The parameters of a new (and probably soon to be surreal)
immigration reform battle were drawn up last week in Washington, D.C.
On Thursday, June 25th, President Obama appointed Janet Napolitano as
the administration’s “point person” to help develop bipartisan,
sensible legislation which will overhaul our long-outdated immigration
system. Two hours before Obama’s announcement, his chief of staff, Rahm
Emanuel, admitted the administration does not have the votes in
Congress to pass comprehensive immigration reform this year.
Most Americans still underestimate the political, economic, and
cultural significance of the 45 million Hispanics who live in the U.S.
The national and local media have been cautious and parsimonious in
dealing with Hispanics — documented and undocumented alike. Most
Memphians already have noticed that thousands of our neighbors —
the undocumented workers in our community — are forced to live in
the shadows. These people pay rent, support local businesses, and pay
state sales tax but enjoy few rights and only the slightest opportunity
for true social mobility. They fill a vital role in our local and
national economy, but anti-immigrant zealots in our country would
prefer to forcibly send them all home.
Obama, in a June 19th speech at the Esperaza National Hispanic
Prayer Breakfast, articulated a clear plan to “regularize” undocumented
workers who want to stay in the country. Under his plan, undocumented
residents will pay a fine, pay back taxes, learn English, and step to
the back of the line for consideration as citizens, behind those who
have obeyed all of our nation’s baroque immigration laws. Lamentably,
the far-right position characterizes all undocumented workers as law
breakers, pure and simple. Yet, our immigration laws are so
anachronistic and unfair (discriminating disproportionately against the
poor, unskilled, and unschooled) that reasonable people would conclude
the system is in fact broken. For example, each year, the U.S. issues
66,000 H-2B temporary work visas, yet the U.S. economy (even in its
current recessed phase) requires 400,000 to 500,000 unskilled foreign
workers, mostly in agriculture.
Anti-immigrant disciples, bolstered by the previous administration’s
“get-tough rhetoric,” which featured televised immigration raids and
mass deportations, created a national climate of fear and mistrust
among Hispanics. The resultant political shift this past November
— Obama picked up about 63 percent of the 11 million Hispanic
votes cast nationwide — led to victory for the Democratic
candidate in at least four crucial states: Colorado, Florida, Nevada,
and New Mexico.
Hispanics in the United States are watching carefully as the
administration cautiously rolls out its immigration reform strategy.
They’re also keeping an eye on recent overtures the president has made
toward Latin America and Latin Americans. Obama has lifted meaningless
travel and financial restrictions between Cuban Americans and their
families in their homeland, and this past April, the president
literally reached out to mischievous Venezuelan president Hugo
Chávez at the Summit of the Americas. Obama has had fruitful,
earnest dialogue with the presidents of Mexico and Brazil, and he’s
floated the idea of naming the popular Brazilian leader, Luiz
Inácio “Lula” da Silva, president of the World Bank when his
mandate expires at the end of 2010.
Obama’s efforts in Latin America have paid off: In late May, Rio de
Janeiro’s leading newspaper, O Globo, published a poll conducted
in six Western countries showing Obama as the most popular leader in
the world. (The president’s 78 percent approval rating was eight points
higher than the Dalai Lama’s.) But the president’s world popularity,
his outreach to Latin America, and his prudent changes to the previous
administration’s policies and attitudes in the region will quickly fade
from memory if he cannot secure lasting immigration reform in the
U.S.
The critical concerns of Hispanic and non-Hispanic Americans are
fundamentally the same and include the expectation of equal protection
under the law, access to economic security, stability and protection
for families, and opportunities to delineate one’s own destiny. These
fundamental aspirations are out of reach for the millions who live in
America undocumented. Rational, prudent, and comprehensive immigration
reform would strengthen community and justice in America.
Michael J. LaRosa is associate professor of history at Rhodes
College.
