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Opinion Viewpoint

Mitt the Tax-Dodger

Our Republican candidate for president keeps telling us how much he loves America. But actions speak louder than words, and Mitt Romney’s patriotism appears to begin and end with wearing a flag lapel pin. Would that Romney were judged as stringently on his actions as was Axis Sally on her words. 

American-born Mildred Gillars found herself in Germany at the outbreak of World War II and, for love of a man, decided to stay. Faced with a choice of being sent to a concentration camp for her criticism of Germany’s Japanese allies after the attack on Pearl Harbor or participating in the propaganda war against the Allies, she chose the latter. She was given the nickname “Axis Sally,” and for her acts in service to the Third Reich, she was convicted of treason and did 12 years in an American prison after the war. 

Her propaganda broadcasts were boilerplate: suggesting to lonely U.S. soldiers that their wives and sweethearts were stepping out on them; that no one back in the states cared about their sacrifice; or that the Allies were losing. Our military in the Asian theater had to endure the same from Tokyo Rose. In love and war, it is said, all is fair. 

Sally didn’t sell any military secrets or give up the identities of American spies. Although it is hard to know if lives were lost as a result of her words, it is quite plausible that an unhappy, emotionally distressed soldier who believed less in his cause might, in fact, fight less valiantly. That’s why giving “aid and comfort” to the enemy is specifically defined in our Constitution as treason.

But when a potential president chooses to stash vast assets in the banks of other countries to escape tax consequences, the aid and comfort he renders to himself at our expense causes distress for the rest of us who must pick up the slack. As a result, we also suffer an actual material effect that a smaller amount of take-home pay has on our lives. Isn’t it plausible that a diminished confidence in a fairer future affects our own morale, perhaps our likelihood of voting, even our belief in the value of American citizenship?

Everyday Americans ought to start thinking of Romney’s deeds of off-shoring assets, like his outsourcing of jobs through Bain Capital, as the antithesis of patriotism. It’s time we considered his avoidance of taxes as economic treason.

But if we attempt to change the tax code to eliminate off-shore tax shelters, the rich warn us not to “punish” them, or they will simply take their money to where it is rewarded. But would “losing” what little money that is not already secreted elsewhere have much of an effect on the rest of us? 

As it stands, there are too few or no taxes being collected on most of these funds. Tight credit restrictions for the workaday American means it can’t be loaned to people who truly need it, and private equity long ago decided that human beings and their jobs were just collateral damage in pursuit of profit at any price. In short, little of it trickles down to the general economy and is, therefore, useless for anyone but the ultra-wealthy. 

Moreover, the money of the super rich is often employed to influence our members of Congress, so their lucre is actually worse than useless.

If Romney and his ilk want to send their money on no-expenses-paid trips to other nations, we should say good riddance and insist that they “self-deport” in order to live where their cash assets already live. They do not deserve the rule of law, civil rights protections, and the myriad other privileges of American citizenship, one of which is the payment of taxes as a way of meeting our obligations to the common good. 

Mildred Gillars was judged a traitor, not on deeds but on harmful words. Mitt Romney is being called a patriot on nothing but his words and with no consideration of the harm his deeds do.

Because the scope of treason does not include failing to promote the common good, there is not presently a mechanism by which we could make Romney put up or shut up when it comes to taxes. But I’d settle for going to that shoebox in a closet in one of Mitt’s homes and fishing out that old bumper sticker I am confident he owns — the one that guys like him smugly displayed during the Vietnam era when they wanted to show whose side they were on. Then I’d ask him to reflect on its meaning. 

You know the one: “America — Love It or Leave It.”

Ruth Ogles Johnson is a frequent Flyer contributor.

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Opinion Viewpoint

Take Amazon, Please

American consumers are just plain easy. We talk a lot about hating greed but seem reluctant to play hard to get with amazonian entities that want to — cue maniacal laughter here — rule the world.

And on the topic of gargantuan businesses, take Amazon, please. Not satisfied with obliterating nearly every local book emporium in America, they are now going after all other retailers, until there is only — Amazon.

You can’t blame them. That’s what empires do, whether they’re countries or companies. But we don’t have to line up for this march to monopoly. We have the power of the purse and can exercise it by refusing to participate in this greed machine. It is no secret that small, local companies are the real job creators, and instead of all the money going to a handful of guys at the top of a corporation that may not even pay taxes, shopping locally keeps the money in the pockets of your neighbors.

We already know this economic fact, but in the dim light of our favorite tech device late at night, it’s hard to resist the overtures of enormous retailers. Buy me, they whisper, and we’ll ship your stuff for free. Just lie there on the couch, they coo, and we’ll even bring it to your door. Before you know it, your wallet’s out and they’ve got your (credit card) number.

Do we really want to be that easy?

After Amazon is through with us, what do you think they’ll do with prices once they have effectively become our only online option?

The free market isn’t very free when there is no competition. If Americans think goods are so expensive now that we will sell out for slightly more than the price of a fancy cup of coffee, try living in a world where we can have any item we want — so long as we’re rich. The communist oligarchs in Russia were small-time compared to multinational corporations like Amazon.

So this year, as the annual shopping season approaches, instead of just showing up at whatever store has the lowest price and the glitziest advertising, shop strategically and spread some love around to local merchants and the labor force they employ. Yes, Independence Day is behind us, but we can still do something patriotic: pull out our smart phones and use them to look up the phone number and address of a local merchant and text it to our friends. Suggest that they buy the book or whatever from them instead of Amazon.

We will probably pay a bit more for the items, but we won’t pay shipping. And no, Amazon’s “free” shipping isn’t — it’s just not delineated on a separate line. Besides, having a smart phone means we’re not poor. And if we want the rest of America to have a fighting chance to dodge the poverty that we seem to be avoiding, the few extra dollars we spend today will benefit us in the long run.

So, let’s make a pledge to stop being such cheap conquests. Let’s flirt with our independent bookseller or other merchant. Go ahead, give them our phone number. That way, they can call us when the item comes in. The sales associate will be glad to see us, and no tech device or website in the world can personally greet us. To paraphrase the country song, lonely merchants make good lovers.

Yes, we will actually have to get off the couch to pick up our stuff from the store, but didn’t our mothers tell us to turn off the TV and go outside? Besides, lounging in our jammies while bathed in the seductive light of Amazon’s home page means that we have zero chance of meeting our soul mate or a new friend in the checkout line. Not to mention that it gives us an opportunity to see if we like the same books, which is a great way to get to know someone.

Best of all, we won’t hate ourselves in the morning.

Ruth Ogles Johnson is a frequent Flyer contributor.

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Opinion Viewpoint

Can the Hysteria

Does anyone know where to get Valium in aerosol cans? We could use such a device to calm unruly groups of people who panic first and use their brains later.

If there were such a thing, I would buy a case and saturate the rooms where suburban mayors and citizens meet regularly to hone their anti-Memphis rhetoric in order to spring into hysterical (over)reaction to merging the city and county school systems. Perhaps then, reason and facts could become part of the discussion.

Outside of a measure of savings produced by combining the bureaucracies — and only through attrition over a decade or two — here is what will happen if the two systems become one: nothing. Absolutely nothing. The county schools will not decline, and the city schools will not improve. Merely merging the urban and suburban systems will have a net zero effect on test scores of individual schools within any combined enterprise, however it is constructed.

Why? Because the reason city schools perform less well than county schools is that a majority of city parents are less prosperous and less educated. This is no criticism of those parents. Nor is it a compliment to most county parents. The reason that county schools produce higher test scores is because the majority of those parents have more resources to give their children.

It is indisputable that a child of means will almost always outscore a child whose resources are meager.

This explains the supposed superiority of the employees of the county system, whose arms ought to be really tired by now, being that they have been in a near permanent position of back-patting for the higher achievement measures with which they are credited. Here is a fact: What the county system does merely supports the good effects parents are creating at home; it does not make them from scratch.

A reality check for suburban parents is in order, too, as the resources they provide are not comprised of Herculean tasks against overwhelming obstacles. Yes, they are to be respected for providing a safe, stable, and prosperous environment in which to rear their children. But middle-class families beget middle-class families, and if you did not grow up in poverty, chances are good that you will never experience poverty.

So, can we dial back the arrogance and the hysteria? Both sentiments preclude sensible solutions and obscure the reasons why there are two systems in more than strictly territorial terms.

As for the city schools’ insistence that they control part of the unified system, they should just throw in the towel and let the county schools take over. Not because county personnel have some magic fairy dust to sprinkle over classrooms, but since the county claims that they know better how to educate children, the city ought to make them prove it. Let’s see how easy the county thinks it is to manage a system when a large number of disadvantaged kids are part of it. Of course, that would explain the vehement opposition of county administrators to the merger. They might actually have to back up some of their self-serving bombast.

Until there is a way to erect a force field that starts near Kirby Parkway and Poplar and extends north, south, and east of the county’s own Eden, the city’s problems will continue to be the county’s problems. Every poorly educated child has a negative effect on the entire community, and if there were such a thing as a force field protecting suburban Shelby County, sooner or later one of its citizens would have to leave its confines to go to the airport or an Orpheum show or to take in a basketball game.

That impoverished child whose very existence in a county-run system so terrifies some of you is still out there, hoping for a better life but likely to be a drain on regional resources. A separate system cannot separate you from that reality.

So, suburban Shelby County: Take a breath, get a clue, and climb down from your high dudgeon. Unless you want me to pull out the aerosol.

Ruth Ogles Johnson is a frequent Flyer contributor.

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Politics Politics Beat Blog

Can the Hysteria Over School Merger!

angry_crowd_2.jpg

Does anyone know where to get Valium in aerosol cans? We could use such a device to calm unruly groups of people who panic first and use their brains later.

If there were such a thing, I would buy a case and saturate the rooms where suburban mayors and citizens meet regularly to hone their anti-Memphis rhetoric in order to spring into hysterical (over)reaction to merging the city and county school systems. Perhaps then, reason and facts could become part of the discussion.

Outside of a measure of savings produced by combining the bureaucracies, and only through attrition over a decade or two, here is what will happen if the two systems become one: nothing. Absolutely nothing. The county schools will not decline and the city schools will not improve. Merely merging the urban and suburban systems will have a net zero effect on test scores of individual schools within any combined enterprise, however it is constructed.

Why? Because the reason city schools perform less well than county schools is that a majority of city parents are less prosperous and less educated. This is no criticism of those parents. Nor is it a compliment to most county parents. The reason that county schools produce higher test scores is because a majority of parents have more resources to give their children.

It is indisputable that a child of means will almost always outscore a child whose resources are meager.

This explains the supposed superiority of the employees of the county system whose arms ought to be really tired by now, being that they have been in a near permanent position of back-patting for the higher achievement measures with which they are credited. Here is a fact: what the county system does merely supports the good effects parents are creating at home; it does not make them from scratch.

A reality check for suburban parents is in order, too, as the resources they provide are not comprised of Herculean tasks against overwhelming obstacles. Yes, they are to be respected for providing a safe, stable and prosperous environment in which to rear their children. But middle-class families beget middle-class families, and if you did not grow up in poverty, chances are you will never experience it.

So, can we dial back the arrogance and the hysteria? Both sentiments preclude sensible solutions. And obscure the reasons why there are two systems in more than strictly territorial terms.

As for the city schools’ insistence that they control part of the unified system, they should just throw in the towel and let the county schools take over. Not because county personnel have some magic fairy dust to sprinkle over classrooms, but since the county claims that they know better how to educate children, the city ought to make them prove it. Let’s see how easy the county thinks it is to manage a system when a large number of disadvantaged kids are part of it. Of course, that would explain the vehement opposition of county administrators to the merger—they might actually have to back up some of their self-serving bombast.

Until there is a way to erect a force field that starts near Kirby Parkway and Poplar and extends north, south and east of the county’s own Eden, the city’s problems will continue to be the county’s problems. Every poorly-educated child has a negative effect on the entire community and if there were such a thing as a force field protecting suburban Shelby County, sooner or later one of its citizens would have to leave its confines to go to the airport, or an Orpheum show, or to take in a basketball game.

That impoverished child whose very existence in a county-run system so terrifies some of you is still out there, hoping for a better life, but likely to be a drain on regional resources. A separate system cannot separate you from that reality.

So, suburban Shelby County: take a breath, get a clue and climb down from your high dudgeon.

Unless you want me to pull out the aerosol

Ruth Ogles Johnson is a frequent Flyer contributor.)

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Opinion Viewpoint

Why Obama Caves

Democrats and liberals spend a lot of time wondering why President Obama isn’t advancing the progressive agenda he espoused on the campaign trail, but I have come to believe that it might be nothing more complicated than the Mean Girls Syndrome.

A confession is in order: I sat at the mean girls’ lunch table in the eighth grade. For a bookworm from the lower middle class who was picked for sports teams in P.E. class just ahead of the kid with the leg brace, I felt lucky to be among the chosen for that golden year.  

But the price of admittance to this elite club was high: I had to engage in the cruelties for which mean girls everywhere are known. I hated seeing their most despised victim, Cindy, come into the lunchroom, because I would be expected to participate in the mockery. But what I hated more was being excluded from the popular group, so I joined in. I knew it was wrong, but I did it.   

And that, I believe, is the clue to what causes our president to capitulate on critical issues such as the public option, financial reform, and tax cuts. This theory may even explain why the last Democratic president, Bill Clinton, caved to pressure from Wall Street to jettison the Glass-Steagall Act, the financial firewall that had protected us from economic catastrophe for nearly 70 years.

Like me, both Clinton and Obama came from modest circumstances. My father worked two jobs to put food on the table, my mother took in sewing so I had clothes to wear, and I did not enjoy the luxury of air-conditioning until I was an adult and could afford to buy a window unit myself. We went for years at a time without a television, because my parents had to save up money to get the broken one repaired.

To say that I was on the lowest level of the pecking order is not an exaggeration and helps explain why I felt so flattered to be a part of the mean girls’ club. I was an excellent student who had been taught to be kind to others, but no matter how many academic accolades came my way, no matter how bad I felt about tormenting an even less popular girl, I could not resist the lure of basking in the reflected glory of these junior high school power brokers.  

Considering the personal achievements of Obama and Clinton, one would assume them to be immune to the entreaties of Harvard Club denizens. But the imprint of childhood “otherness” is so strong that it marks most of us forever, even to the point that no matter how old we are, we can usually recount in great detail a cruelty visited upon us decades earlier.

It seems quite plausible that both Obama and Clinton were unable to get over their outsider status and, as a result, were lured into suspending their intellect and knowledge of history and human nature to make common cause with their court flatterers — for nothing more than the temporary enjoyment of being among the golden boys.  

Before Obama’s capitulation on issues important to everyone who doesn’t have a place in the Hamptons, I believed that a person from humble beginnings made for a better leader, because he or she had not been insulated by the wealth and privilege of men like George W. Bush or Al Gore.  

But I must recant this theory as I have watched our president sacrifice the working and middle classes on the altar of his need to be accepted by men who, even now, would not want to belong to a club that would let him be a member. His enemies cleverly call his actions “compromises,” in service to his “pragmatic” side, which is a truly brilliant manipulation.  

When Republicans call Obama a pragmatist, what I think they really mean is that they got him to sell out for a spot at the lunch table, and if they told him the truth, he’d stop rolling over for them, and they’d have to find a new chump.

Besides, it’s way more fun for the mean girls to utilize their real power by getting their social inferiors to do their dirty work. I know — I was one of them once.

Ruth Ogles Johnson, a Flyer contributor and online columnist, works in sales and management.

Categories
Politics Politics Beat Blog

Obama and the “Mean Girls” Syndrome

Ruth Ogles Johnson

  • Ruth Ogles Johnson

Democrats and liberals spend a lot of time wondering why President Obama isn’t advancing the progressive agenda he espoused on the campaign trail, but I have come to believe that it might be nothing more complicated than the Mean Girls Syndrome.

A confession is in order: I sat at the Mean Girls’ lunch table in the eighth grade. For a bookworm from the lower middle class who was picked for sports teams in P.E. class just ahead of the kid with the leg brace, I felt lucky to be among the Chosen for that golden year.

But the price of admittance to this elite club was high: I had to engage in the cruelties for which mean girls everywhere are known. I hated seeing their most despised victim, Cindy, come into the lunchroom because I would be expected to participate in the mockery. But what I hated more was being excluded from the popular group, so I joined in. I knew it was wrong, but I did it. And my wretched behavior didn’t even guarantee me enough time in the sun to get a serious tan, because by the first few weeks of ninth grade, I was persona non grata again—rejected as inexplicably as I had once been included.

And that, I believe, is the clue to what causes our president to capitulate on critical issues such as the public option, financial reform and tax cuts. This theory may even explain why our last Democratic president caved to pressure from Wall Street to jettison the Glass-Steagall Act, the financial firewall that had protected us from economic catastrophe for nearly seventy years. Mr. Clinton had to have known the havoc it would wreak.

Like me, both Clinton and Obama came from modest circumstances. My father worked two jobs to put food on the table, my mother took in sewing so I had clothes to wear and I did not enjoy the luxury of air-conditioning until I was an adult and could afford to buy a window unit myself. We went for years at a time without a television because my parents had to save up money to get the broken one repaired.

To say that I was on the lowest level of the pecking order is not an exaggeration and helps explain why I felt so flattered to be a part of the Mean Girls. I was an excellent student who had been taught to be kind to others, but no matter how many academic accolades came my way, no matter how bad I felt about tormenting an even less popular girl, I could not resist the lure of basking in the reflected glory of these junior high school power brokers.

Considering the achievements of Misters Obama and Clinton, one would assume them to be immune to the entreaties of Harvard Club denizens. But the form of imprinting that childhood “otherness” creates is so strong that it marks most of us forever, even to the point that no matter how old we are, we can usually recount in great detail a cruelty visited upon us decades earlier.

So it would appear that both Misters Clinton and Obama were unable to get over their outsider status, and as a result, were lured into suspending their intellect and knowledge of history and human nature as they made common cause with their court flatterers—for nothing more than the temporary enjoyment of being one of the golden boys.

Before Mr. Obama’s capitulation on issues important to everyone who doesn’t have a place in the Hamptons, I believed that a person from humble beginnings made for a better leader because he or she had not been insulated by the wealth and privilege of men like George W. Bush or Al Gore.

But I must recant this theory as I have watched our president sacrifice the working and middle classes on the altar of his need to be accepted by men who even now, would not want to belong to a club who would let him be a member. His enemies very cleverly call his actions “compromises” in service to his “pragmatic” side, which is a truly brilliant manipulation.

When Republicans call Obama a “pragmatist,” what I really think they mean is that they got him to sell out for a spot at the lunch table, and if they told him the truth, he’d stop rolling over for them and they’d just have to find a new chump.

Besides, it’s way more fun for the Mean Girls to utilize their real power by getting their social inferiors to do their dirty work. I know—I was one of them once.

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Opinion Viewpoint

Valuing the Worker

If one wants to see how out of whack America’s values are, propose that the chairman of General Motors be paid $72,000 per year. The response would be deafening outrage that this high-end job would be compensated at such a paltry level.

Suggest that a General Motors line worker be paid $35 per hour, and there would be equal outrage. Compensation at such a high level for such a low-end job would be considered ridiculous.

Of course, $35 per hour for a 40-hour week is just a fraction over $72,000 per year, but somehow this is not enough for a guy in a suit to attend meetings but entirely too much for a guy in coveralls who actually makes the product that is the sole real purpose for the meetings.

Prior to the GM bankruptcy, right-wing pundits asserted that the average autoworker had been unjustly enjoying an hourly wage in excess of $70. But they failed to note that this amount covered benefit-related costs for every single employee, active and retired, including statutory expenses.

The actual hourly compensation for the highest-paid union autoworker was about $35.

They also claimed that this misleading $70 per hour wage added $1,500 to the price of a car. Of course, that additional $1,500 was equally misleading because it was spread across all car models, including the Cadillac Escalade.

But that’s the point: to convince the middle- and lower-income classes that what benefits the rich is not only fair but will accrue to the economy and provide cover for the continuing assault on everyone who isn’t rich.

Nearly all Republicans — as well as the many Democrats who glean campaign contributions by protecting their wealthy benefactors — would have us believe that the decline of American manufacturing was spawned by the greed of unions and their chiseling, layabout workers, which forced corporations to offshore our jobs. To be fair, there were some union excesses that should have been checked. But excesses at the top endure no scrutiny whatsoever, while paying an American worker even an increased minimum wage provokes a firestorm. 

If an executive were to be paid the very low (by CEO standards) salary of $1 million a year, the wage would work out to $480.77 per hour. But let a working-class stiff ask for a bone with a morsel of meat on it and that’s profligacy.

The moneyed class might be shocked to hear this, but most of us don’t really care that this disproportionate level of compensation exists or that there is such a thing as a moneyed class at all. We do care about and wonder where the jobs are that we were promised would “trickle down” to us from all that money the rich didn’t pay taxes on.  

In 1980, an average CEO made about 42 times what the average worker did. By the end of 2007, that figure had become 345 times. Today, with our economy in shambles, the multiplier for a CEO’s compensation has risen to more than 500 times the pay of his average worker.

The bigger problem, however, is not that our executives get so much. It is that our workers get so little. When reflecting on the jobs that have moved offshore, is it truly onerous to pay a few bucks more for a toaster made in this country if it guarantees a job for a fellow citizen — a wage on which he would pay taxes? 

Henry Ford increased the pay of his employees so that they could afford to buy the cars they made. If we are to maintain the domestic tranquility that a stable, broadly enjoyed prosperity has afforded us for more than a half-century, at some point, we’re going to have to choose between full employment and uber-cheap goods. We cannot have both.

And we must decide that we are either the United States of America or a random aggregate of 310 million disunited islands looking out only for ourselves. That’s the real choice to make as we step into the voting booth — now and in the future.

Occasional Flyer online columnist Ruth Ogles Johnson works in sales and management. She is a former Republican candidate for the state legislature.

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Opinion Viewpoint

WEBRANT

DON’T REBUILD!

My mother grew up in New Orleans and I grew up on her stories of life in the Crescent City. She moved to Florida in the late 40s where she met and married my father and gave birth to my brother and me. The sweet memories of her childhood caused her to move back briefly after my father’s death in the early 70s and my leaving home. She returned to Florida after only four months, despairing at what had happened to her beloved hometown and its once stable, working-class neighborhoods.

That is why I feel certain that if she were alive today, she would agree with Jack Shafer, author of “Don’t Refloat: The Case Against Rebuilding the Sunken City of New Orleans” which appeared in Slate on September 7. He posits that rebuilding New Orleans is not only geographically and oceanographically questionable, but nostalgically delusional because the city that tourists see is little more than a mirage. Dennis Hastert was right, he contends, because the question of whether to rebuild is a fair one that should not have political consequences.

Shafer writes that ” . . .the Gulf of Mexico is a perfect breeding ground for hurricanes; . . . re-engineering the Mississippi River to control flooding has made New Orleans more vulnerable by denying it the deposits of sediment it needs to keep its head above water [and] . . . the aggressive extraction of oil and gas from the area has undermined the stability of its land.”

In a New York Times op-ed piece last week, a geophysicist named Klaus Jacob agrees, as does Timothy Kusky, a professor of earth and atmospheric sciences. Kusky tells reporters from two different national periodicals that “New Orleans naturally wants to be a lake” and “[a] city should never have been built there in the first place.”

Then there are the human considerations. Beyond the decadence of the Quarter and the affluence of the Garden District, lies an economic wasteland. Overwhelmingly black and poor, if one were to look up “areas of centralized poverty” in a dictionary of sociology terms, there would be a picture of New Orleans. The 80% of the city that was flooded overlays neatly with a demographic map that illustrates the bleakness of the neighborhoods that are now awash in befouled water. Neighborhoods where 27% of its residents lived below the poverty line, and only 25% of its adults had a high school diploma. Neighborhoods that contained 73% of New Orleans’ schools considered “academically unacceptable” or “under academic warning.”

Before Katrina, New Orleans was a great tourist destination. I am sorry to see it destroyed. But to rebuild any city that is so geographically vulnerable is just plain irresponsible. And when one asks whether reconstructing a city so rife with social problems makes any sense, the answers seem too obvious to ignore.

And this writer asks if anyone has an absolute right to live in an area that the rest of us could be expected to rebuild in less than a generation, just because their family settled there generations ago. Thousands of people were displaced in the TVA projects of the Great Depression when river valleys were flooded to provide massive power capability for the region. Most of them didn’t want to give up the land they worked and the homes they built. Should the citizens of New Orleans be treated any differently?

These are issues that might need to be examined about any of our natural disaster-prone regions from California to North Carolina. Hard questions to answer, but that doesn’t mean they shouldn’t be asked.

There is no doubt that billions of dollars will be spent to clean up New Orleans in a public works project of unimagined scope. America’s current economy could certainly use the stimulus of a TVA-like endeavor, and what is government’s job if not to help provide opportunities for its citizens? We could use any public works initiative to provide jobs for the poorest citizens displaced by Katrina. So, as horrible as the devastation is, we can utilize this opportunity to make New Orleans and its environs better than ever.

But we might want to modify our ambitions and rebuild only the Quarter and other parts already on higher ground, with bridges leading to residential districts that would be less prone to flooding. Or move the historic areas to higher ground as Missouri did after the 1993 flood. Or turn the low-lying areas south to the coast into a wildlife refuge similar to Donana National Park in Spain which is accessible only by park vehicles or on foot. Or create a lake resort with tourism services on ground above the current city.

Whatever the area becomes, however, it should not be a place that requires an evacuation of a million people trapped by topography. Or breeds, perpetuates and concentrates poverty so great that a cycle of bad weather traps not the tourists that now clamor for its renaissance, but those for whom the old New Orleans was anything but a glamorous break from daily life.

I am an amateur historian who loves to travel. Few things delight me more than visiting culturally significant places and sitting in a cafe soaking up the local flavor. But as the bumper sticker says, stuff happens. I am sorry that my grandchildren may not see a city so colorful and rich with traditions as New Orleans. But places come and places go, and human tenure on this planet in geological terms is almost not worth measuring. We need to get over the notion that we can save the planet. The planet will survive. The question is whether we want to battle the planet when the odds are so solidly stacked against us.

The Netherlands’ ability to keep the sea at bay in their dyke-surrounded country notwithstanding, it’s not nice to fool Mother Nature. Perhaps we should stop working against Her and let the city of New Orleans become the lake it was meant to be. She usually takes the last word anyway. This time we may need to let Her have it.

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News News Feature

WEBRANT

WHAT INFORMATION HIGHWAY?

The folks at Microsoft aren’t going to tell you. Neither are the guys at Dell. Bill and Mike didn’t get rich and famous by talking about the limitations of technology. But the truth is, computers in the classroom don’t have much of an effect on student achievement. And protests among some local teachers notwithstanding, cutting out Internet access from schools isn’t going to do much to students in Tennessee, except to make their parents’ tax burdens lighter as our governor tries to find ways to trim our very bloated budget.

Zealous advocates of computers in the classroom cloak their ideas in a number of assumptions, all designed to make us tremble at the prospect that “technology” might disappear from our classrooms: one, computer skills are essential to functioning in a high-tech society; two, there is a “digital divide” that keeps poor children impoverished if they do not have access to technology over the span of their school career; and three, computers “facilitate” learning in a way that causes students to be engaged in their education.

It is true that some computer skills are necessary in almost any job. Even counter help at fast-food restaurants are expected to “interface” with computer programs (that the leading purveyors of fast food have installed pictograms of the menu items will tell you something about the level of skill necessary and the obvious lack of literacy, but that’s a topic for another time). But beyond basic job-related skills associated with computer use, what is there to this “functioning in an information age” thesis?

Not much if you list the mostly peripheral uses of computers for those of us who are not subscribers to Wired magazine: e-mail, word processing, spreadsheet, database and the Internet. That’s about it, really. Unless you’re a network administrator, or a programmer, or a member of some other profession whose very existence revolves around technology, these five functions form a very short list of “essential” skills. Now, how long did it take you to learn how to use e-mail, type a document, create a spreadsheet, form a database, or surf the Internet? A few minutes, hours, even days? That’s what I thought. And have these skills remained constant since you learned how to perform them? The answer of course, is no. Which makes the expenditure of billions of dollars on skills that are learned in a few hours but that will be obsolete in a few months, a very questionable investment indeed.

And what about this much vaunted digital divide? Does it exist? And do computers “facilitate” anything except the “fun” quotient in the classroom, and the bottom lines of hardware manufacturers and software designers? Not as far as I can tell. When I did my student teaching four years ago in two city schools whose students mostly qualified for free lunch (a major indicator of poverty), I had not one student who did not know how to download information from the Internet, including “research” that they copied and pasted into papers they wished me to accept as their “work.” They could not, however, pick out key facts in the paragraphs they submitted. They were intimately familiar with simulation games like “The Oregon Trail” but when asked to transfer this “technology experience” to a study of the real pioneers who traveled westward, they were unable to make the connection that there were real provisions that spoiled, and real wagons that became disabled and that there were no convenience stores or wagon repair shops to solve these problems. In other words, they spent years playing a game that was designed to simulate “real” life, yet they had not even a clue as to what this game represented in terms of the struggle in which real humans engaged to colonize the western reaches of this country. Digital divide? No, my friends, what we have is a literacy and knowledge divide. And computers, at least as they are currently being used, can’t fix that no matter what the technology titans tell you.

Are there legitimate uses for computers in the classroom? Yes, but they aren’t very glamorous and they sure aren’t fun. Drilling and rote memorization of multiplication facts or vocabulary words are a good use–a quicker and more efficient version of the old flashcard technique. Of course, such activity doesn’t “stimulate” a child’s “creativity” but it does make him able to move on to more complicated numeracy concepts and verbal skills. Which, as far as I can tell, are still very much needed. Learning mathematics didn’t seem to cramp DaVinci’s style and much of his creative genius grew out of his educational foundation. Another use would be testing of objective facts–the kinds of examinations that Scantrons perform today, or teachers take home to grade. Quick, efficient, and properly written, the program could correct the answer for the student after completion, showing him why his answers were incorrect. And teachers could definitely use them for e-mail, word processing, spreadsheet, database and surfing the Internet.

If computers can’t solve the problems of poor student preparation, what can? The three constants in any educational program: teachers who are allowed to teach, parents who support the aims of education, and kids who are motivated to learn. These are the only real and lasting solutions to the low achievement that the principal at Caldwell sought to hide by cheating. It is not testing that should be faulted, nor a lack of technology, but our desire for a quick fix that does not involve human struggle. Testing a child to determine if he can read, or identify a place on the map or compute a math problem is neither unfair nor unrealistic. What is unfair and unrealistic is to expect teachers to do more every year, with fewer resources and for less compensation–and to expect almost no sacrifice on the part of parents and students who believe that thirteen years in a classroom will magically and painlessly confer upon them a quality education that is “fun.”

If, instead of trying to bridge some imaginary digital divide, we had spent the last decade and its billions of dollars on improving working conditions for teachers and demanding discipline and dedication on the part of our children, we would be richer today in both monetary and societal terms. And Bill and Mike might not be household names.