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On the People’s Wish List

This story first appeared in MLK50: Justice Through Journalism, a nonprofit newsroom focused on poverty, power, and policy in Memphis. Sign up here to receive MLK50’s weekly newsletter.

MLK50: Justice Through Journalism is guided by the principles of the
SPJ Code of Ethics to balance the public’s right to know against causing potential harm. We are also informed by the principles in the Authority Collective’s call in “Do No Harm: Photographing Police Brutality Protests.” In order to protect the people quoted in this story from retribution and surveillance, we offered participants the option to use their first or last name only, and deleted some identifying details. We chose to provide anonymity for one participant.

On a recent morning, a poster on the wall near escalators inside the Shelby County Criminal Justice Center, downtown at 201 Poplar Ave., shared a message about criminal justice in the county.

When Carlos was held up, he lost his father’s watch. And the guy who did it just lost ten years. The District Attorney General of Shelby County has no interest in making deals with violent criminals. If you do it, you’ll get every second of hard time we can give you for it. Count on it.

NO DEALS. HARD CRIME GETS ALL THE TIME.

On the other side of the escalators, Jackson leaned against a wall, waiting to appear in court.

Some people sat with blank stares or with their heads down. There was little chit-chat among those waiting, but Jackson was talkative. This wasn’t his first trip to 201, as the building is informally known. He said he knew what to expect from the prosecutors and judge.

“They’ll never know how it feels on our side because they ain’t got no felonies,” said Jackson, who has served time for non-violent drug offenses. “They on the other side just looking like, ‘…We need to do this to them.’ They ain’t (going) through what we (go) through.”

With the district attorney up for reelection this summer, Jackson and others facing prosecution, have thoughts on how they would change the DA’s approach. Activists are mobilizing against the incumbent, Republican Amy Weirich, who is not expected to have a challenger in the primary race. On the Democratic side, three attorneys are vying for her seat. Those candidates — Linda Harris, Steve Mulroy and Janika White — see an office that needs reform. Their platforms overlap, sharing the goals of reducing violent crime, earning community trust, and correcting for discrimination.

Weirich, who has been the DA since 2011, told The Commercial Appeal last month she believes her office has been firm on violent crime, considerate of community concerns, and fair. In 2017, she received a private reprimand for withholding evidence in the high-profile murder case of Noura Jackson, whose conviction was overturned after she’d spent nine years in prison. That same year, a Harvard Law School project also ranked Weirich highest in Tennessee for prosecutorial misconduct. Weirich did not respond to a request for comment.

Early voting in the partisan primary starts April 13 and ends on election day, May 3; the countywide general election is Aug. 4. The general election also includes races for county mayor, commissioners, sheriff and judges.

In Tennessee, district attorneys serve for eight years – the nation’s longest term for elected prosecutors. It will be nearly a decade before the office is up for reelection again.

A district attorney’s job is to represent the government in criminal cases. Aided by a staff of attorneys, the elected prosecutor decides which crimes to focus on, what charges to bring, if any, and whether to offer plea deals.

However, a district attorney has a lot of say in how to go about that work. Across the country, there’s a growing public conversation about what it means to be a good district attorney.

Since the beginning of the year, the Democratic candidates have made appearances at events focused on DA-related issues. Outside 201 Friday, Mulroy attended a protest in support of Pamela Moses, a Black activist from Memphis, sentenced Jan. 31 to six years and one day in prison on voter fraud charges. Moses, who had prior felony convictions, registered to vote after election officials incorrectly told her she was eligible to do so.

Last week, White, Harris and Mulroy attended a rally supporting Pervis Payne, a Black man who has maintained his innocence despite a 1988 conviction for killing a white woman and her child.

Although the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 2002 that people with an intellectual disability, such as Payne, should not be subject to the death penalty, Weirich maintained that Payne, whose IQ has been measured at 72, should be executed. She also opposed DNA testing in Payne’s case. In November, her office acknowledged his intellectual disability and dropped its pursuit of the death penalty. Payne will be eligible for parole in five years.

At a January virtual forum, organized by the Sigma Rho Lambda Chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, the three discussed changes they would push for as DA. Among the issues they raised were bail reform, ending transfers of children to adult court, offering more alternatives to prosecution and making data about prosecution publicly available.

During the virtual forum, Harris, who is Black, highlighted the need for DAs to work with communities to prevent crime. She is a private practice attorney, former federal prosecutor and former Memphis police officer.

A law professor at the University of Memphis, Mulroy, who is white, presented an approach guided by policies that have yielded results in other cities. The former county commissioner was also a federal prosecutor.

Changing the internal culture of the district attorney’s office and ensuring the demographics of the office reflect Memphis would be a key priority for White, who is Black. She is a private practice attorney.

Whichever candidate wins, their decisions will have critical power over criminal justice in the county. Inside 201, people like Jackson feel the effects of that power.

January 25, 2022 – MEMPHIS, TN: At General Sessions criminal court last week, Terrance shared his concerns about wrongful convictions. “There’s people serving 40 years that’s innocent.” (Photo by Andrea Morales for MLK50)

Be reasonable

A woman sat on a bench and thumbed through a phone, trying to figure out how to get a lawyer for help with a theft charge.

“I’m a server, so I really don’t get paid much,” she said. “I’ve got to figure out how I’m going to pay for my lawyer and how I’m going to get to court dates, and you know, it’s really stressful.”

The first time she was charged with a crime – for fighting – she was a teenager and living in Mississippi. Now, she lives with a relative in Memphis. She says a good district attorney candidate would do one thing: “Be reasonable with us.”

If the district attorney’s office spent more time trying to understand why someone broke the law, she said, prosecutors would be more understanding and see that charges may not be necessary and too harsh for the situation.

“Ask what’s going on, why you did that, what was the actual reason for it…and the situation that’s going on.”

She sees the circumstances that led to this 201 visit as an example. 

“In the house that I live in, it’s basically everybody for themselves. I was just trying to get some things to put in the house for me, so I wouldn’t have to eat out all the time, and personal care items.”

She doesn’t dispute that theft is a violation of the law. But at the same time, it seems like a relatively minor situation compared to violent crimes that should be the DA’s focus, she said. Prosecuting people like her does less for safety and more to add stress for people already struggling to make ends meet, she said.

“If they would stop worrying about the little small things and worry about the bigger things… it would be a big weight off people’s shoulders.”

Posters hanging at the Shelby County Criminal Justice Center emphasize the Shelby County District Attorney’s office commitment to be tough on crime. (Photos by Andrea Morales for MLK50)

Skip the small stuff

Some people at 201 say the DA is too aggressive with petty infractions, creating a cycle that lengthens criminal records and bars them from jobs that could help them get out of the criminal justice system — a potentially lifelong consequence that is too harsh for small offenses.

Jackson said his record has left him with few legal ways to make ends meet.

“It’s hard for y’all to make these promises that we’re going to make it to where they’ll stop targeting the Black community when really it’s already been targeted, the harm is already done.”

Jackson described a cycle that begins with police officers over-patrolling Black communities, pulling people over for minor violations, and using the opportunity to run them in on additional charges. For people with criminal records, those stops serve only to saddle them with more severe charges and sentences, even if the offenses are years apart. 

What prosecutors and judges don’t consider, Jackson said, is how long someone’s stayed out of trouble.

​​”Every time they get me, it’s like they judging me off my prior record. That’s bad to be able to judge somebody off their prior record as if a person can’t do better in life.”

Jackson isn’t sure how other reforms can be effective if people are stuck in that loop.

As he waited for court, Robinson said he earns a living through construction work, one of few jobs he can hold with a criminal record.

“Simple shit shouldn’t cost you three or four years of your life when you got rapists, killers and drug dealers out here,” Robinson said, referring to issues such as driving with an invalid license.

“Everybody can’t take off every month, everybody can’t take off every other week. And then when you lose your job, all because of coming down here, they finally tell you, ‘We going to dismiss it.’”

Permanent records and jail time for petty crimes are a burden connected to high poverty rates in Black communities, argues Robinson, who is from South Memphis.

“That’s because they put us in poverty. We can’t get no job with all this shit on our background,” Robinson said. “I done been locked up so many times; it don’t make no sense. And the majority of it for petty stuff, stuff I know could have been overlooked.”

Wrongful conviction

Between General Sessions courtrooms, Terrance waited with his hands tucked in his hoodie.

“Memphis, we ain’t really got a lot; that’s why there’s a lot of murders,” Terrance said. Kids in low-income neighborhoods have fewer educational and employment opportunities, he said, making them easily “brainwashed” by the streets — like he was.

“But at the same time, it’s about you though,” he tells the kids from his neighborhood, urging them not to follow his path. “I don’t care where you at. You ain’t got to be a part of everything. You can switch it up.”

With the streets behind him, Terrance said he wants to leave the city when he’s done with his case. “I’m going to switch it up,” he said.

For him, one reform to the DA’s office is more important than any other: Wrongful convictions. He said prison for an innocent person is the cruelest of injustices with unjustifiable costs.

“My perspective is who the fuck wants to serve 40 years when they’re innocent? You ain’t seen your kids. You don’t know what’s going on, what movie is out, you got to catch up on a whole bunch of stuff, the years that passed.”

The Democratic candidates have expressed support for creating a conviction review unit in the DA’s office that would look for wrongful convictions. And despite requests from advocacy groups for one in Shelby County, Weirich has resisted the idea, according to The Commercial Appeal.

A DA that’s been through something

Taye wasn’t happy to be at 201, but he was there to support a friend fighting a case.

“I don’t like being around all these damn police. They ain’t did nothing and I ain’t got no warrants or nothing, but still, it just brings back old memories of the old life that I put behind me.”

Taye isn’t sure about specific policies he wants to see from a new district attorney. Still, he knows he’d like a district attorney who has experienced the same struggles as people in Memphis’ low-wealth, mainly Black neighborhoods.

“Shelby County does need a new DA, but we need a DA that got a testimony,” Taye said. “We should have a DA – I won’t say from the hood or grew up in the ghetto, but… we should have a DA that’s been through something, if you ain’t been through something, at least have a family member that’s incarcerated.”

Jackson agreed, but he’s heard election promises of change before, he said. Even if a Democratic challenger wins, the real question is whether they will stand by their commitment to reform if they face resistance.

“Who didn’t say they’re going to help the Black community? Everybody’s said that,” Jackson said. “I’m not even faulting the people who’re saying it. … But are y’all going to be willing to take that extra measure when the people above your heads say no? Are you going to stand down or stand earnest and say ‘No, they don’t deserve this, this is how we’re going to do it?’”

“You’re going to have to be very strong to really do what you say behind Black people.”

Carrington J. Tatum is a corps member with Report for America, a national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms. Email him at carrington.tatum@mlk50.com

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New Organization Takes Aim at Amy Weirich Ahead of DA Race

This story is co-published with MLK50: Justice Through Journalism, a nonprofit Memphis newsroom focused on poverty, power and public policy — issues about which Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. cared deeply. Find more stories like this at MLK50.com. Subscribe to their newsletter here.

With 10 months before voters choose the next Shelby County District Attorney, the push to unseat Republican incumbent Amy Weirich heated up Wednesday with the launch of what organizers call a public education campaign about the prosecutor’s controversial record.

A handful of canvassers handed fliers to the dozens queuing to get inside the Shelby County Criminal Justice Center on Poplar Wednesday morning, as a mobile digital billboard labeling Weirich a “Repeat Offender” circled the center. The campaign is coordinated by Memphis Watch, a newly formed organization that doesn’t have a web presence and does not appear to be led by Memphians.

One of the billboard panels reads: The Tennessee Supreme Court on Shelby County District Attorney General Amy Weirich’s behavior in a murder prosecution: “Flagrant violation,” “off limits to any conscientious prosecutor,” “not at all clear why any prosecutor would venture into this forbidden territory.” The partial quotes were taken from a 2014 Tennessee Supreme Court ruling that excoriated Weirich for her conduct during the 2009 high-profile murder trial of Noura Jackson. The court would later vacate Jackson’s conviction; she was released after spending 11 years in prison.

The billboard’s messages are a condensed version of AmyWeirichFiles.com, which offers a blistering assessment of Weirich’s actions, some of which have drawn intense scrutiny, criticism and in one instance, a reprimand from the Tennessee Board of Professional Responsibility days before she was to face an examination of her behavior during Jackson’s trial.

Across the country, advocacy organizations and activists are calling for prosecutorial reform, a movement that’s gotten a boost from philanthropists including George Soros, who has spent millions on district attorney races in recent years in an effort to reimagine the country’s criminal justice system.

The campaign comes at the same time that Memphis is experiencing a surge in gun crime, including Sunday’s off-campus killing of a Rhodes College student and last month’s Collierville Kroger shooting that left the shooter and a victim dead and more than a dozen others injured. These incidents and the resulting flurry of news coverage may make residents more receptive to Weirich’s tough-on-crime stance; research has shown that media coverage of crime can lead to increased public support for punitive criminal justice policy.

Outside the justice center Wednesday morning, canvasser Victoria Terry with the progressive nonprofit Memphis For All shared specific criticism about Weirich’s record with passersby.

“When she should do DNA testing, she doesn’t,” Terry said. “She tries kids as adults all the time.”

“There’s another election coming up. So we’re doing everything we can to put somebody better in office, someone who actually cares about our community.”

“Have you heard about our district attorney? She’s the worst in Tennessee,” canvasser Victoria Terry told those waiting to enter the Shelby County Criminal Justice Center Wednesday as she handed out fliers about Shelby County District Attorney Amy Weirich’s prosecutorial record. (Photo by Andrea Morales for MLK50.)

Weirich’s office has opposed DNA testing in the case of death row inmate Pervis Payne and in the case of Sedley Alley, who was executed in 2006. She has also transferred dozens of children accused of violent crimes, most of whom are Black, to adult court where they face stiffer penalties, a practice she defended as recently as Sept. 28, when the DA’s website listed a detailed explanation for each of the 25 cases her office has transferred to adult court this year.  

In an email, Larry Buser, a spokesperson for the district attorney’s office, said that “it would be inappropriate for me to comment on campaign issues.”

Intense outside attention to this local DA race is to be expected, said Cardell Orrin, executive director for Stand for Children Tennessee and a community advocate.

“I think it’s reflective of what we’ve been hearing for quite some time from local and national groups of a real concern about the egregious violations that have occurred from Weirich and her office during her tenure,” Orrin said. He said he was aware of Wednesday’s campaign but Stand was not involved.

“We’ve also heard from other national organizations that have said, in context of what’s happening around the country and in other (district attorneys’) offices, you have a problem with your DA that can hopefully be solved.”

“We definitely have to look to see if there’s an alternative.” In the past, Stand has endorsed candidates for office and expects to do so in the DA’s race.

Orrin is also a part of Memphis Nonprofits Demand Action, which graded Weirich and other elected officials on progressive criminal justice policy issues following a number of local protests sparked last summer by the police killings of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. Weirich received a D for her failure to drop charges against peaceful participants arrested in demonstrations and an F for not investigating accusations of police misconduct during those protests.

One woman took a flyer from Terry, but couldn’t stay for much explanation. Although the woman wasn’t familiar with Weirich and the upcoming August election, she only needed answers to two questions to decide how she would vote.

“Is she Black?” asked the woman, who is Black.

“She’s white,” Terry answered.

“Do we trust her?”

“No,” Terry replied.

“We’re going to get her out of there then,” said the woman, who was at 201 Poplar to handle minor marijuana possession charges. 

Memphis Watch’s senior advisor, Alex Bassos, called Weirich one of the nation’s worst prosecutors; an assertion echoed in a 2017 Harvard Law School’s Fair Punishment Project report which ranked her as the state’s most overzealous prosecutor

“So we want her and the political elite in Memphis to know we are here, we are watching, we are loud and we don’t go away or play by polite norms for exposing people’s records.”

Alex Bassos, Memphis Watch senior advisor

According to Bassos’ LinkedIn page, he is project director at Justice Research Group. A Google search for an organization by that name did not return any results. An attorney, he was also chief of products for The Appeal, a nonprofit news organization that closed earlier this year and is reopening as a worker-led publication.

“So we want her and the political elite in Memphis to know we are here, we are watching, we are loud and we don’t go away or play by polite norms for exposing people’s records,” Bassos said by phone Wednesday. “It’s too important. It’s life or death for the people harmed by her and her office.”  

In 2012, Weirich was elected to finish the term of her boss, Bill Gibbons, now executive director of the Public Safety Institute at the University of Memphis and president of the nonprofit Memphis Shelby Crime Commission. Weirich ran for re-election in 2014 and handily beat her Democratic opponent Joe Brown, formerly a Shelby County Criminal Court judge​ and host of the syndicated Judge Joe Brown reality show.​

Weirich’s prosecutorial errors in the Jackson case, including withholding evidence that could have helped the defense, and her office’s practices were the focus of a lengthy 2017 New York Times article by journalist Emily Bazelon. Weirich responded with a tweet storm with the hashtag #ProCrimeNYTimes.

In 2019 Bazelon published “Charged: The New Movement to Transform American Prosecution and End Mass Incarceration.” The book primarily tells the stories of two prosecutors, one with a more restorative justice approach, and at the other end of the spectrum, Weirich.

Shelby County, which is 54 percent Black, has never had a Black prosecutor. Weirich has one declared opponent, Linda Harris, who was a former Memphis police officer and an assistant U.S. attorney for the Western District. Harris is currently in private practice.

The deadline to qualify to run for district attorney is Feb. 17, according to the Shelby County Election Commission. The primary election is May 3 and the general election is Aug. 4.

Tennessee has the longest elected prosecutor terms of any state in the nation, at eight years. If Weirich wins in August, the next time the office will be on the ballot is 2030.

Wendi C. Thomas is the founding editor of MLK50: Justice Through Journalism. Contact her at wendicthomas@mlk50.com.

Carrington J. Tatum is a corps member with Report for America, a national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms. Email him at carrington.tatum@mlk50.com

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The Deadly Consequences of Respectability Politics

This story first appeared in MLK50: Justice Through Journalism, a nonprofit newsroom focused on poverty, power, and policy in Memphis. Sign up here to receive MLK50’s weekly newsletter. 

Start with last year’s fatal attempted carjacking at an East Memphis gas station. Add in residents’ demands for more security. Add to that a white cop turned armed security guard and an unarmed Black man in a car playing loud music.

It’s the perfect recipe, criminal justice advocates say, for the outcome that was as tragic as it was predictable: The Aug. 7 fatal shooting of Alvin Motley Jr. by Gregory Livingston, who has been charged with second-degree murder.

The incident raises concerns about the link between policing and private security, the expectations for Black people in predominantly white spaces, and who suffers most when calls for increased public safety are answered.

The two men’s paths crossed just before 7 p.m. that Saturday, when Motley, who was visiting from Chicago, and his girlfriend, Pia Foster, who was driving, pulled into the Kroger Fuel Center at Poplar and Kirby. Livingston, who worked for a third-party contractor, confronted Motley about the volume of the car’s music, according to police and news reports.

Foster had Motley get back into the car to leave, according to a police affidavit, but Motley exited the car and walked toward the security guard. Foster told police that Motley said to the security guard: “Let’s talk like men.”

The police affidavit says that surveillance video shows Motley holding a cigarette and a beer can when Livingston fired. Motley, 48, was pronounced dead on the scene.

Motley’s family hired civil rights attorney Ben Crump, who represented the Trayvon Martin family after a neighborhood watch volunteer shot and killed the unarmed Black teen in Florida in 2012. 

Many of Crump’s previous clients are families of people killed by police, and while security guards are a lesser authority, they are not less prone to the systemic problems in policing, he said.

A view of the Kroger Fuel Center at 6660 Poplar Avenue. After a confrontation about loud music, Gregory Livingston, a white security guard, killed Alvin Motley Jr., who is Black, at the gas station earlier this month. (Photo by Andrea Morales for MLK50)

Security shares policing’s staff, bad practices

Because security firms often hire off-duty law enforcement or former officers such as Livingston, it’s inevitable that the racism in policing culture shows up in security services, advocates said. Livingston worked as a Horn Lake, Mississippi police officer from 1998 to 2001, according to WHBQ Fox 13. He also did not have a Tennessee-required license to work security, The Commercial Appeal reported.

“Whether it’s private or public, the outcome is still the same. Having police is inherently dangerous,” especially to communities of color, said Chelsea Glass, an organizer for DeCarcerate Memphis, which advocates for criminal justice reform.

Motley was a victim of racial profiling, Glass believes, and was an even greater target in the predominantly white and wealthy area that surrounds the fuel center, where Memphis meets Germantown. However, profiling occurs independent of geography and the race of the officer or guard, she said.

“I don’t know that he necessarily would have been shot… in a different area where more people look like him.”

Chelsea Glass, organizer for DeCarcerate Memphis

“I don’t know that he necessarily would have been shot… in a different area where more people look like him,” she said. “But I don’t think that profiling is unique to only white officers, I think profiling is baked into the culture of policing.”

On Monday at Shelby County General Sessions Court, where Livingston had one of his first court appearances, attorney Leslie Ballin denied that the shooting was racially motivated and said instead that Livingston was doing his job and defending himself.

“If there are facts that speak to this being a racial event, teach me, let me know,” Ballin told the media. “I don’t know of any right now.”

However, Shahidah Jones, an organizer with The Official Black Lives Matter Memphis Chapter said neither police officers nor Livingston’s jobs should include the option to kill and that issue is systemic whether the agent is a government or corporate employee.

“These are two issues where we see systemic oppression, systemic anti-blackness, and the systemic belief that policing and authority gives you the right to make life or death decisions,” Jones said. “They are all coalescing here to create an environment in which Black people’s freedom is removed immediately and you have to prove yourself to earn it back. That is systemic, regardless of whether that is private security …”

Livingston didn’t shoot solely of his own accord, but with the backing of the company policy and laws that gave him the option, she said.

While Livingston may have had “some fear,” Jones said, “but for me, more than anything, (the shooting) comes from an entitlement to a decision. That happens when you give the authority of law enforcement to people.”

Public safety looks different if you’re white

There is no doubt that racism steered Livingston’s actions, said Carl Adams, Motley’s close cousin.

“You have to ask yourself the question, if Alvin Jr. was white, would he have been killed? And the answer is absolutely not,” Adams said in an interview last week.

Alvin Motley Jr. relatives stand for a portrait while in Memphis last week. Motley Jr.’s funeral was held in Chicago today. From left: Carl Adams, cousin; Beverly Adams, aunt; Tasheta Motley, sister; and Alvin Motley Sr., father. (Photo by Andrea Morales for MLK50)

The Kroger fuel station where Motley was killed had been the site of several other incidents, including a September attempted carjacking in which the car’s owner shot and killed one of the people trying to take his Mercedes SUV. The killing was ruled justified.

petition titled “Keep Kroger customers safe in Germantown/Memphis with armed security guards” gathered more than 350 signatures and in November, the creator declared victory, posting, “We won! Kroger listened. Kroger now has guards at the gas station! Thank you to everyone that signed.” 

Kroger did not respond to questions about whether the company added security because of the petitioners’ request.

Calls for more security often protects white people’s safety while jeopardizing Black people’s, said Glass, who is white and lives in Collierville. She doesn’t make a distinction between private security forces and state security forces.

“Safety means different things to different people,” she said. “The lived experiences of people who look like me, and live where I live, have either no real experience with law enforcement, or they have a perceived positive experience with law enforcement.”

“Communities of color… don’t share that experience,” Glass said. “Their experience with law enforcement is typically negative. It’s wrapped and intertwined in harm and trauma — and we’re talking generations of that.”

Angie Deupree, who is white and a Germantown resident, was one of those who signed the petition. “At this point, (Kroger) can become liable at some level for injuries or deaths that occur as a result of Kroger taking ‘no action,’” Deupree wrote. 

Reached last week, Deupree said she never expected that the community’s request for armed guards would lead to Motley’s death. No one should be shot simply because of loud music, she said. 

“(Motley) wasn’t safe if he was just playing loud music and got killed. So when we’re thinking about safety, whose safety are we talking about?”

Wesley Dozier, fellow at Just City

“I wouldn’t expect someone to get shot unless they were doing something wrong,” Deupree said. “I wasn’t there to know if this particular victim had done anything wrong or not.

“But if someone’s (committing) a crime, I would not be afraid for someone to take action.”

That petitioners didn’t consider the danger an armed security guard could pose to Black people is precisely the issue, Glass said.

“Even if race never crossed any particular individual’s mind, to me that is an act of racism – to be so blinded by your own personal experience as a white person, or in a predominantly white area, that you have no consideration for the outcome and the impact that it will have to Black and brown neighbors.”

Deupree said the shooting of Motley doesn’t present a safety concern to her – and reform advocates say she’s right.  Armed security presence isn’t a threat to white women such as Deupree, and that’s why armed guards are a narrow-sighted response to crime that mainly benefits the white and wealthy, said Wesley Dozier, a fellow at Just City, which advocates for a smaller and fairer criminal justice system.

“(Motley) wasn’t safe if he was just playing loud music and got killed. So when we’re thinking about safety, whose safety are we talking about?” Dozier asked.

“Obviously, it was not his, and I could imagine that it’s not a lot of other Black people who go out there.” 

Germantown, East Memphis exist as a ‘white haven’

While Deupree sees Germantown as racially mixed –  “You’ve got a lot of apartments … you see people of all races, all backgrounds and all ages in that particular area,” she said – census data suggests otherwise.

Multifamily dwellings are one strategy to increase the economic and racial diversity of a community, affordable housing advocates say, and exclusionary zoning laws are a way to “discriminate against people of color,” President Joe Biden’s administration noted in a June blog post. Germantown officials have fought to limit the number of multi-family complexes and in 2020 approved an ordinance that banned most new apartment complexes.

The gas station sits near the edge of Germantown, in an East Memphis census tract where the population is 85% white, 6% Black, 7% Asian and 2% two or more races. That makes it the least diverse of the county’s suburban towns. The tract’s median household income is just shy of $130,000.

In comparison, Memphis’ population is 63% Black, 26% white, 2% Asian, 8% Hispanic and 1% two or more races. The median household income in the city – just over $43,750 –  is less than three times that of families in Germantown, where the population is 2% Black, 93% white, 2% Hispanic and the rest other.

Decades of white flight set the stage for racist encounters such as the one that claimed Motley’s life. The demographic contrast between Memphis and Germantown is “by design,” Dozier said.

“You’re operating on really tenuous ground because Germantown is this very white, wealthy haven to exclude everyone else,” he said.

Respectability politics

Germantown’s homogeneity comes with unspoken rules and expectations for people who aren’t among the wealthy white majority, a concept known as “respectability politics,” said Jones, who is Black.

“(Respectability politics) plays a major role because there’s an assumption of what (Black people) should be doing, the way you should be performing in front of the white gaze. In my mind, that would be the reason for the interaction.”

What behavior is shunned depends on the demographics of the neighborhood, Jones said, and loud music could be considered prohibited behavior by East Memphis residents in a way it isn’t in areas of Memphis with larger Black populations.

Even so, Alvin Motley Sr. doesn’t understand why loud music would prompt Livingston to interact with his son, much less kill him.

“I’m pretty sure all of us have had young people pull up in a gas station or come down the street with the music too loud,” said Motley Sr., 72. Guards are “there to protect property, not people’s sensibilities.”

Jones and Crump agreed, likening Motley’s death to that of Martin’s. In both instances, a Black person was gunned down by quasi-authorities not because they threatened safety, Crump said, but because they violated respectability power dynamics.

“If he didn’t turn his music down — ‘If he didn’t obey the white man’ — then the white man got a right to kill him.”

Ben Crump, civil rights attorney

“If he didn’t turn his music down — ‘If he didn’t obey the white man’ — then the white man got a right to kill him,” Crump said.

Though the race of the people responsible for previous carjackings isn’t immediately known, Jones suspects prior crimes at the gas station led security to be overly watchful of Black men. This then led Livingston to see his role as policing how Black people show up in spaces, turning a minor interaction into a fight for control.

“Anytime we’re talking about more policing, whether it’s in schools, whether it’s in nice neighborhoods, whether it’s in poor Black neighborhoods, it becomes (more) about policing people’s actions and respectability politics than it is about safety concerns.”

However, respectability politics can’t be directly addressed through an election or a piece of legislation, Jones said. 

“I’ve heard over the years that we can’t change people’s hearts and minds, we should just change policy,” she said.

“Personal transformation of our thought processes is how we change culture. We have to change the way we think and the way we act. Policy in itself doesn’t ever get to that day-to-day change.”

Carrington J. Tatum is a corps member with Report for America, a national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms. Email him at carrington.tatum@mlk50.com

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Journalist Ida B. Wells’ Words Hit Mark More Than Century Later Regarding Byhalia Pipeline

This story is co-published with MLK50: Justice Through Journalism, a nonprofit Memphis newsroom focused on poverty, power and public policy — issues about which Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. cared deeply. Find more stories like this at MLK50.com. Subscribe to their newsletter here.

The prolific Black journalist Ida B. Wells toiled for justice in Memphis and across the world, speaking out against lynching and the unfair treatment of women and Black people.

“Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,” said Wells, in whose honor a statue will be unveiled Friday morning on Beale Street.

The vigilance she speaks of doesn’t assume every act is sinister, but it does implore us —  especially journalists — to listen when disenfranchised people speak out, to be relentless in pursuit of truth in any issue, and never dismiss the plight of historically overlooked people.

Consider when Plains All American Pipeline announced in late 2019 its joint plans with Valero Energy Corporation to build the Byhalia Connection Pipeline through Black communities in Southwest Memphis. The multi-billion-dollar fossil fuel corporation, with a public relations machine, blitzed into Southwest Memphis with maps, charts, and donations to local nonprofits, as though the pipeline was inevitable.

And it might have been had Boxtown and other communities not vigorously wrestled the company in a battle of information to make their health and property concerns heard by elected officials and media.

The company tapped out and announced on July 2 that it would not proceed with the project.

Early news coverage of the pipeline mentioned the company’s plan, community meetings, and featured residents of North Mississippi, where most of the pipeline route would have run.

Few stories explored what a pipeline would mean for the Black, low-income Memphians in its path and the risks that it could pose. The residents were not just espousing unsupported fears; they were telling Memphis what they know through the experience of environmental degradation that spans generations. And those accounts are backed up by numerous studies as researchers and policymakers catch up to the realities of environmental injustice.

Additionally, few stories applied journalistic scrutiny to the company’s promises regarding the project’s benefits to the area.

MLK50: Justice Through Journalism centered Boxtown’s opposition in its first two stories about the project written last fall by freelance journalist Leanna First-Arai. The stories caught the attention of former Southwest Memphis resident Kathy Robinson, who sent it to another former resident Kizzy Jones, who shared it in a Mitchell High School alumni Facebook group where Justin J. Pearson, also from the area, read it.

Those stories brought together the three eventual founders of Memphis Community Against the Pipeline, and they attended what would be Plains’ last community meeting, in November. 

Knowing that the pipeline would run through the places they grew up and where their families and friends still reside led the trio to fight. Boxtown residents, many of whom are elderly, accepted the help of MCAP after elected officials ghosted the neighborhood associations’ previous efforts.

Months later, MLK50 was first to report on Plains’ use of eminent domain in Memphis to force access to land that owners wouldn’t sell to them. The frustration and pain of the residents came through in story after story, including one about a landowner who sued the company, alleging that a Byhalia Pipeline agent took advantage of her medical emergency to have her sign away an easement.

Another story, co-published with The Guardian and Southerly, took a broader look, calling the Byhalia Pipeline fight a “flashpoint in a national conversation about environmental justice and eminent domain.” The fight had already gained national attention, including from celebrities Justin Timberlake and Danny Glover, former Vice President Al Gore and the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II, co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival.

As the stories continued and more information about the company’s use of eminent domain and the risks of a spill became apparent, local politicians — who previously would not respond to residents’ requests for support — jumped on board.

Knowing the stories of property owners changed Westwood pastor the Rev. Melvin Watkins’ opinion on the pipeline.

And knowing the pipeline would have added risk to the Memphis Sand aquifer made Memphis Mayor Jim Strickland an opponent, but this was after the community’s many requests for his help.

The saying is that “knowing is half the battle,” but for the Byhalia Connection, knowing seemed to be all of the battle for pipeline opponents.

Community determination

At a November community meeting, Jones asked company representatives what residents would need to do to have Plains abandon its plans. One representative was Deidre Malone, a former Shelby County commissioner and public affairs consultant hired by Plains. At the same time, Malone served as second vice chair of the NAACP Memphis Branch, which accepted a $25,000 donation from developers.

Malone told Jones she didn’t know what it would take to stop the pipeline and that there is a “strong possibility” it would be built, and that the community should instead dialogue with the company on how to “work together.”

Plains representatives did not consider the option of not building a pipeline because the community doesn’t want it since fossil fuel companies historically have never been required to care what poor Black communities think of their business.

If a landowner doesn’t want to sell access to an oil corporation, the company can simply force their way onto the property through eminent domain. “No” was never a real option for someone who can’t afford to stand up to the multi-billion-dollar company in court.

Southwest Memphians should be able to veto projects that pose an immediate risk for their community. Furthermore, low-income communities of color should not be forced to host a contributor to a climate crisis from which they will be first to bear the most severe consequences. And the veto should be backed by elected officials and government institutions.

A Plains land agent said the route through the area was chosen because it was a “point of least resistance.”

The infamous one-liner highlights a fundamental question that’s larger than Memphis. Should Black people — including those with low wealth — control what goes in and out of their communities?

Some would say, yes, Black people should control the economics and politics of their community. But Plains representatives have argued that the pipeline was opposed by only a vocal minority.

I made cold calls to landowners who sold easements to the company in an effort to find a landowner or resident in the path of the pipeline that would say they were excited about the project. To this day, I’ve found none.

The Daily Memphian posed the question of whether pipeline supporters were being “drowned out.” But even that story did not include a single resident who publicly supported the project, only an anonymous Boxtown resident who said they were neutral.

I even turned to Plains’ representatives and asked to be connected with a landowner in support of the pipeline. They didn’t provide a landowner, and one representative responded saying, “Based on MLK50’s previous coverage around the project, I’d like to better understand your intentions.” However, no representative accepted calls or returned emails to discuss further.

No community is a monolith, and my goal is to amplify the voices I encounter in my reporting. The only Memphian I encountered who publicly claimed to want the pipeline was Malone, a public affairs advisor for Plains, and she declined to be interviewed.

What happened here sent a message: Billion-dollar companies must respect the agency and dignity of the people who would host their projects, regardless of their race and access to capital. Although that should be the norm — it’s not.

I wonder if it had been the norm decades prior, would Southwest Memphis have given the fossil fuel industry permission to move its polluting businesses to their community?

Credit due

For decades, Southwest Memphis has carried a disproportionate pollution burden and now has helped the entire city dodge an additional risk to its water supply. But a verbal thank you —  if Southwest Memphis receives one — won’t be enough for a community that remains over-polluted and one of the poorest ZIP codes in the city.

When the history of the fight is distilled, some will say aquifer advocates stopped the pipeline, some will say MCAP stopped it, others will say local elected officials did, and Plains will say COVID-19 stopped the pipeline.

But the ultimate credit must go to Boxtown and the other Southwest Memphis residents who were first to sound the alarm.

The Boxtown Neighborhood Association organized the first community meeting not hosted by Plains and community leaders invited elected officials to it; none showed up.

And it was Robinson, Jones, and Pearson — daughters and son of Southwest Memphis — who carried the fight to a national stage during a pandemic. 

It’s easy for the efforts of poor Black people and, in particular, Black women to be forgotten by history — or erased — to make more space for celebrities or people more palatable for white sensibilities.

But this example needs to be maintained accurately for generations to come. Because knowing about Southwest Memphis’ victory may be critical to how communities respond to the difficult environmental fights of the future.

Wells addressed this, too, in her 1892 book, Southern Horrors.

“The people must know before they can act, and there is no educator to compare with the press.”


Carrington J. Tatum is a corps member with Report for America, a national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms. Email him at carrington.tatum@mlk50.com

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Bracing for Worst as Permitless Carry Law Goes Into Effect Thursday

This story is co-published with MLK50: Justice Through Journalism, a nonprofit Memphis newsroom focused on poverty, power and public policy — issues about which Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. cared deeply. Find more stories like this at MLK50.com. Subscribe to their newsletter here

A new Tennessee law that allows most adults to carry a handgun without a permit could lead to more tragedies in Memphis Black communities already beleaguered by gun violence and exacerbate tensions with police, some local and state leaders said.

The law goes into effect Thursday and allows most people 21 and older to carry a handgun, openly or concealed, without a permit or training. The measure was pushed through by a Republican-controlled legislature and signed by Republican Gov. Bill Lee on April 8, despite opposition by Democrats and some law enforcement organizations and local officials.

Memphis community leaders, including Stevie Moore, fear what may come next.

“It makes me sick in the stomach to think about July 1,” said Moore, founder of Freedom From Unnecessary Negatives, a nonprofit focused on ending gun violence.

Moore was among a large group that gathered June 12 at Hamilton High School for a “Unity Walk Against Gun Violence” through South Memphis. Students, religious leaders, elected officials, and mothers with shirts commemorating their slain children called for a collective effort to end shootings in Memphis.

Now, Moore is bracing himself for the “wild, wild west,” he said.

The Rev. Melvin Watkins, pastor of Mount Vernon Baptist Church-Westwood, said the law indicates the legislature is careless and insulated from the consequences of gun violence.

“They don’t see our children, they don’t see our boys and girls, they don’t see (people getting shot) driving down I-240. They don’t see all of that,” Watkins said. “If they saw what I see, they would not be trying to pass laws to make it easier for individuals to (carry) guns without permits.”

Lee pushed the measure as a part of his “public safety agenda” and said it would make Tennessee safer, the Tennessean reported. However, local officials, including Mayor Jim Strickland and Police Chief Cerelyn “C.J.” Davis, expect the opposite. Strickland has said he thinks the change will lead to more gun violence, while Davis has said it complicates traffic stops.

The law comes as both officials are looking to tackle Memphis’ rising crime rates, which match a national uptick. New guidelines for federal COVID-19 stimulus dollars will allow the funds to be spent on public safety, including hiring new officers for MPD, Strickland announced last week.

It was the same day President Joe Biden’s administration announced a “comprehensive strategy to combat gun violence and other violent crime,” which includes allowing local governments to use American Rescue Plan Act funds in the fight. The money can be used for preventive measures, including hiring more police officers, for community violence intervention and efforts to stop the flow of illegal firearms.

The strategy does not address right-to-carry laws.

Homicides rose 30 percent in large cities last year mainly due to the social and economic stress of the pandemic, according to a study from the Council on Criminal Justice cited in the White House’s comprehensive strategy plan. In Memphis, between January and March, there were 1,576 gun-related violent incidents, which is up 30 percent over last year, according to data from the Memphis Shelby Crime Commission.

A 2018 study by the National Bureau of Economic Research found that right-to-carry laws are associated with a 13 percent to 15 percent increase in violent crime 10 years after they’re enacted.

Members of law enforcement oppose the new law, including the Tennessee Sheriffs’ Association, the Tennessee Association of Chiefs of Police and the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation.

A representative for Shelby County Sheriff Floyd Bonner Jr. said in a statement that Bonner supports the Second Amendment but doesn’t support permitless carry because it doesn’t offer training and education before gun owners can carry their weapons.

“The current (Tennessee) handgun carry process allows for background checks and a minimum level of training or verification of training in the use of firearms,” the statement says. “It provides for training about the state’s firearm laws, and education in the correct use of firearms, such as when someone can employ the firearm to protect themselves or others.

“There is a process to obtain a license to drive an automobile, which ensures your ability to operate the vehicle and the testing of your knowledge about traffic laws. There should be similar common-sense requirements before a 21-year-old can start carrying a firearm in public.”

MEMPHIS, TN – June 12, 2021: Shelby County District Attorney Amy Weirich with members of the South Memphis Warriors Youth Football Organization during the 4th Unity Walk against Gun Violence at Hamilton High School. (Photo by Brad Vest for MLK50)

Fears of escalation

The law change doesn’t apply to people legally prohibited from owning a gun, including those convicted of felonies.

Republican legislators have framed the change as protecting the Second Amendment with “constitutional carry” and argue it will increase public safety.

“That’s marketing,” said Democratic state Rep. Antonio Parkinson, whose district covers parts of North Memphis. “It doesn’t matter how they frame it, it still has its consequences.”

Parkinson worries the new law could lead to an escalation in armed confrontations.

“I’m concerned that there could be more (shootings) because the access (to guns) is completely there, now. We don’t know the mental conditions of the people that are carrying. You don’t know where a person is at any moment. It doesn’t necessarily have to be that they’re mentally ill. It could be a whole host of things.”

Parkinson is also concerned that the loss of required classes for a permit could result in new gun owners misusing their weapons out of ignorance of gun laws. Additionally, while the bill supposedly expands gun liberties, Parkinson doesn’t expect Black gun owners to receive the same grace as white gun owners.

“We already know the law is not applied evenly when it comes to minority populations and others, and so I look at who will be charged and convicted in cases where people use stand your ground laws as a defense.”

The new law removes the offense of carrying a handgun without a permit but raises the penalties for other gun-related offenses. Theft of a firearm is raised from a misdemeanor to a felony under the new law and people convicted of felonies who are caught with firearms cannot be granted early release.

MEMPHIS, TN – June 12, 2021: Former interim police director James Ryall, center, during the 4th Unity Walk against Gun Violence at Hamilton High School. (Photo by Brad Vest for MLK50)

Increasing tension between citizens and police

Moore, the community leader, thinks the law will widen the trust “gap” between police officers and communities like South Memphis. Democratic state Rep. Jesse Chism agreed.

“It’s going to feed an already tense environment between police officers and citizens of color. I’m afraid one unintended consequence of this bill will be more police shootings,” Chism said.

The Memphis Police Department will adjust its training given the change, said James Ryall, who was interim director when he attended the “Unity Walk Against Gun Violence” on June 12. Usually, an officer can legally approach an armed person and ask for their permit, but after the law goes into effect, that won’t be the case, he said.

“It does create a little tension and concern,” Ryall said. “Knowledge is power, so we’re going to help educate our officers about the new law, about things they can and can’t do,” Ryall said at the walk. “It is pretty eerie for officers because we don’t have to sit here and talk about what guns can do. And when an officer approaches someone who’s armed, not having that ability to check it out, it’s going to create that ‘unknown zone’ and that’s a strong concern to our fellow officers out there.”

Moore contends the heaviest consequences of the change won’t fall on suburbs like Germantown and Collierville, rather on economically distressed communities in the “inner city.”

“They’re sitting up behind a desk, want to get reelected, and getting money from the National Rifle Association,” Moore said. “Most of them never been in South Memphis, they ain’t never been in North Memphis, ain’t been in Westwood, and won’t come because they’re afraid to come. They’ll pass (the law) because they’re in Nashville and they ain’t got to come to our community.”

Jonathan Cross, a Black gun instructor, believes the effects of the new gun law will be minimal because the existing permit standards are so low.

“People who have the permit, they haven’t really been trained; they are under the illusion that they’ve been trained,” Cross said. “What I’ve seen is that people who have permits have a very low probability of seeking additional training. They are more of a danger to themselves or a danger to society than they are defender of their own life, because they literally have not been trained.”

Cross, who spent part of his childhood in Frayser — an area that is fighting gun violence — argues a key to curbing gun violence is arming and training vulnerable communities, he said.

“I take issue with the phrase ‘gun violence.’ In my mind, there is no such thing as gun violence; there is violence. And people who are prone to commit violence, will commit violence in the face of people who do not have the ability to stop them,” Cross said.

And even with a permitting system, criminals don’t obtain guns legally, he said.

“Criminals will not go through systems to appropriately procure weapons of any kind, including firearms. But here’s what criminals will do: criminals will work their criminality with impunity in communities that have been conditioned not to be able to stop them.”

MEMPHIS, TN – June 12, 2021: Memphis Mayor Jim Strickland speaks at the start of the 4th Unity Walk against Gun Violence at Hamilton High School. (Photo by Brad Vest for MLK50)

More guns, safer community? 

Black gun ownership is climbing quickly as the National Shooting Sports Foundation, a gun retailers’ association, reports a 58.2 percent increase in ownership among Black people for 2020, the highest increase among racial demographics.

Cross argues Black gun ownership is vilified and discouraged, leaving Black communities vulnerable.

Although Watkins of Mount Vernon Baptist Church understands Cross’ position, he’s skeptical that more guns will lead to a safer community.

“I’m not saying that we shouldn’t protect ourselves. I want to address why we need to shoot and shoot back at each other in the first place,” Watkins said.

Mount Vernon has hosted a walk against gun violence through Westwood, but those steps toward awareness must be followed with economic steps toward progress, Watkins said.

A 2019 study published in the Public Library of Science medical journal shows factors like income inequality and poverty are drivers of homicide rates. Memphis’ 2019 overall poverty rate of 21.7 percent is nearly 10 percent higher than the national rate and nearly 15 percent higher for Black Memphians.

“It makes no difference if you walk against gun violence, (if) you don’t invest in those same communities, so that our young people have some productive, positive activities in the community,” Watkins said.

Moore agreed that walking isn’t enough.

“Most people at that (Unity Walk) don’t live in this community,” Moore said. “(They) walk and go back home. But the problem is still left after you go home. It’s a good camera shot; it’s good because it’s still trying to wake up the community to get involved. But after two hours, you’re gone, back to your safe environment, and we still got the problem.”

Moore invites state lawmakers to visit his community and others affected by gun violence.

“Come walk with me in the community,” Moore said. “Let’s go out in North Memphis, let’s go out in South Memphis, let’s go out in Orange Mound where the real people are dying. And if they’ve got any — any — compassion in their heart, they’ll change these laws real quick.”

County Commissioner Reginald Milton, who represents South Memphis, expressed a similar sentiment in remarks before the walk.

“They build the highways over us, so they can drive 60 to 70 miles an hour and not have to look at the poverty and despair and ignore what is happening here. We walk so they don’t forget.”

“We look at our children, we see them suffering, and they say what’s wrong with these children? … I say it’s not them. What’s the problem with our society that’s created this problem? They don’t make the guns; they don’t bring the guns to these communities; they weren’t born with these weapons,” Milton said.

“We put it in their hands and we tell them this is the only way you can make it. Then we blame them for their failures.”


Carrington J. Tatum is a corps member with Report for America, a national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms. Email him at carrington.tatum@mlk50.com