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Flinn’s In (Again)

George Flinn, a radiologist and media magnate who has made a career of bucking various establishments and profiting thereby, is targeting yet another establishment — that of the Shelby County Republican Party — and expects, against all odds, to end up the winner again.

Flinn, who based his thriving medical practice on confronting and challenging the city’s medical establishment, will file a petition this Friday to run in the GOP primary for county mayor.

His action ends a period of back-and-forthing in which Flinn first sought the Republican hierarchy’s blessing and was spurned, then considered an independent run, then finally resolved to take on state Representative Larry Scroggs, one of the best-liked and best-respected people in local politics and the candidate who has the unmistakable stamp of approval from his party’s leadership.

Why would he do such a thing, and how does he think he can get away with it?

His answer to the first question goes like this: “I’ve been a Memphian for over 50 years, and I’ve been watching things from the sidelines. It’s really no secret that people don’t think they’re getting their money’s worth from government. Most people don’t hear the voice of leadership in the people who have so far announced for county mayor. That’s why I’m stepping forth.”

And, as a political and governmental neophyte, his answer to the second question goes like this: “I’ve built a successful medical practice and successful radio and TV stations from the ground up. I’ve got the ability to lead and work with people. The fact is, I get into situations all the time where I don’t know the facts to start with, but my medical training has prepared me to locate the root problems, make a diagnosis, and find a solution.”

As for Scroggs, who was the end result of a desperate search by the local Republican hierarchy to find a plausible and politically experienced candidate willing to run this year, Flinn says, “I’ve met Larry Scroggs twice, and I find him likable and sincere. I’m sure he knows government, especially at the state level, but the fact is, we need some fresh eyes.”

Flinn offered his own eyes — and the rest of his somewhat Mr. Peeperish countenance — to the Republicans last fall when preferred candidates like District Attorney General Bill Gibbons, former city councilman John Bobango, and ex-Memphis Redbirds president Allie Prescott all turned down entreaties to run.

To his dismay, Flinn’s offer of himself was not met with immediate acceptance from local Republican chairman Alan Crone, veteran GOP strategist John Ryder, or any of the other party eminences who were then leading the hunt for a candidate. As a newcomer, he was asked to consider making a race for state representative instead.

Flinn simmered for a while, then went through a period of indecisiveness. Just before the New Year, he filed a petition to run in the Republican primary, thought better of it, withdrew the petition, and began a rethinking of his situation. For a while, he thought he might run as an independent but eventually decided that, to have even a theoretical chance of winning a countywide campaign, he needed the party infrastructure.

Hence his filing this week. “I believe that a major party is the right vehicle to address the problems of Shelby County,” he says, “and I’m a Republican by nature, a believer in getting the most out of government for the least expense.” He adds, meaningfully, “But you can find the Old Guard in both parties, and I would appeal to Democrats and independents, too.”

Some Republicans may question that ecumenical streak. One of Flinn’s potential handicaps as a Republican candidate is that his son Shea Flinn, now a freshly credentialed lawyer, ran as a Democratic candidate for the legislature only two years ago. “I don’t see that as a problem,” Flinn says. “People understand that different generations see the same things differently.”

A tendency to see things differently manifests itself in every aspect of George Flinn’s career. A medical colleague who supports Scroggs talked last week of how Flinn’s tendency not to “gel” with establishments led him first to start a radiology practice that, in effect, was in direct competition with hospital-based procedures and, later, to become an innovator in the science of ultrasound technology, an area in which he holds several lucrative patents.

His patents and his practice have made Flinn wealthy (enough so to have helped establish the 38 broadcast stations he owns nationwide), and, ironically, he has certain advantages over his more orthodox — and politically better-known — GOP opponent. Flinn, who will hold conventional fund-raisers, starts the race with somewhere between $250,000 and half a million of his own money ready to go.

Rep. Scroggs, who raised $100,000 recently, is prohibited by state law from active fund-raising while the legislature is in session. Differing measures to abolish such restrictions have passed both houses of the General Assembly but still await reconciliation in committee. Gamely, Scroggs, a conscientious legislator with committee responsibilities and bills under way, vows to keep a promise to serve through the current spring session.

Flinn has used his money to engage a high-priced consultant, Tom Pardue of Atlanta, who helped Sen. Bill Frist win his first victory in 1994 against then-incumbent Sen. Jim Sasser. Businessman/pol Karl Schledwitz, who has been associated with Democrat Sasser for a quarter century, remembers Pardue bitterly as a “hatchet man,” but Flinn promises to run a “highly positive” campaign.

He’ll have help locally from several out-of-the-loop Republicans — one of whom, Dr. Phil Langsdon, is a former two-term GOP chairman who, moreover, came to power in 1991 as the champion of Republican have-nots versus the haves of that era.

Langsdon, a facial plastic surgeon who disavows any political ambitions of his own (but was known to have been interested in running for Congress if Ed Bryant‘s 7th District seat had opened up this year) will serve as Flinn’s campaign manager and professes excitement at the prospect. “He’s got a fresh outlook and real ability,” says Langsdon. “He’s going to surprise the political hacks who doubt him.”

™ The Flinn-Scroggs showdown is but one of several that have churned up in what were, just weeks ago, the untroubled waters of Republican harmony. Incumbent county mayor Jim Rout and, reportedly, other local GOP notables are now outspoken in their support of Republican gubernatorial challenger Jim Henry of Kingston, while a majority of the party’s officials and activists still lean to 4th District congressman Van Hilleary, the presumed frontrunner.

“That isn’t necessary a bad thing,” says chairman Crone. “A contested gubernatorial primary, concurrent with the August general election, will bring out a healthy Republican vote.”

The mayoral contest is a different matter. “We had hoped to organize our whole strategy around that race,” concedes Crone, who makes no secret of the fact that he would have been delighted with an uncontested primary. Crone shrugs at what has now become inevitable, however, promises neutrality, and is actively in search of silver linings.

Of Flinn’s surprise candidacy, he says, “I’m hoping George brings some new people in and helps us expand the grassroots base of our party.”

Categories
Politics Politics Beat Blog

FLINN’S IN (AGAIN)

George Flinn, a radiologist and media magnate who has made a career of bucking various establishments and profiting thereby, is targeting yet another establishment — that of the Shelby County Republican Party — and expects, against all odds, to end up the winner again.

Flinn, who based his thriving medical practice on confronting and challenging the city’s medical establishment, will file a petition this Friday to run in the GOP primary for county mayor.

His action ends a period of back-and-forthing in which Flinn first sought the Republican hierachy’s blessing and was spurned, then considered an independent run, then finally resolved to take on State Representative Larry Scroggs, one of the best-liked and best-respected people in local politics and the candidate who has the unmistakeable stamp of approval from his party’s leadership.

Why would he do such a thing, and how does he think he can get away with it?

His answer to the first question goes like this: “I’ve been a Memphian for over 50 years, and I’v been watching things from the sidelines. It’s really no secret that people don’t think they’re getting their money’s worth from government. Most people don’t hear the voice of leadership in the people who have so far announced for county mayor. That’s why I’m stepping forth.”

And, as a political and governmental neophyte, his answer to the second question goes like this: “I’ve built a successful medical practice and successful radio and tv stations from the ground up. I’ve got the ability to lead and work with people. The fact is, I get into situations all the time where I don’t know the facts to start with, but my medical training has prepared me to locate the root problems, make a diagnosis, and find a solution.”

As for Scroggs, who was the end result of a desperate search by the local Republican hierarchy to find a plausible and politically experienced candidate willing to run this year, Flinn says, “I’ve met Larry Scroggs twice, and I find him likeable and sincere. I’m sure he knows government, especially at the state level, but the fact is, we need some fresh eyes.”

Flinn offered his own eyes — and the rest of his somewhat Mr. Peeperish countenance — to the Republicans last fall when preferred candidates like District Attorney General Bill Gibbons, former city councilman John Bobango, and ex-Memphis Redbirds president Allie Prescott all turned down entreaties to run.

To his dismay, Flinn’s offer of himself was not met with immediate acceptance from local Republican chairman Alan Crone, veteran GOP strategist John Ryder, or any of the other party eminences who were then leading the hunt for a candidate. As a newcomer, he was asked to consider making a race for state representative instead.

Flinn simmered for a while, then went through a period of indecisiveness. Just before the New Year, he filed a petition to run in the Republican primary, thought better of it, withdrew the petition, and began a rethinking of his situation. For a while, he thought he might run as an independent but eventually decided that, to have even a theoretical chance of winning a countywide campaign, he needed the party infrastructure.

Hence, his filing this week. “I believe that a major party is the right vehicle to address the problems of Shelby County,” he says, ‘and I’m a Republican by nature, a believer in getting the most out of government for the least expense. ” He adds, meaningfully, “But you can find the Old Guard in both parties, and I would appeal to Democrats and independents, too.”

Some Republicans may question that ecumenical streak. One of Flinn’s potential handicaps as a Republican candidate is that his son Shea Flinn, now a freshly credentialed lawyer, ran as a Democratic candidate for the legislature only two years ago. “I don’t see that as a problem,” Flinn says. “People understand that different generations see the same things differently.”

A tendency to see things differently manifests itself in every aspect of George Flinn’s career. A medical colleague who supports Scroggs talked last week of how Flinn’s tendency not to “gel” with establishments led him first to start a radiology practice that, in effect, was in direct competition with hospital-based procedures and, later, to become an innovator in the science of ultrasound technology, an area in which he holds several lucrative patents.

His patents and his practice have made Flinn wealthy (enough so to have helped establish the 38 broadcast stations he owns nationwide), and , ironically, he has certain advantages over his more orthodox — and politically better-known — GOP opponent. Flinn, who will hold conventional fundraisers, starts the race with somewhere between $250,000 and half a million of his own money ready to go.

(Rep. Scroggs, who raised $100,000 recently, is prohibited by state law from active fundraising while the legislature is in session. Differing measures to abolish such restrictions have passed both houses of the General Assembly but still await reconciliation in committee. Gamely, Scroggs, a conscientious legislator with committee responsibilities and bills under way, vows to keep a promise to serve through the current spring session.)

Flinn has used his money to engage a high-priced consultant, Tom Pardue of Atlanta, who helped Sen. Bill Frist win his first victory in 1994 against then incumbent Sen. Jim Sasser. Businessman/pol Karl Schledwitz, who has been associated with Democrat Sasser for a quarter century, remembers Pardue bitterly as a “hatchetman,” but Flinn promises to run a “highly positive” campaign.

He’ll have help locally from several out-of-the-loop Republicans — one of whom, Dr. Phil Langsdon, is a former two-term GOP chairman who, moreover, came to power in 1991 as the champion of Republican have-nots versus the haves of that era.

Langsdon, a facial plastic surgeon who disavows any political ambitions of his own (but was known to have been interested in running for Congress if Ed Bryant‘s 8th District seat had opened up this year) will serve as Flinn’s campaign manager and professes excitement at the prospect. “He’s got a fresh outlook and real ability,” says Langsdon. “He’s going to surprise the political hacks who doubt him.”

  • The Flinn-Scroggs showdown is but one of several that have churned up in what were, just weeks ago, the untroubled waters of Republican harmony. Incumbent county mayor Jim Rout and, reportedly, other local GOP notables are now outspoken in their support of Republican gubernatorial challenger Jim Henry of Kingston, while a majority of the party’s officials and activists still lean to 4th District congressman Van Hilleary, the presumed frontrunner.

    “That isn’t necessary a bad thing,” says chairman Crone. “A contested gubernatorial primary, concurrent with the August general election, will bring out a healthy Republican vote.”

    The mayoral contest is a different matter. “We had hoped to organize our whole strategy around that race,” concedes Crone, who makes no secret of the fact that he would have been delighted with an uncontested primary. Crone shrugs at what has now become inevitable, however, promises neutrality, and is actively in search of silver linings.

    Of Flinn’s surprise candidacy, he says, “I’m hoping George barings some new people in and helps us expand the grass-roots base of our party. He’ll certainly help to generate some interest.”

    Crone professes to be untroubled as well about another recent development, the decision by Ryder, a stage-manager presence whom some had expected to head up Scroggs’ campaign, to become a candidate in what is now a three-way primary race for the pivotal 5th District Shelby County Commission seat.

    Though Ryder has to be counted the favorite, the other two contenders, financial manager Bruce Thompson and contractor Jerry Cobb, aren’t going anywhere. Thompson says he has $50,000 to spend on his race and will probably have as much later on, while Cobb can count on the suppot of a reliable network of fellow Republican dissidents.

    Moreover, the Scroggs campaign and the contywide Republican effort in general will suffer — at least until the end of the primary period in early May — from the mere fact that old pro Ryder will be wholly involved in his own electoral effort.

    The bottom line: in the suddenly roiling sea of Shelby County Republicanism, it’s sink or swim.

  • Other Campaign Notes: Two proteges of GOP consultant< b>Lane Provine were predictably on-message in campaign openers last weekend. GOP sheriff’s candidate Bobby Simmons, who reports more than $100,000 in campaign receipts, attacked corruption in the department , positioning himself as an outsider vis-a-vis Chief Deputy Don Wright but a seasoned hand in comparison with county Corrections director Mark Luttrell…County commission candidate Joyce Avery, who seeks to unseat Republican primary rival Clair VanderSchaaf, gigged him as voting for arena funds but against school funding and for approving any development “that’s put before him.”…Democratic mayoral candidate Harold Byrd attracted a large crowd to a women’s luncheon Saturday and lashed out impressively at “Good Ole Boy” politics.

  • Categories
    Politics Politics Beat Blog

    FLINN’S IN (AGAIN)

    George Flinn, a radiologist and media magnate who has made a career of bucking various establishments and profiting thereby, is targeting yet another establishment — that of the Shelby County Republican Party — and expects, against all odds, to end up the winner again.

    Flinn, who based his thriving medical practice on confronting and challenging the city’s medical establishment, will file a petition this Friday to run in the GOP primary for county mayor.

    His action ends a period of back-and-forthing in which Flinn first sought the Republican hierachy’s blessing and was spurned, then considered an independent run, then finally resolved to take on State Representative Larry Scroggs, one of the best-liked and best-respected people in local politics and the candidate who has the unmistakeable stamp of approval from his party’s leadership.

    Why would he do such a thing, and how does he think he can get away with it?

    His answer to the first question goes like this: “I’ve been a Memphian for over 50 years, and I’v been watching things from the sidelines. It’s really no secret that people don’t think they’re getting their money’s worth from government. Most people don’t hear the voice of leadership in the people who have so far announced for county mayor. That’s why I’m stepping forth.”

    And, as a political and governmental neophyte, his answer to the second question goes like this: “I’ve built a successful medical practice and successful radio and tv stations from the ground up. I’ve got the ability to lead and work with people. The fact is, I get into situations all the time where I don’t know the facts to start with, but my medical training has prepared me to locate the root problems, make a diagnosis, and find a solution.”

    As for Scroggs, who was the end result of a desperate search by the local Republican hierarchy to find a plausible and politically experienced candidate willing to run this year, Flinn says, “I’ve met Larry Scroggs twice, and I find him likeable and sincere. I’m sure he knows government, especially at the state level, but the fact is, we need some fresh eyes.”

    Flinn offered his own eyes — and the rest of his somewhat Mr. Peeperish countenance — to the Republicans last fall when preferred candidates like District Attorney General Bill Gibbons, former city councilman John Bobango, and ex-Memphis Redbirds president Allie Prescott all turned down entreaties to run.

    To his dismay, Flinn’s offer of himself was not met with immediate acceptance from local Republican chairman Alan Crone, veteran GOP strategist John Ryder, or any of the other party eminences who were then leading the hunt for a candidate. As a newcomer, he was asked to consider making a race for state representative instead.

    Flinn simmered for a while, then went through a period of indecisiveness. Just before the New Year, he filed a petition to run in the Republican primary, thought better of it, withdrew the petition, and began a rethinking of his situation. For a while, he thought he might run as an independent but eventually decided that, to have even a theoretical chance of winning a countywide campaign, he needed the party infrastructure.

    Hence, his filing this week. “I believe that a major party is the right vehicle to address the problems of Shelby County,” he says, ‘and I’m a Republican by nature, a believer in getting the most out of government for the least expense. ” He adds, meaningfully, “But you can find the Old Guard in both parties, and I would appeal to Democrats and independents, too.”

    Some Republicans may question that ecumenical streak. One of Flinn’s potential handicaps as a Republican candidate is that his son Shea Flinn, now a freshly credentialed lawyer, ran as a Democratic candidate for the legislature only two years ago. “I don’t see that as a problem,” Flinn says. “People understand that different generations see the same things differently.”

    A tendency to see things differently manifests itself in every aspect of George Flinn’s career. A medical colleague who supports Scroggs talked last week of how Flinn’s tendency not to “gel” with establishments led him first to start a radiology practice that, in effect, was in direct competition with hospital-based procedures and, later, to become an innovator in the science of ultrasound technology, an area in which he holds several lucrative patents.

    His patents and his practice have made Flinn wealthy (enough so to have helped establish the 38 broadcast stations he owns nationwide), and , ironically, he has certain advantages over his more orthodox — and politically better-known — GOP opponent. Flinn, who will hold conventional fundraisers, starts the race with somewhere between $250,000 and half a million of his own money ready to go.

    (Rep. Scroggs, who raised $100,000 recently, is prohibited by state law from active fundraising while the legislature is in session. Differing measures to abolish such restrictions have passed both houses of the General Assembly but still await reconciliation in committee. Gamely, Scroggs, a conscientious legislator with committee responsibilities and bills under way, vows to keep a promise to serve through the current spring session.)

    Flinn has used his money to engage a high-priced consultant, Tom Pardue of Atlanta, who helped Sen. Bill Frist win his first victory in 1994 against then incumbent Sen. Jim Sasser. Businessman/pol Karl Schledwitz, who has been associated with Democrat Sasser for a quarter century, remembers Pardue bitterly as a “hatchetman,” but Flinn promises to run a “highly positive” campaign.

    He’ll have help locally from several out-of-the-loop Republicans — one of whom, Dr. Phil Langsdon, is a former two-term GOP chairman who, moreover, came to power in 1991 as the champion of Republican have-nots versus the haves of that era.

    Langsdon, a facial plastic surgeon who disavows any political ambitions of his own (but was known to have been interested in running for Congress if Ed Bryant‘s 8th District seat had opened up this year) will serve as Flinn’s campaign manager and professes excitement at the prospect. “He’s got a fresh outlook and real ability,” says Langsdon. “He’s going to surprise the political hacks who doubt him.”

  • The Flinn-Scroggs showdown is but one of several that have churned up in what were, just weeks ago, the untroubled waters of Republican harmony. Incumbent county mayor Jim Rout and, reportedly, other local GOP notables are now outspoken in their support of Republican gubernatorial challenger Jim Henry of Kingston, while a majority of the party’s officials and activists still lean to 4th District congressman Van Hilleary, the presumed frontrunner.

    “That isn’t necessary a bad thing,” says chairman Crone. “A contested gubernatorial primary, concurrent with the August general election, will bring out a healthy Republican vote.”

    The mayoral contest is a different matter. “We had hoped to organize our whole strategy around that race,” concedes Crone, who makes no secret of the fact that he would have been delighted with an uncontested primary. Crone shrugs at what has now become inevitable, however, promises neutrality, and is actively in search of silver linings.

    Of Flinn’s surprise candidacy, he says, “I’m hoping George barings some new people in and helps us expand the grass-roots base of our party. He’ll certainly help to generate some interest.”

    Crone professes to be untroubled as well about another recent development, the decision by Ryder, a stage-manager presence whom some had expected to head up Scroggs’ campaign, to become a candidate in what is now a three-way primary race for the pivotal 5th District Shelby County Commission seat.

    Though Ryder has to be counted the favorite, the other two contenders, financial manager Bruce Thompson and contractor Jerry Cobb, aren’t going anywhere. Thompson says he has $50,000 to spend on his race and will probably have as much later on, while Cobb can count on the suppot of a reliable network of fellow Republican dissidents.

    Moreover, the Scroggs campaign and the contywide Republican effort in general will suffer — at least until the end of the primary period in early May — from the mere fact that old pro Ryder will be wholly involved in his own electoral effort.

    The bottom line: in the suddenly roiling sea of Shelby County Republicanism, it’s sink or swim.

  • Other Campaign Notes: Two proteges of GOP consultant< b>Lane Provine were predictably on-message in campaign openers last weekend. GOP sheriff’s candidate Bobby Simmons, who reports more than $100,000 in campaign receipts, attacked corruption in the department , positioning himself as an outsider vis-a-vis Chief Deputy Don Wright but a seasoned hand in comparison with county Corrections director Mark Luttrell…County commission candidate Joyce Avery, who seeks to unseat Republican primary rival Clair VanderSchaaf, gigged him as voting for arena funds but against school funding and for approving any development “that’s put before him.”…Democratic mayoral candidate Harold Byrd attracted a large crowd to a women’s luncheon Saturday and lashed out impressively at “Good Ole Boy” politics.

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    Politics Politics Beat Blog

    MEMPHIS SPORTS SCENE (IN PHILADELPHIA)

    The All-Star game shines like a beacon for ballers everywhere with hoop dreams and superstar aspirations. This evening’s game became a dream come true for one Philadelphia native, and something of a nightmare for another who currently calls the city home.

    Lakers guard Kobe Bryant poured in 31 points to lead the Western Conference squad to a 135-120 victory over the Eastern Conference. Bryant, who grew up in Philadelphia, received a round of boos as he held his All-Star 2002 MVP trophy high over his head.

    The Philadelphia crowd has good reason to dislike Bryant. His Lakers squad beat the Philadelphia 76ers in the league finals. Also, the 76ers Allen Iverson Ð last All-Star game’s MVP Ð scored only five points in the game. The poor performance must have been particularly stinging to Iverson playing in front of his home crowd wearing number six in honor of former 76ers great “Dr. J.” Julius Erving. Unfortunately, Iverson could only honor Erving in ideal and not in practice with his forgettable performance.

    Also for the Western Conference, Seattle’s Gary Payton scored 18 points, Minnesota’s Kevin Garnett and San Antonio’s Tim Duncan each scored 14 points, Dallas’ Dirk Nowitzki scored 12 points, Sacramento’s Peja Stojakovic scored 11 points, and Ð also for Minnesota Ð Wally Szczerbiak scored 10 points as well. Away from the hoop, Dallas’ Steve Nash tossed out nine assists, Duncan pulled down 14 rebounds, Garnett pulled down 12 rebounds, and L.A. Clipper Elton Brand collected 10 rebounds of his own.

    For the East, Orlando’s Tracy McGrady scored 24 points, Boston’s Paul Pierce scored 19 points, Milwaukee’s Ray Allen scored 15 points, and Miami’s Alonzo Mourning scored 13 points. Philadelphia’s Dikembe Mutombo pulled in 10 rebounds for his Eastern Conference squad.

    Interestingly (or pathetically), no Eastern Conference starter scored in double digits.

    The contest was fairly lackluster from the start, with multiple botched show-off attempts including a blundered dunk by the Wizard’s Michael Jordan himself. In addition, both teams combined for 30 turnovers, making for uneven, uninspiring play. To add to the All-Star blahs, the top two All-Star vote-getters did not even suit up. Both Toronto’s Vince Carter and Laker Shaquille O’Neal did not play due to injury.

    The less than entertaining action on the court better back-grounded the star-studded affair. Some of the celebrities in attendance included Britney Spears, boyfriend Justin Timberlake, Ricky Martin, Samuel Jackson, Lil’ Bow-Wow, Jamie Foxx, Chris Tucker, Nikki McCray, Muhammad Ali, Joe Frazier, Magic Johnson, and Jerry Rice, among others.

    Also, for the pre-game and half-time entertainments, fans heard the music of Elton John, Alicia Keyes, and Patti LaBelle.

    Check out the Flyer this week for a full write-up on this weekend’s events.

    Categories
    Politics Politics Beat Blog

    JEWELL DROPS OUT OF SHERIFF’S RACE

    Mike Jewell, a field commander in the Sheriff’s Depatment and a Bartlett alderman who entered the sheriff’s race last year with virtually wall-to-wall support from Bartlett city officials, on Wednesday became the first major dropout from the race to succeed outgoing incumbent A.C.Gilless.

    Jewell indicated he will also eschew reelection this year and leave the Bartlett Board of Alderrmen after the completion of his current term on December 31st.

    “It’s just been too rough raising money,” Jewell said of his decision to drop her sheriff’s race in mid-afternoon of a day which began with his waking to the aftermath of a snowstorm and drawing certain conclusions he suddenly saw as overdue.

    “I looked out the window and saw all that snow, and it just clicked,” Jewell said. “I said to myself, ‘You know, there’s no need dragging this thing out any further.’ It’s just one of those things that didn’t work out.”

    Jewell hinted that he might choose to intervene in the sheriff’s race at some later point with an endorsement but chose to keep his options to himself for the time being. “I will say this,” Jewell reflected. “I’ve talked to enough people to know that the public isn’t going to want to vote for anybody who’s in the department right now.”

    In effect, Jewell was disqualifying everybody except county Corrections administrator Mark Luttrell, running as a Republican, and city councilman E C Jones. a Democratic contender. Other candidates are Republicans Bobby Simmons, a captain who heads up the department’s DUI operations, and Chief Deputy Don Wright, .who carries the reputation, for better or for worse, of being Gilless’ right-hand man.; and Democrat Randy Wade, another ranking departmental chief.

    Given Jewell’s longtime activity in Republican ranks, including several years on the local GOP’s steering committee and a stint as party vice chairman, he is likely to come out at some point for Luttrell.

    Jewell preferred not to address the issue for the record on Wednesday , but he publicly expressed resentment some months ago that, shortly after announcing his candidacy, he was assigned to prisoner transport duties on a 2 p.m. to midnight shift which precluded much effective campaigning. His imputation then was that politics was at the root of his reassignment

    Having shed his candidate’s mantle and decided also to leave the Board of Aldermen after this year, Jewell said one reason for both decisions was that he would now be able to concentrate on “my granddaughter, the Bible, and bluegrass music, all of which I love, even though, as far as the last thing goes, I may be the world’s worst banjo-player.”

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    SO WHY DOES CHUMNEY STAY IN?

    Though he likes to specialize in business and marketing research, Memphis pollster Berge Yacoubian has had his share of name political clients — Bob Clement, Robin Beard, Mike Cody, Otis Higgs come to mind — and if it seems to have worked out that he’s had more underdogs than not, that’s how he likes it.

    Republican Beard defied the odds and unseated a congressional incumbent in 1972, then was able to survive the Democratic landslide during the Watergate year of 1974. No longer advised by Yacoubian, he lost a Senate bid in 1982 against then incumbent Jim Sasser. Part of the problem, thinks Yacoubian, was that Beard overlooked issues in favor of negative attack ads that backfired.

    In fact, he sees part of his job as helping candidates prepare not only for election but for what comes next if all goes well. “Unlike other consultants, whom I will not name, I do not want to elect someone who can’t govern,” he says. Nor does he want his advisees to make nice, especially. “Some candidates want to be so loved they can’t act ,” he says disdainfully.

    Yacoubian says he prefers to leave the spotlight to his candidates, the most prominent of whom at the moment is State Representative Carol Chumney.

    Of all the candidates for mayor, Chumney is probably the most direct in pressing specific issues. And, despite being told frequently by friend and foe alike that she has little chance of being elected and should consider switching to another race while she can, Chumney resolutely declines to do so

    A look at a survey done by Yacoubian in October provides some insight into both these circumstances.

    The most overwhelmingly approved three issues noted by Yacoubian in a table entitled “What Voters Want” are: (1) the passage of “laws to toughen standards for daycare center operators” (92 percent of all potential voters sampled approving it; 89 percent of Democats); (2) “new funding system for public schools” (89 percent of all voters and 88 percent of Democrats): and (3) “support full consolidation” (78 percent of all voters, 81 percent of Democrats).

    Chumney, of course, is the principal sponsor of legislation to tighten daycare standards, and she has made frequent mention during her current campaign of the school funding issue while pushing consolidation relentlessly.

    If Yacoubian is correct, Chumney may not be risking as much by being explicit as her opponents are in responding more indirectly. In any case, Yacoubian says candidly, it’s the best antidote to what he sees as a bandwagon strategy underway on A C Wharton‘s behalf.

    The poll, taken at that point last fall when Wharton was announcing his mayoral candidacy, reflects a sense that the Shelby County Public Defender ought indeed to be regarded as the frontrunner in Democratic ranks.

    In Yacoubian’s reckoning, Wharton was first choice of Democrats polled — by 37 percent to Chumney’s 27 percent, 7 percent for State Senator Jim Kyle, who has since withdrawn from the face and endorsed Wharton; and 6 percent for Bartlett banker Harold Byrd.

    Interestingly, Byrd rises to a close second place among independents polled by Yacoubian, with 23 percent to Wharton’s 25 percent. Chumney’s figure was 18 percent, and Kyle’s was 12 percent.

    Meanwhile, another aspect of Yacoubian’s poll shows voter approval of previous job performance to be higher for Chumney than for any of her Democratic opponents.

    In short, Yacobian’s poll figures suggest that Chumney may not be so out of it — among Democrats, anyway — as conventional wisdom has it, and they provide a basis for her seeing Byrd as a rival claimant to runnerup status and, therefore, as a nemesis to be taken on directly.

    In any case, Chumney did just that — as recently as the weekend, when she called a press conference to protest the fact that Byrd was allowed to lease campaign headquarters on Poplar Avenue that she had been denied a lease for previously.

    The property’s owner, Stanley ‘Trip’ Trezevant, who supports Byrd, responded by saying he saw no issue involved, but Chumney indicated she would begin a process, both locally and in Nashville, of instituting anti-discrimination complaints.

    Yacoubian’s October poll seems to forecast a greater degree of participation by women than of men in this year’s elections, and Chumney said Saturday she thought the figure for women would be as high as 65 percent — yet another reason why she thinks her chances shouldn’t be discounted (and a possible reason, too, for her pushing the discrimination hot-button).

    Granted, Chumney has raised relatively little money compared to opponents Wharton and Byrd, but she regards this as the consequence of her chances being discounted so consistently in public opinion — the anecdotal kind, that is. She thinks the scientific species — as in pulse-takings by Berge Yacoubian — tell a different story.

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    Politics Politics Beat Blog

    Sources Of Support

    Though a high degree of personal ambition and perhaps even an over-proportioned ego are known concomitants of many — nay, most — politicians, candidates for public office still like to maintain that their electioneering is a response to the request of others or to an urgent public need. Or to both.

    For those who do well in politics, there is probable substance to such claims.

    In the Shelby County mayor’s race, state Representative Larry Scroggs, so far the only Republican candidate, was clearly drafted by the local party leadership, desperate to find a conventionally acceptable standard-bearer.

    Bartlett banker Harold Byrd, a Democratic candidate whose mayoral race was discussed at some length in this space last week, is known, liked, and respected in enough local political, business, and civic circles that it would be strange if he weren’t asked to consider public office.

    Ditto with Shelby Count Public Defender A C Wharton. And state Representative Carol Chumney no doubt has her share of such boosters as well, though her reasons for running — and for staying in when others, mystified at her persistence, are suggesting she drop out — owe a good deal to the science of public-opinion research. To her pollster, in short.

    Wharton: “Early On” Got Harold Ford’s Support

    First, a clarification from the Shelby County public defender as to some of the sources of his own encouragement.

    There has been a good deal of word-of-mouth and informed speculation concerning the likelihood that Wharton will have stout support in the Democratic primary from Harold Ford Sr., the former longtime congressman and political kingmaker who is now a consultant and sometime resident of Florida but still regarded as a major force in Memphis and Shelby County elections.

    Those reports are now duly confirmed by Wharton, who, when asked in an interview this week if he had received explicit assurances of firm support from the former congressmen, said, “Early on. Yes.”

    Less well known — at least partly because Wharton is reluctant to discuss the circumstances — is that Wharton’s resolve owes much to encouragement from the former congressman’s brother, the late Shelby County Commissioner James Ford.

    “Everybody will be bringing in Dr. Ford as an excuse for everything they intend to do,” Wharton offers semiseriously as one reason why, without some prodding, he has preferred so far not to mention a conversation that occurred shortly before the commissioner’s death. Reasons of delicacy have been another consideration.

    Wharton also offered some clarification of his pre-announcement conversations with Bobby Lanier, a major Wharton strategist now and a former chief assistant to outgoing Mayor Jim Rout, a Republican. When rumors started last year concerning Rout’s possible withdrawal from a reelection effort, he called Lanier several times to find out more.

    “You should consider it [a mayor’s race] yourself,” Wharton says he was told by Lanier when the shape of Rout’s ultimate decision became obvious, and that suggestion rapidly escalated into an offer of support. Shortly thereafter Lanier became Wharton’s chief mover and shaker, which he remains today.

    (The public defender insists that no assurances have been given Lanier about his future status and that no conversations about it have even been held.)

    Expressing concern that a misconception might exist about his conversations last year with current opponent Byrd, Wharton said the banker asked him to discuss a possible Byrd candidacy when it was still pending and that — though “uncomfortable” because of his formal status as a Rout appointee — he acceded reluctantly.

    Wharton said categorically, “I was never asked about my own possible future intentions, and I never said I would support Harold,” though he acknowledged that Byrd might have drawn an inference from the mere fact of the conversation.

    So Why Does Carol Chumney Stay In?

    Though he likes to specialize in business and marketing research, Memphis pollster Berge Yacoubian has had his share of name political clients — Bob Clement, Robin Beard, Mike Cody, Otis Higgs come to mind — and if it seems to have worked out that he’s had more underdogs than not, that’s how he likes it.

    Republican Beard defied the odds and unseated a congressional incumbent in 1972, then was able to survive the Democratic landslide during the Watergate year of 1974. No longer advised by Yacoubian, he lost a Senate bid in 1982 against then incumbent Jim Sasser. Part of the problem, thinks Yacoubian, was that Beard overlooked issues in favor of negative attack ads that backfired.

    In fact, he sees part of his job as helping candidates prepare not only for election but for what comes next if all goes well. “Unlike other consultants, whom I will not name, I do not want to elect someone who can’t govern,” he says. Nor does he want his advisees to make nice, especially. “Some candidates want to be so loved they can’t act,” he says disdainfully.

    Yacoubian says he prefers to leave the spotlight to his candidates, the most prominent of whom at the moment is state Representative Carol Chumney.

    Of all the candidates for mayor, Chumney is probably the most direct in pressing specific issues. And, despite being told frequently by friend and foe alike that she has little chance of being elected and should consider switching to another race while she can, Chumney resolutely declines to do so.

    A look at a survey done by Yacoubian in October provides some insight into both these circumstances.

    The most overwhelmingly approved three issues noted by Yacoubian in a table entitled “What Voters Want” are: 1) the passage of “laws to toughen standards for daycare center operators” (92 percent of all potential voters sampled approving it; 89 percent of Democrats); 2) “new funding system for public schools” (89 percent of all voters and 88 percent of Democrats); and 3) “support full consolidation” (78 percent of all voters, 81 percent of Democrats).

    Chumney, of course, is the principal sponsor of legislation to tighten day-care standards, and she has made frequent mention during her current campaign of the school-funding issue while pushing consolidation relentlessly.

    If Yacoubian is correct, Chumney may not be risking as much by being explicit as her opponents are in responding more indirectly. In any case, Yacoubian says candidly, it’s the best antidote to what he sees as a bandwagon strategy underway on Wharton’s behalf.

    The poll, taken at that point last fall when Wharton was announcing his mayoral candidacy, reflects a sense that the Shelby County Public Defender ought indeed to be regarded as the frontrunner in Democratic ranks.

    In Yacoubian’s reckoning, Wharton was first choice of Democrats polled — by 37 percent to Chumney’s 27 percent, 7 percent for state Senator Jim Kyle, who has since withdrawn from the face and endorsed Wharton; and 6 percent for Bartlett banker Harold Byrd.

    Interestingly, Byrd rises to a close second place among independents polled by Yacoubian, with 23 percent to Wharton’s 25 percent. Chumney’s figure was 18 percent, and Kyle’s was 12 percent.

    Meanwhile, another aspect of Yacoubian’s poll shows voter approval of previous job performance to be higher for Chumney than for any of her Democratic opponents.

    In short, Yacoubian’s poll figures suggest that Chumney may not be so out of it — among Democrats, anyway — as conventional wisdom has it, and they provide a basis for her seeing Byrd as a rival claimant to runner-up status and, therefore, as a nemesis to be taken on directly.

    In any case, Chumney did just that — as recently as the weekend, when she called a press conference to protest the fact that Byrd was allowed to lease campaign headquarters on Poplar Avenue that she had been denied a lease for previously.

    The property’s owner, Stanley “Trip” Trezevant, who supports Byrd, responded by saying he saw no issue involved, but Chumney indicated she would begin a process, both locally and in Nashville, of instituting anti-discrimination complaints.

    Yacoubian’s October poll seems to forecast a greater degree of participation by women than of men in this year’s elections, and Chumney said Saturday she thought the figure for women would be as high as 65 percent — yet another reason why she thinks her chances shouldn’t be discounted (and a possible reason, too, for her pushing the discrimination hot-button).

    Granted, Chumney has raised relatively little money compared to opponents Wharton and Byrd, but she regards this as the consequence of her chances being discounted so consistently in public opinion — the anecdotal kind, that is. She thinks the scientific species — as in pulse-takings by Berge Yacoubian — tell a different story.


    NASHVILLE — He came, he saw, and he got down.

    That’s one way of describing Al Gore ‘s appearance before a crowd of home-state Democrats at the Renaissance Hotel Saturday night.

    Got down, as in did his best aw-shucks-I’m-just-a-Tennessean number, wearing casual dress, a simple open-collared blue shirt conveying an authenticity that his starched-blue-jeans-and-cowboy-boots combo of yore never did, and that adjunct-prof beard of his (yes, he still has it) gets him closer to redneck than you would think possible.

    Got down, too, as in got down to business, attacking the Bush administration for fiscal shortcomings and environmental excesses, for stroking the rich and for stiffing campaign-finance reform.

    “For everything, there is a season,” Gore said (those words being also the appended title of the prepared text his helpers handed out). “And tonight, as a new election season begins, I intend to rejoin the national debate.”

    He did so before an audience of several thousand that included a good many reporters for national news outlets, interested in whether the former vice president intended to hazard a new presidential bid. In the event, he was coy. Having promised to re-enter the national debate, Gore said, “Whether I will do so as a candidate in 2004 or not, I don’t know yet … .”

    For the time being, Gore’s political medium is a freshly formed PAC whose name, “Leadership ’02,” is as limp and unassuming in its own way as the beard is and which will “train young people in the skills of democracy and help Democratic candidates in the elections this November.”

    Gore will be hitting the road, presumably on the national map, too, but especially in Tennessee, where he intends to continue the work of reconciling himself to the home state which rejected him last year by a crucial 80,000 votes. “I want to make it clear,” he said, “that I understand there’s a lot more work for me to do here — more fences that need mending. But it’s work I am looking forward to because I want you to know that I love this state with all my heart and soul.”

    And Gore has put some money where his mouth is. As Memphis’ Pace Cooper, the West Tennessee chair of Saturday night’s “Election Kickoff 2002” effort (and one of three statewide), noted, “The state party is almost bankrupt,”and Gore’s visit churned up some $30,000 in ticket sales (at a mere $25 a head) and another $100,000 in “sponsorships.”

    The Democrats will be counting on Gore to help deliver the governorship and, most especially, the 4th District congressional seat which Republican Van Hilleary is vacating to make his own gubernatorial run and which will likely tip the state congressional balance between the parties (currently 5-4 in the GOP’s favor).

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    Politics Politics Beat Blog

    GORE GOES DOWN-HOME TO ‘JOIN NATIONAL DEBATE’

    NASHVILLE — He came, he saw, and he got down.

    That’s one way of describing Al Gore‘s appearance before a crowd of home-state Democrats at the Renaissance Hotel Saturday night.

    Got down, as in: did his best aw-shucks-I’m-just-a-

    Tennessean number, wearing casual dress, a simple open-collared blue shirt conveying an authenticity that his starched-blue-jeans-and-cowboy-boots combo of yore never did, and that adjunct-prof beard of his (yes, he still has it) gets him closer to redneck than you would think possible..

    Got down, too, as in: got down to business, attacking the Bush administration for fiscal shortcomings and environmental excesses, for stroking the rich and for stiffing campaign finance reform.

    “For everything, there is a season,” Gore said (those words being also the appended title of the prepared text his helpers handed out). “And tonight, as a new election season begins, I intend to rejoin the national debate.”

    He did so before an audience of several thousand that included also a good many reporters for national news outlets, interested in whether the former vice president intended to hazard a new presidential bid. In the event, he was coy. Having promised to re-enter the national debate, Gore said, “Whether I will do so as a candidate in 2004 or not, I don’t know yet. But as I said on Dec. 13th a year ago, no matter where my future lies, I will fight for the principles I believe are crucial to our country’s future.”

    For the time being, his medium for doing so is a freshly formed PAC whose name,” Leadership ‘02,is as limp and unassuming in its own way as the beard is and which will “train young people in the skills of democracy and help Democratic candidates in the elections this November.”

    Which is to say, Al Gore will be hitting the road, presumably on the national map, too, but especially in Tennessee, where he intends to continue the work of reconciling himself to the home state which rejected him last year by a crucial 80,000 votes. “I want to make it clear,” he said, “that I understand there’s a lot more work for me to do here – more fences that need mending. But it’s work I am looking forward to because I want you to know that I love this state with all my heart and soul.”

    And Gore has put some money where his mouth is. As Memphis’ Pace Cooper, the West Tennessee chair of Saturday night’s “Election Kickoff 2002” effort, noted, “The state party is almost bankrupt,” and Gore’s visit churned up some $30,000 in ticket sales (at a mere $25 a head) and another $100,000 in “sponsorships.”

    The Democrats will be counting on Gore to help deliver the governorship and, most especially, the 4th District congressional seat which Republican Van Hilleary is vacating to make his own gubernatorial run and which will tip the state congressional balance between the parties (currently 5-4 in the GOP’s favor), depending on which way the seat goes in this year’s election.

    Categories
    Politics Politics Beat Blog

    GORE GOES DOWN-HOME TO ‘REJOIN NATIONAL DEBATE’

    NASHVILLE — He came, he saw, and he got down.

    That’s one way of describing Al Gore‘s appearance before a crowd of home-state Democrats at the Renaissance Hotel Saturday night.

    Got down, as in: did his best aw-shucks-I’m-just-a-

    Tennessean number, wearing casual dress, a simple open-collared blue shirt conveying an authenticity that his starched-blue-jeans-and-cowboy-boots combo of yore never did, and that adjunct-prof beard of his (yes, he still has it) gets him closer to redneck than you would think possible..

    Got down, too, as in: got down to business, attacking the Bush administration for fiscal shortcomings and environmental excesses, for stroking the rich and for stiffing campaign finance reform.

    “For everything, there is a season,” Gore said (those words being also the appended title of the prepared text his helpers handed out). “And tonight, as a new election season begins, I intend to rejoin the national debate.”

    He did so before an audience of several thousand that included also a good many reporters for national news outlets, interested in whether the former vice president intended to hazard a new presidential bid. In the event, he was coy. Having promised to re-enter the national debate, Gore said, “Whether I will do so as a candidate in 2004 or not, I don’t know yet. But as I said on Dec. 13th a year ago, no matter where my future lies, I will fight for the principles I believe are crucial to our country’s future.”

    For the time being, his medium for doing so is a freshly formed PAC whose name,” Leadership ‘02,is as limp and unassuming in its own way as the beard is and which will “train young people in the skills of democracy and help Democratic candidates in the elections this November.”

    Which is to say, Al Gore will be hitting the road, presumably on the national map, too, but especially in Tennessee, where he intends to continue the work of reconciling himself to the home state which rejected him last year by a crucial 80,000 votes. “I want to make it clear,” he said, “that I understand there’s a lot more work for me to do here – more fences that need mending. But it’s work I am looking forward to because I want you to know that I love this state with all my heart and soul.”

    And Gore has put some money where his mouth is. As Memphis’ Pace Cooper, the West Tennessee chair of Saturday night’s “Election Kickoff 2002” effort, noted, “The state party is almost bankrupt,” and Gore’s visit churned up some $30,000 in ticket sales (at a mere $25 a head) and another $100,000 in “sponsorships.”

    The Democrats will be counting on Gore to help deliver the governorship and, most especially, the 4th District congressional seat which Republican Van Hilleary is vacating to make his own gubernatorial run and which will tip the state congressional balance between the parties (currently 5-4 in the GOP’s favor), depending on which way the seat goes in this year’s election.

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    Politics Politics Beat Blog

    Hanging In There

    Harold Byrd and friend before the faithful.

    God never asked us to be successful. He asked us to be faithful.” Those words, part of a stirring oration by TaJuan Stout-Mitchell Saturday to the attendees at mayoral candidate Harold Byrd’s headquarters opening at 3183 Poplar Avenue, were a fair statement of the campaign’s root premises these days.

    Whatever smoke might be blown from now on by Byrd’s supporters or by his opponents, or even by the candidate himself, the Bartlett banker — who began his quest more than a year ago and was firstest with the mostest in fund-raising — has long ceased to be the front-runner in the current Democratic primary competition for the office of Shelby County mayor to succeed the outgoing Jim Rout. (A single Republican, state Representative Larry Scroggs, has also declared for mayor thus far.)

    From the point that he signaled an interest in the mayoralty late last summer, and especially after his formal announcement of candidacy in October, the clear front-runner — both in a poll or two and in more anecdotal surveys — has been Shelby County Public Defender A C Wharton, on the basis of perceived experience (he has toiled on public bodies dealing with law enforcement, mental health and education, for starters), personal likeability, and — though Wharton is an African American and a Democrat — his genuine ability to cross racial and political borders.

    “Harold had it made until AC got in” is the phrase one hears from numerous pols sympathetic to both men, sometimes with a wistful shaking of the head on Byrd’s behalf.

    And, as if to rub it in, Wharton was able to flaunt a key endorsement Friday — on the very eve of Byrd’s headquarters opening. It came from state Senator Jim Kyle, who thereby got on the same bandwagon as his three Democratic colleagues in the Senate — Steve Cohen, Roscoe Dixon, and John Ford — at a press conference choreographed to suggest a united front and irresistible momentum for the Shelby County public defender, last Democrat to enter the mayor’s race.

    (Ford and Dixon, who had previously made their preferences known, were absent from the press conference; Cohen was present.)

    Kyle, who had been the first to announce his interest in running for mayor early last year and the first (and so far the only) candidate to withdraw, had been talking privately for some time about what he saw as Wharton’s good chances for election. Thursday he described Wharton as “better” than other “good” candidates.

    The two recipients of this left-handed compliment were Byrd, of course, and state Representative Carol Chumney, who had not yet convinced most onlookers that she’s a serious player — even though she has quietly picked up endorsements from the Shelby County Women’s Caucus and the AFL-CIO and could even be more of a sleeper than a spoiler.

    Chumney also has ventured further and more explicitly into certain issues — notably, city-county consolidation, which she favors — though a key adviser or two are candid about her need to do so in order to overcome her better-heeled Democratic opponents’ advantages.

    For roughly a month, rumors have circulated to the effect that Byrd was on the verge of dropping out of the mayor’s race before the final withdrawal date next month. “Not a chance,” said Byrd, who insists he is in for the long haul and suggests that such reports had been planted by the Wharton campaign to try to stampede Democratic voters — and financial supporters — in the public defender’s direction.

    The timing of the Kyle announcement — as much as the manner of it, overseen by a public relations firm — was a confirmation both of Byrd’s suspicions and of the confident, almost languid manner just now of the public defender, who also happened to be coming off a fresh (and lucrative) fund-raiser or two.

    Byrd had his own new endorsement Saturday — from entertainer/entrepreneur Isaac Hayes, who gave a testimonial to Byrd’s “morals, his character, his integrity.” The campaign’s hope clearly was that the impact of a cultural icon would prove more potent to a voting public than an endorsement by Kyle would be to political insiders.

    The fact is, though, that Wharton is the clear front-runner and that it is no longer in Byrd’s interest to pretend otherwise. What the Bartlett banker does have, to judge by the turnout Saturday, is a large and loyal commitment from a grass-roots population (heavily black, to judge by the crowd) that will stick it out with him.

    His chances now are not those of a comfortable front-runner but of a Rocky, the underdog with determination and spunk. In private, Byrd’s campaign people employ the rhetoric of “the people versus the powerful” to describe their view of the race, in testament to what they see as Wharton’s considerable number of supporters who are visibly well-off, politically established, and comfortable, but they have not yet ventured to make such rhetoric a strong and vivid part of their public appeal.

    Nor do they (or can they) make much of another assumption shared by most of them — notably the African Americans in Byrd’s campaign. Namely, that a victory by Wharton in May might give the Democratic ticket in August an all-black look which, when complemented by the expected all-white roster of Republican nominees, could make the general election a de facto racial-line campaign, with resultant damage to a discussion of the issues.

    Byrd himself seems to be having difficulty articulating what — at this stage, certainly — ought to be a populist campaign and tends to answer almost every question put to him with variations on his stock speech, which begins with his difficult growing-up in McNairy County and trickles out somewhere around the point that he begins talking about the mounting county debt that he says propelled him into the race.

    The trouble with that is that he’s said that before and it sounded then, as it does now, too much like an accountant talking.

    Still, the man is who he is — well-liked, determined, and feisty, if need be, as well as a sincere believer in opportunity for those who, more or less like himself back in those McNairy County days, will have to come up from nothing.

    It is a considerable irony that his major opponent happens to be a primary exhibit in his own person of such progress, and Byrd can only hope that Wharton’s campaign style at some point begins to appear even more languid, lumbering, and complacent than it already does at times — to the point that voters might heed the strains of a candidate trying as hard as he can to come from behind.

    * How’re you gonna keep ’em down on the farm? In the case of Shelby County Mayor Jim Rout, who was allegedly retiring from politics after the current term to devote time to family and private pursuits (including, yes, a farm), you may not be able to.

    Rout, who considered running for governor this year before opting out of both a gubernatorial race and a race for reelection as mayor, went barnstorming Thursday in a statewide fly-around on behalf of former state Representative Jim Henry of Kingston, who seeks the Republican nomination for governor. That puts Rout on the other side of the GOP primary race from 7th District U.S. Rep. Ed Bryant, who held a press conference, along with other Shelby County GOP officials, to indicate his support for his congressional colleague, 4th District congressman Van Hilleary.

    The Shelby County mayor and son Rick Rout, who is Henry’s Shelby County field rep, accompanied the candidate all the way from the Tri-Cities in northeast Tennessee to the one-day tour’s final stop in Memphis late Thursday afternoon.

    “I knew I’d be working for a gubernatorial candidate named Jim. I just thought it would be a different Jim,” cracked Rick Rout as he presided over the occasion in Memphis at the Signature Air terminal in the airport. (Besides his father, two other Tennessee dignitaries — former Mayor Gene Roberts of Chattanooga and Mayor Dave Bradshaw of Oak Ridge accompanied Henry on the plane tour.)

    After being introduced by Jim Rout Sr., Henry responded angrily to his third-place position in a poll released by presumed GOP front-runner Hilleary, calling the poll “bogus” and pronouncing Hilleary unelectable.

    The poll, carried out under Hilleary auspices, showed the 4th District congressman running first among Republicans, little-known minister Bob Tripp second, and Henry third.

    Henry challenged the poll’s authenticity and said, “We [Republicans] don’t need to be involved in something like that.” And he responded with a firm “No!” when asked if Hilleary, who is vacating his 4th District congressional seat to run for governor, could be elected.

    “With the kind of trouble the state is in, people are looking for someone with experience in local and state government. They don’t want to take any chances,” said Henry, who cited “the good old days” when he worked with former Governor Lamar Alexander in several capacities, including that of House Republican leader.

    Declining to reveal how much money he had raised in his campaign so far, the former state representative and Kingston mayor chided Hilleary for several press releases publicizing the congressman’s purported receipts, most recently to the tune of $2.1 million, saying, “If you make this a money game, we might as well concede the election to Phil Bredesen.” (Former Nashville mayor Bredesen, a Democratic candidate for governor, is independently wealthy and has also issued a press release claiming fund-raising totals of $3.1 million.)

    Henry said to the supporters in attendance at the terminal that the election should be about “trust” and that he trusted the people to vote via referendum on whether or not the state should have an income tax.

    Henry agreed with Hilleary about one matter, however — that of declining to sign an anti-income-tax pledge. “It would be irresponsible for a potential governor to take a position like that, especially if we’re asking the people to vote on it,” said Henry, who said he personally opposed a state income tax.

    If Henry had Rout, however, Hilleary could boast a whole roster of Republicans at his press conference Monday. Not just erstwhile rival Bryant but the likes of county Register Tom Leatherwood, Probate Court Clerk Chris Thomas, County Clerk Jayne Creson, County Trustee Bob Patterson, state Representatives Paul Stanley and Bubba Pleasant, state Senator Mark Norris, and former local GOP chairman David Kustoff.

    And, while he continued to protest his opposition to a state income tax and showed an affinity for the proper Republican buzzwords on most other issues, Hilleary also made an effort to suggest that his continued electability from Tennessee’s 4th District, which stretches from East Tennessee into Middle Tennessee and is, he says, predominantly Democratic, shows him to be capable of outreach to the political opposition.