Category: Politics Beat Blog

U.S. Senator Fred Thompson, a Republican, and U.S. Rep. Harold Ford Jr., a Democrat, figured in important public statements over the last two days– Thompson in a way that suggests the current national crisis may bring him closer to running for re-election next year and Ford stepping forward as an exponent of bipartisan support for emergency legislation.

Expressing a need “to be in Tennessee among Tennesseans,” Thompson appeared at a Nashville church service on Sunday and later Sunday night at Bellevue Baptist Church, where he received tumultuous applause from an overflowing congregation.

The senator spoke to one consequence of Tuesday’s terrorist attacks: “This is a wakeup call for us that perhaps in some respects we’ve been needing.” He cautioned against expectations of immediate results in the newly declared war against terrorism.

“We’re not going to be able to bomb our way to victory at 20,000 feet in two or three days,” Thompson said. “But it’s something we’ve got to do and something we will do … . We’re going to get back to the running of America, and we’re going to make the folks who did this wish they hadn’t done it.”

In an interview with MSNBC Monday, Ford expressed his willingness “as a moderate Democrat” to consider the reduction or elimination of capital-gains taxes and the possible suspension of payroll taxes, both ends sought by the Bush administration. Ford suggested that an increase in the current minimum wage might be a part of this “broader stimulus package.”

Ford also said he thought Congress would enact emergency financial aid for the nation’s airlines and enact stricter airport security requirements when it reconvenes on Thursday.

U.S. Senator Fred Thompson, a Republican, and U.S. Rep. Harold Ford Jr., a Democrat, figured in important public statements over the last two days– Thompson in a way that suggests the current national crisis may bring him closer to running for re-election next year and Ford stepping forward as an exponent of bipartisan support for emergency legislation.

Expressing a need “to be in Tennessee among Tennesseans,” Thompson appeared at a Nashville church service on Sunday and later Sunday night at Bellevue Baptist Church, where he received tumultuous applause from an overflowing congregation.

The senator spoke to one consequence of Tuesday’s terrorist attacks: “This is a wakeup call for us that perhaps in some respects we’ve been needing.” He cautioned against expectations of immediate results in the newly declared war against terrorism.

“We’re not going to be able to bomb our way to victory at 20,000 feet in two or three days,” Thompson said. “But it’s something we’ve got to do and something we will do … . We’re going to get back to the running of America, and we’re going to make the folks who did this wish they hadn’t done it.”

In an interview with MSNBC Monday, Ford expressed his willingness “as a moderate Democrat” to consider the reduction or elimination of capital-gains taxes and the possible suspension of payroll taxes, both ends sought by the Bush administration. Ford suggested that an increase in the current minimum wage might be a part of this “broader stimulus package.”

Ford also said he thought Congress would enact emergency financial aid for the nation’s airlines and enact stricter airport security requirements when it reconvenes on Thursday.

Lucia Gilliland and her husband, Memphis attorney Jim Gilliland are among the closest friends that Al and Tipper Gore have. Both Gillilands went to Washington after the first election of the Clinton-Gore ticket in 1992 and took jobs with the new administration — Lucia as an official advisor to the Gores in the White House and as a national director of the Women’s Leadership Forum of the Democratic National Committee, and Jim as chief legal counsel for the Department of Agriculture. Both were heavily involved in the Gore presidential campaign of 2000. Both continue to see the Gores on a friend-to-friend basis.

And Lucia Gilliland, who has more than a casual interest in what comes next and more insight than most into what that could be, thinks the former Vice President is virtually certain to seek the Democratic nomination for 2004. And when he does, actually even before he does in any formal sense, Gilliland is determined to take an active leadership role on the Tennesse end of things. “It was here that he lost the election. Florida wouldn’t have mattered if he’d carried Tennessee,” said Gilliland during a weekend conversation. And she vowed, “We won’t fall short again.”

One of the problems with Gore’s campaign in Tennessee, Gilliland said, was that he seemed to be scheduled for quick in-and-out fundraising trips (“Wham bam, thanks for the money”), but not much more. And she concurred with the criticisms of those who said Gore’s media advertising failed to be as Tennessee-specific as it could have been.

Mroeover, said Gilliland, the best way for Al Gore to wage another presidential campaign is as himself — warts and all. “But not the beard!” she said, seemingly aghast at Gore’s newest experiment with personal transformation.

“It was a mistake” for Gore to submit to the various remodeling efforts that attracted so much negative attention during the last campaign period, Gilliland said. “He’d have come off better if he’d run as the real Al Gore.” On balance, she believes, Gore’s virtues — which include intelligence, knowledgeability, dedication, and good intentions — outshine his flaws, which include a tendency to go flat at inconvenient times and an awkwardness at some of the people skills required by politics.

Gore will never be as smooth as the man whom he served as vice president for eight years, former President Bill Clinton, says Lucia Gilliland. And yes, she agrees with various post-mortems of Gore’s near-miss which suggest that he might have gone over the top if he’d involved Clinton more actively in the campaign — specifically in Tennessee and Arkansas.

The thinking of Gore’s advisers seemed to be that too much closeness to Clinton would offend “the swing voter,” Gilliland said, shaking her head and shrugging. In any case, as she noted, the former president won’t be an issue in the campaign period of 2003-4, for better or for worse.

What will be an issue is what she sees as the “terrible” record being made in economic and other policy areas by the current president, Republican George W.Bush. And if voters get a chance to choose between the two of them again, especially between a Bush who is no longer an unknown quantity and a Gore who is content to be known as he really is, “it won’t even be close.”

Circuit Court Clerk Jimmy Moore reluctantly decided this past weekend not to seek either the office of Shelby County mayor or that of sheriff.

Moore’s friend, developer Jackie Welch, had overseen polling into both possibilities. “The race could be won,” Moore said about the sheriff’s race, always the stronger possibility of the two ventures now eliminated.

Moore will now pursue a reelection race to the clerk’s job, seeking the Republican nomination as before.

Meanwhile, Mark Luttrell, director of the Shelby County Division of Corrections, is actively considering a race for sheriff, presumably as a Republican, the Flyer has learned.

Lucia Gilliland and her husband, Memphis attorney Jim Gilliland are among the closest friends that Al and Tipper Gore have. Both Gillilands went to Washington after the first election of the Clinton-Gore ticket in 1992 and took jobs with the new administration Ð Lucia as an official advisor to the Gores in the White House and as a national director of the Women’s Leadership Forum of the Democratic National Committee, and Jim as chief legal counsel for the Department of Agriculture. Both were heavily involved in the Gore presidential campaign of 2000. Both continue to see the Gores on a friend-to-friend basis.

And Lucia Gilliland, who has more than a casual interest in what comes next and more insight than most into what that could be, thinks the former Vice President is virtually certain to seek the Democratic nomination for 2004. And when he does, actually even before he does in any formal sense, Gilliland is determined to take an active leadership role on the Tennesse end of things. ÒIt was here that he lost the election. Florida wouldnÕt have mattered if heÕd carried Tennessee,Ó said Gilliland during a weekend conversation. And she vowed, ÒWe wonÕt fall short again.Ó

One of the problems with GoreÕs campaign in Tennessee, Gilliland said, was that he seemed to be scheduled for quick in-and-out fundraising trips (ÒWham bam, thanks for the moneyÓ), but not much more. And she concurred with the criticisms of those who said GoreÕs media advertising failed to be as Tennessee-specific as it could have been.

Mroeover, said Gilliland, the best way for Al Gore to wage another presidential campaign is as himself Ð warts and all. ÒBut not the beard!Ó she said, seemingly aghast at GoreÕs newest experiment with personal transformation.

ÒIt was a mistakeÓ for Gore to submit to the various remodeling efforts that attracted so much negative attention during the last campaign period, Gilliland said. ÒHeÕd have come off better if heÕd run as the real Al Gore.Ó On balance, she believes, GoreÕs virtues Ð which include intelligence, knowledgeability, dedication, and good intentions — outshine his flaws, which include a tendency to go flat at inconvenient times and an awkwardness at some of the people skills required by politics.

Gore will never be as smooth as the man whom he served as vice president for eight years, former President Bill Clinton, says Lucia Gilliland. And yes, she agrees with various post-mortems of GoreÕs near-miss which suggest that he might have gone over the top if heÕd involved Clinton more actively in the campaign Ð specifically in Tennessee and Arkansas.

The thinking of GoreÕs advisers seemed to be that too much closeness to Clinton would offend Òthe swing voter,Ó Gilliland said, shaking her head and shrugging. In any case, as she noted, the former president wonÕt be an issue in the campaign period of 2003-4, for better or for worse.

What will be an issue is what she sees as the ÒterribleÓ record being made in economic and other policy areas by the current president, Republican George W.Bush. And if voters get a chance to choose between the two of them again, especially between a Bush who is no longer an unknown quantity and a Gore who is content to be known as he really is, Òit wonÕt even be close.Ó

Circuit Court Clerk Jimmy Moore reluctantly decided this past weekend not to seek either the office of Shelby County mayor or that of sheriff.

Moore’s friend, developer Jackie Welch, had overseen polling into both possibilities. “The race could be won,” Moore said about the sheriff’s race, always the stronger possibility of the two ventures now eliminated.

Moore will now pursue a reelection race to the clerk’s job, seeking the Republican nomination as before.

Meanwhile, Mark Luttrell, director of the Shelby County Division of Corrections, is actively considering a race for sheriff, presumably as a Republican, the Flyer has learned.

U.S. Rep. Van Hilleary (R-4th), the consensus favorite to become the Republican nominee for governor of Tennessee next year, continues to speak of the administration of the man he wants to succeed, Governor Don Sundquist, as a handicap to GOP efforts to hold on to the statehouse.

In an interview two weeks ago when Hilleary was in town to address the East Shelby Republican ClubÕs Master Meal, the congressman and former Gulf War combat pilot spoke directly to the ÒdivisiveÓ nature of SundquistÕs backing of an income tax. Speaking Saturday to attendees of the Dutch Treat Luncheon at the Audobon CafŽ on Park Ave., Hilleary was somewhat more circumspect.

ÒElectability will be an issue for Republicans,Ó Hilleary said, Òconsidering the way things have been done the last few years.Ó

He would not elaborate on the reference afterward, but everyone asked about the remark Ð- event co-chairmen Ed McAteer and Charles Peete, for example — said it was clear he meant Sundquist would be a handicap to the Republican nomineee.

The subject of electability loomed large for Hilleary. He seemed to be making a point of addressing fears that have been expressed in some circles that he, though far ahead of any conceivable Republican opponent in both fundraising and political support, might not be competitive enough against former Nashville Mayor Phil Bredesen, the likely Democratic nominee.

ÒHow are you going to address that and still win?Ó the congressman asked rhetorically after invoking the specter of Sundquist and his espousal of an income tax. Saying ÒI love to be a risk tasker, but I have no intention of being a kamikaze pilot,Ó he then went on to enumerate reasons why he is confident of victory.

Reason One was that Ed Bryant, the incumbent Republican congressman in TennesseeÕs 7th district, got fully 50 percent of his vote for the Shelby County suburbs, and Hilleary suggested he would do as well. ÒItÕs a very Republican district.Ó He then pointed out that the stateÕs three easternmost congressional districts were died-in-the-woll Republican ones and that in his own 4th district he had carried all the counties that former Vice President Al Gore had in his 2000 presidential campaign.

Add to that the fact that the remaining districts, except for the 5th (Nashville) and the 9th (inner-city Memphis) were either going upscale in a way that was good for Republican candidates or were conservative and rural, and the odds were good for a conservative Republican candidacy like his own, Hilleary suggested Ð especially since, as he made it clear, he intended to paint Bredesen as a tax-and-spend elitist Democrat.

Issues addressed by Hilleary at the luncheon included: education, which he named as his priority and which, he said, had to be freed from the control of teachersÕ unions and dosed with accountability standards; TennCare, which had to be ratcheted down from benefit levels which made it too attractive for would-be patients, including many in other states, and too expensive for the state to administer; campaign-finance reform, which he said was unsatisfactorily addressed in the current McCain-Feingold bill, which gave workers no redress as to how their unions chose to make candidate donations; and, of course, a state income tax, which he opposes and which he called Òthe type of tax that interferes with your life the most.Ó

It is reasonably well known that U.S. Rep. Harold Ford Jr. of MemphisÕs 9th congressional district has become a big-time player in the cathode-tube universe of Inside-the-Beltway Washington. What is not so widely known is some of the dramas the 31-year-old third-term congressman has played in.

A road-show version of one of them, called ÒCampaign-Finance Reform,Ó came to the University of MemphisÕ Faulkner Lounge Friday, and a good time was hand by all, despite the absence, due to a prostate operation, of the dramaÕs main player, Senator John McCain (who, said Ford at one point with respectful irreverence, Òis the one that sucks up all the air timeÓ).

The other familiar cable-news faces were there, however Ð Sen. Russ Feingold, the Senate co-sponsor, with McCain of the major extant reform bill, McCain-Feingold; Reps. Chris Shays (R-Ct.) and Martin Meehan (D-Mass.), sponsors of the companion House bill Ð along with two not-so-familiar ones, Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.), a legendary veteran of the Civil Rights movement; Rep. Marion Berry(D-Ark.); and Scott Harshbarger, head of Common Cause.

All had their moments in the presentation of the common cause, which was, of course, the bill to ban impose strict limits on the cornucopic, corporate-tainted Òsoft moneyÓ which the sponsors all feel restricts the civil rights of ordinary Americans and favors special interests.

Among other things, the bill would:

* Ban soft money contributions to the national political parties from corporations, labor unions and wealthy individuals.

* Provide a clear distinction between expenditures on behalf of candidates Ð which would be subject of the financial limits of federal election law — and those used to advocate issues;

* Curtail undisclosed soft-money expenditures for issue ads in the closing days of campaigns;

* Require timelier disclosures and establish stiffer penalties for violations.

As Ford and the other panelists noted, McCain-Feingold is now bottled up in the House, where members will have to approve a discharge petition in order for the bill to be considered on the floor.

At a brief press conference before the event, Ford was cited by his fellow panelists as a major force in the effort to pass McCain-Feingold. He has been the subject of several articles noting his missionary work for the bill with fellow African Americans in Congress.

ÒWhen we started a few weeks ago, there were only five African-American members willing to say they were for the bill. By the time we get to a vote, that number should be close to 30,Ó said Ford, who attributed an early reluctance by black members to a belief that soft-money contributions were a boon to black fund-raising, since individual hard-money donations at the maximum level were harder to come by.

ÒI think I finally convinced many of them that you could judge who the bill would help and who it would hurt by the people who were lined up on both sides of it,Ó Ford said.

A bit of time-space-warp commentary was provided at the forum by Rep. Shays, who told the audience that Rep. Meehan had “gotten up at 6 a.m. this morning so he could be at Gracie Mansion.” It turned up that Graceland Mansion, the home of the late Elvis Presley, and not Gracie Mansion, home of New York’s mayor, was what he meant. Meehan said that he had indeed boarded a 6 a.m. flight to Memphis so that he could check out Elvis’ house.

— J.B.

U.S. Rep. Van Hilleary (R-4th), the consensus favorite to become the Republican nominee for governor of Tennessee next year, continues to speak of the administration of the man he wants to succeed, Governor Don Sundquist, as a handicap to GOP efforts to hold on to the statehouse.

In an interview two weeks ago when Hilleary was in town to address the East Shelby Republican Club’s Master Meal, the congressman and former Gulf War combat pilot spoke directly to the “divisive” nature of Sundquist’s backing of an income tax. Speaking Saturday to attendees of the Dutch Treat Luncheon at the Audobon Cafe on Park Ave., Hilleary was somewhat more circumspect.

“Electability will be an issue for Republicans,” Hilleary said, “considering the way things have been done the last few years.”

He would not elaborate on the reference afterward, but everyone asked about the remark — event co-chairmen Ed McAteer and Charles Peete, for example — said it was clear he meant Sundquist would be a handicap to the Republican nomineee.

The subject of electability loomed large for Hilleary. He seemed to be making a point of addressing fears that have been expressed in some circles that he, though far ahead of any conceivable Republican opponent in both fundraising and political support, might not be competitive enough against former Nashville Mayor Phil Bredesen, the likely Democratic nominee.

“How are you going to address that and still win?” the congressman asked rhetorically after invoking the specter of Sundquist and his espousal of an income tax. Saying “I love to be a risk tasker, but I have no intention of being a kamikaze pilot,” he then went on to enumerate reasons why he is confident of victory.

Reason One was that Ed Bryant, the incumbent Republican congressman in Tennessee’s 7th district, got fully 50 percent of his vote for the Shelby County suburbs, and Hilleary suggested he would do as well. “It’s a very Republican district.” He then pointed out that the state’s three easternmost congressional districts were died-in-the-woll Republican ones and that in his own 4th district he had carried all the counties that former Vice President Al Gore had in his 2000 presidential campaign.

Add to that the fact that the remaining districts, except for the 5th (Nashville) and the 9th (inner-city Memphis) were either going upscale in a way that was good for Republican candidates or were conservative and rural, and the odds were good for a conservative Republican candidacy like his own, Hilleary suggested — especially since, as he made it clear, he intended to paint Bredesen as a tax-and-spend elitist Democrat.

Issues addressed by Hilleary at the luncheon included: education, which he named as his priority and which, he said, had to be freed from the control of teachers’ unions and dosed with accountability standards; TennCare, which had to be ratcheted down from benefit levels which made it too attractive for would-be patients, including many in other states, and too expensive for the state to administer; campaign-finance reform, which he said was unsatisfactorily addressed in the current McCain-Feingold bill, which gave workers no redress as to how their unions chose to make candidate donations; and, of course, a state income tax, which he opposes and which he called “the type of tax that interferes with your life the most.”

It is reasonably well known that U.S. Rep. Harold Ford Jr. of Memphis’ 9th congressional district has become a big-time player in the cathode-tube universe of Inside-the-Beltway Washington. What is not so widely known is some of the dramas the 31-year-old third-term congressman has played in.

A road-show version of one of them, called “Campaign-Finance Reform,” came to town Friday, and a good time was hand by all, despite the absence, due to a prostate operation, of the drama’s main player, Senator John McCain (who, said Ford at one point with respectful irreverence, “is the one that sucks up all the air time”).

The other familiar cable-news faces were there, however Ð Sen. Russ Feingoldthe Senate co-sponsor, with McCain of the major extant reform bill, McCain-Feingold; Reps. Chris Shays (R-Ct.) and Martin Meehan (D-Mass.), sponsors of the companion House bill Ð along with two not-so-familiar ones, Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.), a legendary veteran of the Civil Rights movement; Rep. Marion Berry(D-Ark.); and Scott Harshbarger, head of Common Cause.

All had their moments in the presentation of the common cause, which was, of course, the bill to ban impose strict limits on the cornucopic, corporate-tainted Òsoft moneyÓ which the sponsors all feel restricts the civil rights of ordinary Americans and favors special interests.

(A full report will be posted Saturday)