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Bush Coming to Memphis

The Flyer has learned that Republican presidential nomineee George W. Bush will make a public appearance in Memphis Friday. The Texas governor will appear at 11 a.m. at Brother International Corporation, 3131 Appling Road, Bartlett.

Further details will follow when available.

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After the Fact: Some Post-Convention Notes

*As Senator Bill Frist was being led toward the convention stage through the bowels of Philadelphia’s ComCast arena on Thursday night during Bush’s acceptance speech, he encountered Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge, whose name had figured in vice-presidential speculation for weeks before Frist’s own name got some serious boosting late in the game. Ridge warmly congratulated the senator on getting an Ed-Flex plank into the party platform (as one of three platform committee co-chairs), and the senator responded with crediting its success to backing by Ridge.

Frist also encountered another celebrity on that backstage circuit– Arnold Schwarzenegger, the actor/bodybuilder who had had, more or less on the QT during the last year or so, a heart bypass operation. The two engaged in animated conversation about the operation, which had been performed by a friend of Frist’s.

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Politics Politics Beat Blog

Ford vs. Forrest: a Losing Skirmish?

PHILADELPHIA — U.S. Rep. Harold Ford Jr. of Memphis, where Confederate General Nathan Bedford Forrest is enough of a legend to have streets and a park named after him, found himself coaxed out onto a shaky limb Wednesday, having boasted that he would “get” Vice President Al Gore to denounce the general, a statue of whom looms prominent in Memphis

The congressman, in the Republicans’ 2000 convention city as part of a Democratic “truth team,” talked with reporters at the media pavilion outside the convention center in the role of an “Al Gore advocate.” In the course of rebuffing the Republicans’ efforts to identify themselves with the principle of diversity, Ford said that Bush was “pandering” to hard-core conservatives and cited Bush’s refusal to take a stand against the flying of the Confederate battle flag at the South Carolina state capitol as an example.

On the theory that the sins of the goose are as culpable as those of the gander, a Tennessee reporter asked Ford point-blank whether Gore, as the Democrats’ presidential standard-bearer, should denounce a three-foot bust of Forrest in the state Capitol building. Forrest is, in fact, the most memorialized state hero of any state in the Union, and Tennessee, by statute, recognizes Forrest’s birthday each year as an official holiday.

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Dealing in Diversity

Lo and Behold! The national Republican Party, evidently tired of losing presidential elections has copped a page from the Democrats’ playbook — talking up diversity, tolerance, even affirmative action! And they’re passing the word: let Al Gore be the Blue Meanie if he wants to. (Can this last?)

WILMINGTON, DE – “We ought to write Pat Buchanan a check,” said Oscar Mason of Memphis Tuesday morning as the Tennessee delegates, alternates, and other guests at the 2000 Republican Convention gathered for their morning breakfast at the Sheraton Suites in this state-line suburb of host city Philadelphia.

The remark was Mason’s variation on what former Tennessee Republican chairman Jim Burnett had said the previous day about Buchanan, the GOP’s former ideological bulldog, now a would-be Reform Party candidate for breakfast. “Nobody here is shedding any tears about his departure,” Burnett had said.

The translation in both cases was that the national Republican Party seems to have learned its lesson from two straight presidential defeats by Bill Clinton‘s Democrats. In 1992 at Houston, Buchanan’s opening-night philippic set the tone for what the sometime TV commentator called a “culture war” against the Democrats. It is generally believed that then President George Bush had a hard time living down that diatribe, which may have contributed to his defeat by challenger Clinton, who was simultaneously trying to steer the Democrats away from their fringe elements into the political center.

In 1996, Clinton, Vice President Al Gore, et al. had a solid hold on that center, and GOP nominee Bob Dole, though a mellow man personally, was saddled with the same kind of angry retro- rhetoric — a fact which Tennessee Senator Bill Frist, a major force at this convention, said Tuesday caused the same end result: a revolt against national Republicanism on the part of the electorate.

That was then; this is now when Frist — one of three co-chairs of the GOP platform committee — and various other Republican luminaries, not excluding nominee-to-be George W. Bush himself, the apostle of “compassionate conservatism,” have made a conspicuous effort to remake the Republican countenance as a sort of national Happy Face, featuring harmony, toleration, and make-nice attitudes of all sorts.

The two pieces de resistance of all that Monday night were Laura Bush, the sweet-dispositioned wife of the candidate and an ex-schoolteacher who dropped words like “Head Start,” General Colin Powell, the former Desert Storm commander who followed her with a rebuke to corporate special interests and a call for affirmative action.

None of this was accidental, Frist explained to the Tennessee press corps Tuesday. He made it clear that the Republicans this year would try to claim the same center that Clinton has occupied for his two elections and two terms. Even what Frist sees as the agile, combative debating style of Democratic nominee-in-waiting Al Gore will play into the GOP’s hand’s he said. “People are tired of all that anger, all that meanness, and in-your-face stuff,” he said.

Frist Gains in Stature

Frist was not bashful about pointing out what is shaping up as a major role for himself in national Republican affairs. The state’s junior senator, who says he was apparently the last alternative prospect talked to by the Bush team before the selection of Dick Cheney as the candidate’s running mate, will shortly be named, he announced, as the Bush campaign’s official liaison with the U.S. Senate.

Even though Frist is running simultaneously for reelection to the Senate, he is not expected to be sufficiently taxed by the victor of Thursday’s Democratic primary — either John Jay Hooker, Jeff Clark, or Shannon Wood — to be seriously threatened with defeat. Hence, his hands will be relatively free for campaign work on Bush’s behalf. If nothing else, he made it clear Tuesday, he is regarded as a kind of Republican counter in Tennessee to native son Gore.

As Frist reminded reporters Tuesday, he will precede the acceptance address of the newly nominated Bush Thursday night with a key speech of his own on the need to add a prescription drug plan to Medicare — a theme which is itself a concession to his party’s new centrist perspectives.

On the same day, Frist, a heart-and-lung transplant surgeon, will do some highly publicized volunteer medical work at Philadelphia’s Nueva Esperanza clinic in a Hispanic neighborhood as part of a GOP media blitz to illustrate the idea of “compassionate conservatism.”

And, according to the National Journal, it was largely thanks to Frist that Bush had an official platform he felt he could live with. As the Journal noted in its last pre-convention issue, Frist managed on Friday to re-implant an education plank that conservatives on the platform committee had previously managed to dump.

As committee co-chairman, the senator submitted an amendment that, as the paper suggested, restored “a version of the Bush principles that called for raising academic standards, reforming Head Start, and “allowing federal dollars to follow’ children from failing schools to schools of their choice.”

Frist also assisted in holding the line against efforts on the committee to abolish the Department and Education and, in general, to phase out the federal role in education. Ideas like those were given sanction in the 1996 GOP platform but were rejected this year.

“Gov. Bush has offered a vision and agenda that truly captures the spirit of the American people around the concept that no child should be left behind,” Frist told the committee. He added, “My goal as a co-chairman is to marry the will of 107 delegates with the vision of George W. Bush.” The senator played the role of matchmaker to the hilt, rejecting efforts by naysayers like platform committee member Cheryl Williams of Oklahoma to defeat the Frist amendment on the grounds that, as Williams said, it would give “the appearance of federal control of all education.”

The final result, as Bush spokesman Ari Fleischer put it: “Now the Republican platform on education in 2000 is a marked departure from the 1996 platform, and properly so.”

The Upshot

Former Shelby County Republican chairman David Kustoff elaborated somewhat this week on the parallels between the 2000 Republican campaign strategy and that of Clinton’s Democrats in 1992. “In both cases, the party that wanted to win the most badly made a point of going to the center. Not everybody in either case was real happy, but the hunger to win was such that even those who might want to disagree kept quiet about it,” Kustoff said.

(As an illustration of his point, arch-conservative preacher Jerry Falwell was quoted as saying about the larger component of gays at this year’s Republican convention, “This is a political party, not a church. You have to do what you have to do to win.”)

And national Republican committeman John Ryder of Shelby County agreed. He also noted that it was likely that actual policy would follow calculated rhetoric and saw this as another parallel to 1992. In other words, deeds do tend to follow words in politics, and if Bush and company pull off their centrist campaign this year, they may enact real changes in their party’s performance — much in the way that Clinton came to co-opt traditional Republican goals of budget-balancing, welfare reform, and Law-and-Order.

A Gentle Demurrer

The Republican strategy drew some scorn Tuesday from Tennnessee Democrats, who disputed the legitimacy of their centrist claims. U.S. Harold Ford Jr. showed up at the Convention Center Tuesday to mock the GOP pretensions, and State Republican Chairman Chip Saltsman contended the Democrats were “playing the race card” in a move that would backfire.

The only full-fledged African-American delegate among Tennesseans at the Republican National Convention, meanwhile, said both parties have let blacks down. “The Democrats take the African-American vote for granted and Republicans feel that the Democrats have the vote already,” said state Revenue Commissioner Ruth Johnson.

Former Democrat Johnson, is the only black among the 37 full delegates to the GOP convention from Tennessee. But eight of the 37 alternates are black and the delegation arguably . reflects the state’s African-American population percentage, said Kustoff,who doubles as the statewide director of the Bush campaign..

By comparison, Tennessee Democrats will send a delegation of 81 delegates and 11 alternates to their party’s convention later this month. Twenty-four of the 81 full delegates and two of the alternates are black, said Greg Wanderman, executive director of the state Democratic party.

Ford’s presence at the Covention was primarily to underscore the differences between the parties on health care, said his spokesperson, Jody Bennett. But she said he also wanted to address what he saw as the falsity of the Republicans’ claim to a true diversity.

Wanderman made the point that most of the delegation’s alternates (including most of the Tennessee blacks attending) will be seated in the “nosebleed” sections of the upper deck. Kustoff retorted, “Our leadership, in Governor Bush, has been extending a hand to African-Americans, Hispanics and other minority groups whose members are conservative by nature but often have not voted Republican.”

There was no disputing one point. The Tennessee delegates here (whose hotel is almost in the “nosebleed” perimeter of the Philadelphia areak incidentally) share the general optimism of the attendees at this year’s convention. Tennessee Republicans, most of whom saw the handwriting on the wall at the previous two conventions, see the word “victory” written on the wall this year.

And moderation, toleration, and diversity — pursued both as means and as end — will apparently be the surrounding graffiti.

Respond to Jackson Baker at: baker@memphisflyer.com

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Politics Politics Feature

The Judgment Stands

Mark Brown, the communications/political director of the
Tennessee state Senate caucus, has responded to last week’s wrap-up in
this space concerning his party’s 2008 electoral misfortunes.

In the course of an extended e-mail conversation, Brown begins with
this assertion: “There was never a television ad that claimed
Dolores Gresham ‘had voted X number of times’ to raise her pay.
Our accusation, which was fully documented in our ads, was that Gresham
voted to increase her pension, which is pay. Also, this was a vote for
a very specific bill, which, again, was documented in the spot. This
was not a vote ‘for the same routine bookkeeping resolutions that
everyone else had.’ To the contrary, Gresham specifically voted for a
bill that increased her legislative pension. Your assertions are flatly
incorrect, and I believe you should print a correction.”

The context of my discussion of the race for the state Senate in
District 26 between Democrat Randy Camp and Republican Dolores
Gresham was the fact that, as I saw it, in race after race, the
Democrats, who lost the state House and trail the Republicans in the
Senate now by five votes, had largely invited misfortune by depending
too heavily on negative, patently misleading advertising.

Brown’s objection is well-taken in two particulars: 1) that, as he
says, mailers sent out by the Democrats did reference the party’s
candidates’ position on “the economy, jobs, and health care”; and 2)
that the indicated pay-raise ad did not claim that Gresham had voted
for an increase multiple times, only a single time.

That’s as far as I can go in crediting Brown’s objections, however.
As he acknowledges, the 2006 vote that the anti-Gresham ad references
was in two parts — a main bill that passed the House by the
nearly unanimous margin of 86-1 and an amendment to it that was so
uncontroversial as to pass by acclamation. Moreover, the
bill-cum-amendment did no more than adjust legislative pensions to
cost-of-living increases.

Given the fact that, of members present, only one member of the
House, Harry Tindall (D-Knoxville), voted against the measure
while another, Stacey Campfield (R-Knoxville), was recorded as
“present, not voting,” it is obvious that it enjoyed virtually
universal support across party lines and that it was as close to a pro
forma “routine bookkeeping resolution” as ever comes before the
legislature.

Moreover, to contend, as Brown does, that a pension is “pay” is a
stretch, and his subsequently made points that the amendment component
of the bill was introduced on the floor by a Republican and was
discussed out loud would seem to be irrelevant.

Brown also takes exception to my having noted that official
Democratic Party statements attempted misleadingly to saddle write-in
candidate Rosalind Kurita, a Democrat who had significant
Republican help, with support for a state income tax solely because she
was financially backed by former Republican governor Don
Sundquist
. (For the record, Kurita was resolutely opposed to
Sundquist’s income tax proposals as a senator.)

Brown’s response to that is something of a nolo contendere. After
acknowledging that “we hit Kurita on Sundquist because Sundquist gave
her campaign contributions,” he amplifies on that later by claiming
that Republicans often have made unfairly sweeping allegations
concerning Democratic support for an income tax (a point well taken),
so that “[w]e pushed back by pointing out that Republicans were taking
campaign contributions from Don Sundquist, the father of the state
income tax; however, other than press releases and a few automated
calls, this was never a major piece of our messaging.”

I’ll let that statement speak for itself.

I appreciate Brown’s polite and responsive way of dealing with
points made both in my column and in e-mails to him. In defending his
party’s electoral strategy, ex post facto, he’s arguably doing what a
dedicated party spokesperson should be doing.

However, I stand by my original proposition that state Democrats
lost ground in the election at least partly because of reliance on
negative and misleading advertising. Granted, numerous Republican ads
were equally offending. But, if anything, Brown’s response seems to me
to confirm my original argument.

• In a ceremony on Monday, Kemp Conrad, winner of a
special election to succeed Scott McCormick, now president of the
Plough Foundation, was sworn in as the newest member of the City
Council.