, McConnell’s former top aide. “Dear GOP,” Holmes wrote, “When Democrats are setting themselves ablaze by advocating the destruction of American health care, try to resist the temptation of asking them to pass the kerosene.”

What about the cabinet? Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar and Attorney General William Barr both told the White House not to do it, according to several reports.

And here is more dissent, this time from the conservatives at The Wall Street Journal. Destroying Obamacare without a replacement plan means angering millions of Americans who “now rely on the law for health insurance,” the paper editorialized. As for the long-promised, fantastic replacement plan, the Journal wrote: “If there’s some new emerging GOP consensus, we haven’t heard about it.”

Okay, so even the people who have been making excuses for Trump are not looking the other way on this one. Why? The answer is that angering voters by destroying the ACA would be a political catastrophe.

Health care stands out as the top reason the GOP lost 41 seats and control of the House in the 2018 midterm elections. According to the 2018 exit polls, 41 percent of voters identified health care as the most important issue to them. Fifty-seven percent of voters said Democrats are the better of the two parties at protecting people with pre-existing conditions. A poll taken by the Kaiser Family Foundation in mid-March found that 50 percent of Americans had a favorable opinion of Obamacare. Every one of the Democrats running for president are celebrating the ACA’s protections for people with pre-existing conditions. Several are promoting the idea of “Medicare for all” and “single-payer.” They know voters elected a class of freshman House Democrats who campaigned on these ideas.

AdWeek‘s Jason Lynch wrote after the midterms that health-care-themed advertising “accounted for 49 percent of all Democrat ads overall and 59 percent of all Democratic ads for House races.” Meanwhile, 367,000 Republican advertisements — only one-third of the Democratic total — mentioned health care, according to the Kantar analysis. The Republicans preferred to focus on tax reform, immigration, and low unemployment. That proved to be a loser for the party.

But the president is looking to stir his hardcore base for the 2020 campaign. Attacking Obamacare is a potential sop to the Ann Coulter faction of his base who correctly point out he has not lived up to his promise to build the wall — and have Mexico pay.

Will it work? Here is James Capretta, a health-care expert at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, on CNN last week: “The president, I don’t think, really has any idea what he’s really saying there. It’s more of a promotional and marketing impulse on his part. It leaves Republicans open to … ridicule by the Democrats that they don’t have a plan.”

But Trump is not convinced: “We are going to have great health care. The Republican Party will be the party of great health care. You watch,” the president told Sean Hannity last week.

If this legal takedown works, Trump will take all the credit. But Republicans in Congress know they will take the blame for leaving millions without health insurance. That’s why Trump’s tribe in Congress is not lining up on this one.

Juan Williams is an author, and a political analyst for Fox News Channel.

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News The Fly-By

Fly on the Wall 1571

TV News

WATN and WLMT will be sold to Tegna Inc., according to a co-announcement by Nexstar and Tribune Media. Last December, WREG owner Tribune entered into an acquisition agreement with WLMT/WATN owner Nexstar.

Planning to stay just below the FCC ownership cap for station ownership, Nexstar announced they would be divesting in 13 markets. Nexstar chose to keep WREG when the $6.4-billion merger finally closes.

Neverending Elvis

Forbes ran a story last week titled “Lisa Marie & The Rise and Fall of the Elvis Estate.” Lisa Marie Presley filed a lawsuit against Siegel and Provident Financial Management for allegedly “hiding the trust’s true financial condition.”

“The deal brought in only $40 million after taxes, plus $25 million worth of stock in the future holding company of American Idol,” the article says of the 2005 deal to sell 85 percent of Lisa Marie’s interests in Elvis Presley Enterprises. “Sadly, between 2005 and 2015, nearly all of this money was gone, and Lisa Marie was left deeply in debt.”

According to Forbes‘ report, Lisa Marie spent $39 million in four years.

Smell-ementary

Caldwell-Guthrie Elementary was evacuated last week because of a weird smell. MLGW crews investigated and found nothing out of the ordinary.

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News The Fly-By

Work it Out

A piece of legislation that would eliminate a 10 percent tax on small fitness centers in the state (and that is largely supported by local officials here) passed in the Tennessee Senate last week.

The legislation, HB1138, would do away with the 10 percent amusement tax included in the membership fees for small fitness centers under 15,000 square feet. The sales tax currently applies to gyms and studios providing exercise, athletics, or other fitness services like cross training, ballet barre, yoga, spin, and aerobics classes.

If the proposed legislation becomes law, the tax would still apply to facilities like country clubs, golf courses, and tennis clubs.

The bill passed with a 28-1 vote in the state Senate last week after moving through the House late last month with a 95-0 vote. To take effect, the legislation has to be signed by Governor Bill Lee, who has voiced support for the repeal in the past.

The move to eliminate the tax was backed by the Memphis City Council through a resolution last month. The resolution, co-sponsored by council chairman Kemp Conrad and councilman Ford Canale, passed unanimously.

Crossfit Hit and Run

The bill would cut a 10 percent tax on small gyms.

Conrad said last week that the council is “thankful for the work of the National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), the local fitness community, and state Rep. Mark White (R-Memphis) who was a champion for this cause.”

“The repeal of this antiquated disincentive for small businesses and those wanting a healthier lifestyle is a win for all Memphians, and all Tennesseans, whether as operators or patrons of local fitness, wellness, and recreation opportunities,” Conrad said. “We appreciate the state legislature having acted in the interests of promoting healthy activity in our communities.”

Canale, who chairs the council’s government affairs committee, applauded the governor for including the repeal in his proposed 2020 budget, saying “healthier outcomes for Memphians is a priority of ours and we seek to encourage wellness for all citizens.”

The move has also been supported by Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris, Shelby County Commissioner Brandon Morrison, and local small gym owners like Justin LaMance, co-owner of Crossfit Hit and Run.

LaMance said the state-enforced tax caused the gym to increase its rates by 10 percent, which made the gym unaffordable to some members.

“We are a small and tightly connected community, and we hate to see people go,” LaMance said. “The tax was a bad idea that would only benefit the large, globo gym model. We’re glad to see it go and will be able to now provide our services to the community at a more affordable rate.”

Tennessee’s adult obesity rate was 32.8 in 2017, making Tennessee the 15th most obese state in the country, according to a report released in 2018. The report, called the “State of Obesity: Better Policies for a Healthier America,” also found that 30 percent of Tennessee adult residents are not physically active, 13.1 percent have diabetes, and 38.7 percent have hypertension.

The study, an effort by the Trust for America’s Health and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, used body mass index and other data from the Centers for Disease Control to identify obesity rates.

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We Recommend We Recommend

Hot Foot Honeys at the Buckman

When Kelby Auten moved to Memphis, she drove straight from Louisville, Kentucky, to an audition for Memphis’ rhythmic tap dance troupe, the Hot Foot Honeys.

“Being new to Memphis, finding this group of girls has been one of the best things that happened,” she says. Auten’s been tap dancing since she was two-and-a-half, starting out as Broadway-style hoofer before gravitating to rhythmic tap. Between, she studied all the usual stuff — jazz and modern.

“I got an offer to teach for Children’s Ballet Theatre in Memphis,” she says. “It was another full time ballet teaching gig. But I found out the Honeys were in Memphis, and that was a big draw. … As long as I’ve got tap shoes on my feet, I’m a happy girl.”

Hot Foot Honeys

Auten is a featured solo performer in “Time Stepping,” an anthology of original tap performances inspired by the idea of time.

Auten’s performance was developed in collaboration with Hot Foot Honeys founder Marianne Bell. It’s a jazzy run through “Some Day My Prince Will Come,” but with a twist. “It has a playful side where we take my ballet training and mix it with rhythm tap,” she says. “It’s not so hard-hitting all the time, and more graceful.

“If the prince shows up, great, but I’m not going to wait around,” she says.”It’s about choosing to still be a princess because I want to,” she says. “Not because I need to be rescued.”

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We Recommend We Recommend

“Rites of Spring” at Ashlar Hall

Take a strange old castle-like building with a long, weird history that occasionally involved space aliens and copious amounts of alcohol. Add to that a troupe of fairies and satyrs, and a creative team that wants to “abandon the ordinary and step into another realm,” while also showing off the newly restored interiors of Ashlar Hall.

“Rites of Spring” is a different show every night, with a different musical performer kicking things off. Local favorites Star & Micey play opening night. After that, different performers will play a short set each night with styles ranging from musical theater diva Annie Freres to guitar picking Memphis songwriter Mark Edgar Stuart.

“Rites of Spring”

“Then, after the music, we have these magical creatures doing the rites,” director Julia Hinson says, trying to describe events that will unfold across rooms that have been turned into temporary art installations. “We sort of have this idea that the house has been taken over by these magical creatures. They are kind of rebirthing it into the present. And the magical creatures will invoke the ballet dancers for a ballet that weaves through the house.”

The magical creatures don’t fade away after the ballet ends. “They’ll interact with guests and live their lives in the enchanted castle,” Hinson says.

Ashlar Hall was built in 1896 for Memphis real estate developer Robert Brinkley Snowden. It has since been a restaurant, a nightclub, and a sad abandoned space. It was purchased in 2017 by Memphis area real estate investor Juan Montoya, who’s been steadily restoring the mansion.

“With an immersive show, you just don’t know what people will do,” Hinson says. So the performance repeats itself, giving audiences an opportunity to explore things they may have missed the first time.

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News News Feature

Empathy and The Falling and the Rising.

Librettist-playwright-performer-director-teacher Jerre Dye’s current project — not his latest, since Dye’s always working well into the future — is being staged over the next couple of weekends at Opera Memphis’ seventh annual Midtown Opera Festival. The Falling and the Rising is a soldier’s story, both contemporary and timeless, and well suited for a modern operatic treatment. Opera Memphis general director Ned Canty, citing sacrifices large and small made by the military, says, “We need to feel them, if only for an hour or two, and that sort of empathy is what opera is best at creating.”

The story told by the opera is that of a soldier fighting overseas whose world is forever changed by an IED — improvised explosive device — that goes off while she’s on patrol. It results in a traumatic brain injury, and military doctors induce a coma to save her life. In this liminal dream space, she meets other soldiers and takes in their strength and toughness.

Jerre Dye

The genesis of the idea came from Staff Sergeant Benjamin Hilgert, a tenor in the Soldiers’ Chorus, the vocal component of the U.S. Army Field Band. He wanted to do an opera that embraced the military spirit, but it wasn’t until he connected with Dye that it began to take shape.

That meeting took place thanks to a notion Canty had a few years ago. Canty knew of Dye’s abilities and arranged for a commission of “Ghosts of Crosstown,” four short opera works with music from different composers. They were first performed in 2014 as part of the second annual Midtown Opera Festival and staged on the loading dock of the old Sears building as well as at Playhouse on the Square.

“Those short pieces acted like calling cards,” Dye says, “because they were mined from true stories.” One of those subsequent performances was at an Opera America conference that Hilgert had attended. “Ben saw the piece and said, ‘I want to talk to that guy,'” Dye says. “He asked me, ‘Would you be interested in writing a short piece for us?’ And I was like, ‘Of course I would.'”

The third member of the creative collaboration is composer Zach Redler, who Dye had worked with on one of the Crosstown pieces.

That 10- or 15-minute piece turned into a full-length chamber piece as interest developed and various organizations supported it with joint commissions. The U.S. Army Field Band was also involved in the commissioning along with Opera Memphis, Arizona Opera, San Diego Opera, Seattle Opera, and Texas Christian University.

Developing the story was a particularly affecting process for all involved. It evolved from interviews that Dye, Hilgert, and Redler did with dozens of soldiers and veterans at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center and elsewhere.

The first interview on the first day was a soldier named Tyler, who was recovering from a traumatic brain injury. He’d been in a coma for a long time and “was eager to talk about what that experience was like,” Dye says. “And what it was like to come out, what recovery looks like, and he talked about it in some beautiful, subtle ways.”

That quickly convinced the collaborators to tell not about an injury but about what happens in a coma, what the brain is thinking about and what kind of information is being processed. And it allowed them to put several voices in the story.

But there was a particular revelation that came only when the interview was over. “I ran out of questions at the end of the interview,” Dye says, “and I ignorantly and clumsily said to Tyler, ‘So, what’s next for you?’ And there was a little bit of silence and he looked at me with the most amazing soulful eyes and said, ‘There’s nothing else. There is just this. There is just right here and right now.’ Yeah. After I wiped the tears from my eyes, I just went, ‘Okay, there’s my Zen message for the day. And that’s an aria.'”

The Falling and the Rising performs April 6th, 12th, and 13th at 7:30 p.m. with members of the Memphis Symphony Orchestra playing. Tickets: www.operamemphis.org/tickets or call 257-3100.

Categories
Cover Feature News

Pipe Dream: Megasite Sewer Line into the Mississippi River Causes Strife

Only human waste and sludge stand between the Memphis Regional Megasite (MRM) in Haywood County and a possible economic development grand slam nearly two decades in the making.

Really. That’s it. At least, that’s the story according to Bob Rolfe, Tennessee’s Commissioner of Economic and Community Development (ECD). “The greatest challenge to the Memphis Regional Megasite is the lack of a wastewater discharge plan,” Rolfe told a committee of state lawmakers last year. “That is the pacing item. That is what all the site consultants tell us.”

But Rolfe has a two-pronged plan to fix that problem.

The first part: He has to get a permit. If the Tennessee Department of Environment and Conservation (TDEC) gives it to him, Rolfe will be able to build a 35-mile pipeline that will carry human waste and industrial waste from the site in Haywood County to the Mississippi River.

Bob Rolfe

The second part: He has to acquire land. Rolfe calls them “easements across land,” meaning, he needs to run that pipeline across property belonging to private land owners. Many along the path have already accepted money from the state to allow it to dig up their land and run an 18-inch pipeline three feet below the surface.

But some land-owners say they won’t take the money; they don’t want a sewage line running through their property. To deal with those folks, Rolfe has teamed up with Tennessee Attorney General Herbert Slatery to take their land by eminent domain. And Rolfe assured those lawmakers that Slatery has “developed a very good game plan.” Get the permit. Get the land. Bada-boom. Bada-bing. A brighter economic future for West Tennessee. 

“This project would be a game-changer for West Tennessee, every county in West Tennessee,” state Senator Ed Jackson (R-Jackson) told the committee last year. “It’s so important that we get this thing, and get it right.”

We still don’t have the thing Jackson was talking about. Not yet. The long, windy road to the MRM’s success now leads to the end of that pipeline, puking waste and sludge into the Mississippi at a rate of up to 3.5 million gallons per day. If that sounds gross, remember: Folks pushing this project hope it happens really soon — the sooner the better.

The goal of the ongoing megasite saga — employing Tennesseans and bringing economic benefits to the area — still lies at least three years away, ECD officials said recently. The series is a slow burn. But important episodes in that series are happening right now.

Since the beginning of the process, much of the cast has changed — including three governors, four ECD Commissioners, and hosts of state lawmakers — but much of the rebellion remains. Environmentalists, Haywood County residents and land owners, and free-market advocates have pressed back against the whole project, the sewage line, and the eminent domain process, some of them for more than a decade, and they’re still on the show.           

But the primary tension remains: Should we continue to pour taxpayer money ($143 million appropriated, $87 million spent, and $80 million more needed) into a project that offers no guarantee of financial return? And secondarily: What are the environmental impacts of the megasite to West Tennessee if the megasite dream is realized?  

Since you wouldn’t start watching Game of Thrones on season three, let’s go back to Memphis Regional Megasite season one to catch you up. 

Previously on Megasite

Then-Governor Phil Bredesen birthed the megasite in 2006, when it was pitched as a center for solar panel production. In 2009, state officials purchased the six square-mile plot for $40 million. At the time, similar megasite deals had brought Volkswagen to Chattanooga (East Tennessee) and Hemlock Semiconductor (Middle Tennessee) to Clarksville in billion-dollar deals. State officials had not brought anything even remotely as big to West Tennessee. 

In 2009, Bredesen said he wanted to take federal stimulus funding and build a $30 million solar farm on the megasite plot, again in hopes of making Tennessee a hot-bed of the solar industry. Haywood County Mayor Franklin Smith told WMC Channel 5 at the time that, with the solar farm, “the governor is making a statement that he’s serious about helping West Tennessee by developing our megasite.” 

The solar farm opened in 2012. It now produces enough energy to power 500 homes for a year. 

Governor Bill Haslam was elected in 2011. By 2014, he asked for and was awarded $27 million to reroute State Highway 222 from the site and connect it to the interstate. Haslam said the site would need a total of $150 million in taxpayer investment before it could attract a major automaker to the site.  

At the time, the Haslam adminstration was also fighting with environmentalists on a plan to dump megasite wastewater into the Hatchie River, considered one of the state’s most pristine waterways. Haslam lost that fight. 

In 2015, the Haslam administration launched a new marketing campaign for the megasite. Later that year, Haslam’s ECD Commissioner Randy Boyd fretted to Nashville Public Radio’s Chas Sisk that the site’s massive size may be standing in its own way. 

“Nissan, Volkswagen, Hankook, and Boeing could all fit on half that space,” Boyd told WPLN. “There was a time when people thought we could put one factory in 4,100 acres. But as it turns out today, there’s nobody that needs 4,100 acres.”

Boyd’s idea was to possibly split up the site, making it more attractive for smaller manufacturers and reducing the need to pump out so much wastewater. 

By 2016, environmentalists had beaten a plan to dump the site’s wastewater into the Forked Deer River. Haslam said his team was slowly building the infrastructure needed to lure an investor to the site. His team was also exploring ways to dump that wastewater into the Mississippi River. That year, Haslam and Boyd headed to Asia on a 10-day trip to meet with manufacturers about the megasite but came home empty-handed. 

Megasite dreams were dealt another blow in 2017, when Toyota and Mazda picked a megasite in Huntsville, Alabama, for a $1.6 billion plant. That facility employs 4,000 and makes an estimated 300,000 cars each year. 

Rolfe, then the state’s new ECD commissioner, said the MRM was passed over because it was not “shovel ready.” But that wasn’t the first prospect to pass on Haywood County. 

“Last year [2017], we had a candidate for large, international project of about 1,100 jobs and  $800 million in investment,” Rolfe told lawmakers in 2018. “The major reason they decided to build in an adjacent state was that their megasite was further along with infrastructure — closer to shovel ready — with a lower cost of development.”

Rolfe said another prospect in 2016 would have brought 1,000 jobs and $450 million in investment. They built in an adjacent state because of that state’s tax structure, Rolfe said. Later in 2017, Rolfe said he would ask state lawmakers for an additional $72 million to make the site “shovel ready.” He kept his promise but later upped the total to $80 million. 

That year, 2018, was a gubernatorial election year, and the megasite was a hot topic. Then-candidate Boyd said the site was already shovel ready and proposed doubling down on it. Almost every candidate — Boyd, Craig Fitzhugh, Karl Dean, Beth Harwell, and Bill Lee — told The Jackson Sun the megasite was a good project and they’d push to make it happen. Only Diane Black proposed something different. She said she wanted the 4,100 acres to be part of an agricultural hub, one that would work with the University of Tennessee in a new Agricultural Research Center.

As he left office earlier this year, Haslam told The Daily Memphian that not landing a tenant for the megasite was one of the biggest disappointments in his eight-year term. But he also kept high hopes for the megasite’s future. In that story, Haslam said the site is a big one, designed for the “big catch.”

New Governor Bill Lee told The Daily Memphian in January that he was committed to finishing the project. Later that month, Rolfe told The Daily Memphian that the project wasn’t finished but that the Lee adminstration would not seek any new money for the megasite unless they landed a tenant. 

To date, $143 million has been given to the megasite project. As of October 2018, $87 million had been spent on it. While some lawmakers seemed surprised at the figure, Rolfe said $220 million has been the “consistent” number always needed to “have this campus shovel ready.”

At that joint committee of lawmakers last year, then-state-Senator (now U.S. Congressman) Mark Greene asked about ROI — return on investment. How many jobs, he asked Rolfe, would it take for the state to break even if lawmakers gave the project another $80 million? He didn’t get a direct answer from Rolfe at the time but did his own math, instead. 

“If I look at an average income [of workers at the site] as $60,000 and workers spend money on things we get sales tax from,” Greene began, “it comes out to be that 5,000 jobs are necessary to get us a 20-year payout.”

By Greene’s math, the hit from the megasite wouldn’t need to just be a home run. It’d need to be an economic grand slam in the state, surpassing Volkswagen and weathering 20 years of economic booms and busts before Tennessee taxpayers ever made back their first nickel.

Competition?

Many of those interviewed for this story worried that focus on the megasite for all of these years has left neglected existing-yet-abandoned manufacturing sites such as the International Harvester plant or the Firestone plant in Memphis.   

“One adminstration after another is saying, ‘This is what we’re going to do for West Tennessee,'” said Nick Crafton, who owns land in Haywood County close to the megasite. “But it’s sucking all the oxygen out of every other project across the region. 

“Now, they’re talking about busting up [the megasite] and that’ll be in direct competition with the local industrial parks that these companies might otherwise be looking at.”

However, the Greater Memphis Chamber said it is “100 percent supportive” of the continued development of the megasite. Shelby County has a “serious lack of ‘development ready’ sites to begin with. Further, given the megasite’s size, it is not competition with other sites here. It’s in competition with other ‘sites of its ilk across the Southeast.'”

All of this is according to Eric Miller, the Chamber senior vice president of economic development, and a Haslam-appointed member of the Memphis Regional Megasite Authority Board. 

“Our efforts as a region and state should be to make that site the premier available site in its category to help our region compete for much-needed tax dollars from new investment and jobs,” Miller said.  

Plans for the proposed Memphis Regional Megasite pipeline

Down by the Water

The Mississippi River sloshes gently against a concrete boat ramp. The ramp angles into the muddy water from a wide, flat spot called Duvall Landing in Tipton County, about 45 minutes north of Memphis. A mud-splattered truck with a boat trailer sits in the chilly breeze, the only tenant of a parking lot big enough to swallow an airplane hangar. The lot is covered by a half-inch of mud, and a look at the detritus on the bank makes it clear that the river crested and receded here not long ago. 

A kayak-and-canoe blog called RiverGator (www.rivergator.org) says the parking lot is a “notorious hell-raising party place amongst locals.” The description matched the evidence of discarded Bud Lite bottles, spent shotgun shells, and lighters that littered the ground, and an enormous bonfire circle.

Just north of that scene, state officials hope to snake a wastewater pipeline the width of a large pizza (18 inches) out into the main channel of the Mississippi. If the stars align, and they win that large manufacturer to the megasite 35 miles away, that pipe could send up to 3.5 million gallons a day of human feces and industrial waste into the river.

Party at Duvall Landing with the pipe going full blast, and you could clock about 145,800 gallons of shit and sludge sliding right by your bonfire every hour.

“People out here have to actually get in the water to launch their boats,” said Jo Cris Blair, administrator of the Say No to the Richardson Landing Poopline group. “Will they get sick? We have no way of knowing. Will the fish start glowing in the dark? We have no way of knowing.”

But Blair said the wastewater will destroy farmland, settling into soils after floods. It’ll also impact the local wildlife — fish, birds, and deer — and “it will really hurt the fishing and boating community.”

The Pipe and the River

Blair said the Environmental Protection Agency and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers are turning a “blind eye to the situation.” As for politicos, only Millington Chamber of Commerce executive director Terry Roland and state Representative Debra Moody (R-Covington) have shown any concern for it.

Another spot — about a mile north of Duvall Landing — was the original site for the pipeline’s outfall. But it was moved due to the concerns of locals who felt the waste would harm the environment. 

Blair said she thinks the new Tipton County spot was picked because Memphis can’t take any more waste and Shelby Forest is protected.

Rolfe told lawmakers that TDEC helped his office pinpoint the new location and suggested they run it into the “deep channel” of the river. Standing at Duvall Landing, the Arkansas side of the river seems a mile away. Each second you stand there, more than 8.5 million gallons of muddy water slides by. If the pipeline was running at full capacity — up to that 3.5 million gallons per day — it would add an average of 40 gallons of sewage from the megasite each second. 

Feed the phrase “dilution is the pollution solution” into Google, and you’ll find environmental groups telling you that it is not. There’s a loophole in the federal Clean Water Act that allows for dumping waste into certain bodies of water if they can provide specific “mixing channels.” Deep water with lots of volume can dilute the pollution and limit its effects; that’s the idea. 

Does it work? It’s hard to say with the Mississippi. It’s so wild and so big that it’s been tough to make and maintain a water-quality tracking system. 

In a previous story on this topic, Renee Hoyos, the executive director of the Tennessee Clean Water Network (TCWN), said that the river drains one third of the United States and has “been used as the nation’s toilet.” It was her sense that “by the time [the river water] gets to Memphis, it is in pretty bad shape.”

In 2017, she told the Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) Office of Water that the TCWN and nine other agencies like it had formed the Mississippi River Collaborative to track and fight pollution in the river. 

“Right now, states in the Mississippi River basin pollute the river with so much nitrogen and phosphorus, that beaches are regularly closed, dogs are dying, and drinking water is under constant threat. We want a numeric standard for [nutrient pollution] nationwide. EPA has battled this problem for decades to no avail.”

The beaches Hoyos mentioned are likely those along the “dead zone” in the Gulf of Mexico. Pollution in Mississippi River water plumes out when it hits the gulf. The pollution helps algae grow. That algae sucks the oxygen out of the water and kills everything living there. In 2017, the dead zone was the size of New Jersey. It’s forecast to be larger this year, thanks to heavy rains. 

What’s in a River?

The Mississippi River water at Memphis is already polluted. It contains chlordane, a now-banned pesticide, that — taken in high doses — “can cause convulsions and death,” according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. It also contains polychlorinated biphenyls (or PCBs), a now-banned substance used to make capacitors, adhesives, floor finish, and more. Doses of PCBs can cause cancer and much more, according to the EPA.

As for human waste, the megasite actually has to have it. Crafton, a chemical engineer, explains that human waste naturally treats industrial waste. But Crafton says the only human waste so far is coming from the city of Stanton. It’s only 452 people, he says, not enough to treat the volume of waste from the proposed megasite. But the concern doesn’t just lie at the end of the pipeline. From end to end, the pipeline will cross rivers and streams 54 times, according to TDEC, and they could all be affected by pollution, should the pipe burst or leak. 

It’s still unknown exactly what kind of pollution the megasite pipeline would add to the Mississippi River. That’s because no one knows what kind of company will eventually be on the site or what kind of manufacturing will take place there. Blair said ECD’s application does include heavy metals and “an unknown amount of hexavalent chromium.” If that sounds weirdly familiar, the same compound was the center of the Erin Brockovich case. 

“We know what this particular contaminate can do to people,” Blair says. “And for them to literally say ‘an untold amount’ is beyond terrifying.”

Residents along the proposed pipeline are fighting back. Motions are ongoing in a lawsuit led by attorney Jeff Ward against TDEC. Ward is working pro bono, but the group has a GoFundMe page to help pay for other legal expenses. 

The Next Step

The next episode in the megasite saga is a public hearing set for Thursday, April 25th, at Dyersburg Community College. TDEC’s early opinion of the pipeline is that it will “result in no more than de minimis [meaning trivial, or minor] degradation to water quality.” But the division will take public comments into account and the final decision will come down to “the lost value of the resource compared to the value of any proposed mitigation.”

Should TDEC grant Rolfe and his team the pipeline permit, he’s told lawmakers he’ll begin the process of taking lands (easements) from those who don’t want to sell. The process is expected to wrap up in six to nine months. If they get all those, pipeline construction can begin and is expected to take 18 to 24 months to complete.

“In the meantime, if [ECD] successfully recruits a company to the megasite, construction of the tenant’s facility on site can occur parallel to the wastewater pipeline buildout,” reads a statement from Rolfe’s office. “Under such a scenario, we could have a tenant open and operating on the Megasite within three years.”