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Fresh Start in Nashville: Criminal Justice Reform on the Docket

Everybody agrees that there was an air of kumbaya to the inauguration of Governor Bill Lee on a rainy January 9th inside War Memorial Auditorium. Part of it derived from the personality of the new chief executive, whose laid-back, inviting demeanor made him the gubernatorial choice last year of Tennesseans who doubtless felt overdosed by the bitter back-and-forthing of his two chief opponents for the Republican gubernatorial nomination — and who have not yet recovered the habit of treating Democratic statewide candidates with full seriousness.

Lee’s acceptance address at his inauguration was in keeping with his campaign persona — uplifting without being confined to specifics, a partial reason for its brevity. On the whole, the speech was not much longer than the bookend prayers of the event — the invocation and benediction. It contained the obligatory tribute to faith, family, and the ancestral virtues of Tennessee and Tennesseans.

And the new governor left no doubt that, for him, as for most prominent Republicans of our clime and time, “[g]overnment is not the answer to our greatest challenges.” As he intoned: “Government’s role is to protect our rights and our liberty and our freedom. I believe in a limited government that provides unlimited opportunity for we the people to address the greatest challenges of our day.”

Justin Wright, Tennessee State Photographer

And yet Lee served notice that there were areas of concern that he intended to move state government to address. Among them were:

Education: “More than a test score — it’s about preparing a child for success in life. A resurgence of vocational, technical, and agricultural education, and the inclusion of civics and character education, combined with reforms, will take Tennessee to the top tier of states.”

Poverty, urban and rural: “[W]e … have 15 counties in poverty, all rural, all Tennesseans. We have some of the most economically distressed ZIP codes in America — right in the heart of our greatest cities.”

Public Safety: “Tennesseans do want good jobs and schools, but they want safe neighborhoods, too. And while most neighborhoods are safe, our violent crime rate is on the rise in every major city. We can be tough on crime and smart on crime at the same time. For violent criminals and traffickers, justice should be swift and certain.”

And, as a necessary corollary to crime control and safety, “But here’s the reality, 95 percent of the people in prison today are coming out. And today in Tennessee, half of them commit crimes again and return to prison within the first three years. We need to help non-violent criminals re-enter society, and not re-enter prison.”

Jackson Baker

Governor Bill Lee addresses the crowd at the War Memorial Auditorium in Nashville (top); Antonio Parkinson shakes hands with Lang Wiseman (below).

It is that part of the new governor’s commitment that has engendered excitement among his reform-minded constituents, as well as among legislators — many of them hailing from Memphis and Shelby County [see sidebar] — and among movers and shakers at large.

One of the latter is Hedy Weinberg, head of the Tennessee chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union, who, in a luncheon address to the Rotary Club of Memphis last week, made a point of proclaiming her confidence in Lee’s bona fides on the subject of criminal justice reform.

She pronounced the governor to be “very committed to criminal justice reform” and went so far as to say, “we speak the same language” on that issue.

If Lee lucked out with that endorsement from the ACLU’s Weinberg, he had worse fortune on another occasion. In the immediate wake of the inauguration, the new governor went to a ceremony at Tennessee State University honoring Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. There, he delivered a convincing testimony regarding his intention to provide more effective and humane solutions to post-conviction offenders seeking to re-enter society. He did well, but then, as veteran scribe Erik Schelzig chronicled it in The Tennessee Journal:

“… Lee then took a seat behind the lectern [and] Rev. William Barber II, the head of the Poor People’s Campaign, which is a revival of King’s effort that has mounted recent acts of civil disobedience in Nashville. … [Lee] most notably stayed seated when Barber called on anyone opposing President Donald Trump’s border wall and supporting Medicaid expansion to stand. Barber thundered that King would have favored a series of policies opposed by most Republicans, including a living wage, a ban on assault weapons, and universal health care (he denounced it as a “shame and a disgrace” for Tennessee to have failed to expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act). “The crowd loved it.” But Lee, meanwhile, sat stoically and uneasily.
Asked about this in an interview with the Flyer, Lee acknowledged his discomfort and took a stab at presenting an alternative view: “The biggest challenge we have in health care is that we have skyrocketing costs that people can’t afford. So my plan focuses on reducing the cost of health care and improving the health of people, which would decrease costs as it improves people’s well-being. It’s about how we can make people healthier. A large percentage of our current health-care needs are associated with preventable chronic disease.”

Jackson Baker

Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris (above) and newly elected Tennessee Governor Bill Lee have both made juvenile justice reform an issue in their approaches to government.

Medicaid expansion is not the only subject on which the state’s new governor possesses views that some would find contrary. School vouchers are another. Avowed progressives oppose it on grounds of separating church and state, and the suburban conservatives of Shelby County have soured on it as a threat to the tax-supported municipal school systems they now have a vested interest in. Even state Senator Brian Kelsey of Germantown, the arch-conservative supporter of voucher measures for 16 straight legislative sessions chose last year not to introduce his usual measure to divert public funds selectively on behalf of students at private institutions.

Lee is a resident of Williamson County, an expansive suburban area just south of Nashville, where House Speaker Glen Casada, who has proposed reviving voucher legislation, also hails from and where vouchers are regarded less warily.

The governor prefers to refer to the subject as a matter of school choices. “I think the choices for parents are very important. The most important thing is that every child have access to a good education. We need to strengthen our school system. Part of the way to do that is to allow parents to have choice.

“Education savings accounts, charter schools, public school choices: These are all things that I’m willing to look at to improve the opportunity for education for every kid.

“My interest in school choice — that’s a broad choice for all areas in the state. That’s an interest in elevating the quality and outcomes of our school system all across the state. Vo-tech and agricultural and CTE (that’s career technical education). There’s a lot of phraseology and terms around that, but primarily it is expanding opportunities for kids in our schools, more skills-attainment for our kids, and opportunities for success in life. My real interest there does lie in vocational- technical and agricultural-educational public schools system.”

Courtesy American Civil Liberties Union of Tennessee

Hedy Weinberg

Somewhere in there are surely points for possible compromise.

Another controversial view ascribed to Governor Lee is an openness to the idea of “constitutonal carry” or the virtually unlimited (and unlicensed) privilege of citizens to carry firearms — a severe reduction that a neighboring state like Mississippi has already adopted.

Lee is not quite there yet. “All I’ve said is that I would sign a constitutional carry bill if one passed my desk. It’s not an issue that I’m leading on. I try to stay focused on things that we’re trying to present in a legislative package. These are around vocational education, around recidivism, and job development. Those are the things we’re focusing on.”

Other things that Lee focused on in the Flyer interview, which took place last Friday at the beginning of his first weekend as governor:

Possible consequences for state government of a federal government shut-down: “My understanding is that the most recent one is over, at least for some period of time. We won’t have to deal with it for several weeks anyway. But I certainly want to stay on top of things. I’ve had folks in our administration start looking for what effects could come, if a shutdown would resume or continue, but that’s about as far as we’ve got.”

Spending and governmental priorities: “I’ve asked every department to lay out what it would look like to cut two percent from their budgets. We certainly will take some of those cuts. My overall goal is to reduce government spending to the degree that we can — and certainly to minimize potential increases. All of those cuts are on the table to be taken, but even if not, they are valuable in determining priorities and what to do with the resources we have. But we have opportunities to cut in every department. I believe in limited government.”

His first actions as governor: “I put out executive orders that strengthened orders previously in place on ethics, transparency, and discrimination. My first executive order was one strengthening our aid to rural counties — particularly those 15 that are under the poverty line.”

The West Tennessee Megasite: “I actually spent about an hour today with the Economic Development Commissioner, with our deputy governor, and with my senior adviser Brandon Gibson, who is from Jackson. We were assessing the megasite, exactly where the asset is today, what is necessary to get it shovel-ready, what are the options, and what are the prospects. It’s very important to me and to the state, so I’m spending time here in my first week getting up to speed with a complete in-depth understanding of the megasite.

“I don’t have an idea yet of the additional funding required. One of the questions I asked today was how many dollars it would take to get it ready. I want to know what it takes for a tenant to occupy it, in short order.”

Plan to raise Shelby County to the rest of the state: “I met this morning with our senior team, including Deputy Governor Lang Wiseman. He’s from Memphis. We talked about economic opportunities, job creation, and economic incentives to attract industry into West Tennessee. When you think about educational reform, there’s no place more appropriate than Memphis as a place to do that. It’s one of the largest cities in the state, and it has some of the greatest opportunities for improvement in our educational system. The accelerated transformation of Shelby County is important if we want Tennessee to make it to a leading place in the country.”

Summing up: “I believe that Tennesseans are a unique group and that we have a real opportunity. There is more that unites us than divides us. That’s the way I ran my campaign, and it’s  the way I want to govern. Hopefully, that’s absolutely what will happen.

Justice  Reform: A Consensus Point

As Hedy Weinberg of the Tennessee ACLU observes, the Tennessee General Assembly has in recent years seen an increasing incidence of cooperation between legislators of the left and right on bills aimed at criminal justice reform. Though in an address last week to members of the Rotary Club of Memphis she noted such remaining stands of potential obstruction as the bail-bond industry, Weinberg hailed what she saw as a dawning era of bipartisan agreement on reform issues.

Governor Lee has singled out criminal justice reform as a major governmental aim and would seem to be actively seeking out partners.

One of the interested parties is Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris, who has made juvenile justice reform a major issue in his own approach to government. Harris, who vigorously protested the decision of the U.S. Department of Justice to cease its monitoring activities over Juvenile Court, has called for the demolition of the antiquated existing facilities for housing juvenile offenders, and is attempting to persuade the Shelby County Commission to create a new assessment center for juveniles, and to pony up the sources for an upgraded new detention facility that offers the youth inside it access to fresh air, recreation, and abundant classroom activity. Only this week, he persuaded the commission to authorize the first financial component on what will be a $25 million facility and persuaded commissioners further to give it the working title of Youth Justice and Education Center.

Harris, as a Democratic state senator, pioneered in bipartisan criminal-justice reform efforts, sometimes in tandem with such opposite numbers as Republican state Senator Brian Kelsey of Germantown. He has also asked newly sworn-in District 33 state Senator Katrina Robinson, among others, to carry a remedial package of legislation on behalf of the county.

Robinson has jumped into the criminal-reform conversation in dramatic fashion, sponsoring a plethora of bills on the subject:

Senate Bill 62 would require the Department of Education to develop rules, to be adopted by the state board of education that include procedures for providing instruction to students incarcerated in juvenile detention centers for a minimum of four hours each instructional day.

SB 63 would expand career and technical education programs in the middle school grades and require the Board of Career and Technical Education to plan facilities for comprehensive career and technical training for middle-school students.

SB 65 and SB 85 would establish a center for driver’s license reinstatement and remove authorization to suspend, restrict, or revoke drivers’ licenses for nonpayment of fines, court costs, and litigation taxes for driving offenses, upon proof of inability to pay.

SB 69 would reduce the sentence a minor who commits first-degree murder is required to serve before becoming eligible for release from 51 years to 25 years. (This is one of several pieces of legislation introduced by the Shelby County delegation that indirectly reference the case of Cyntoia Brown, for whom outgoing Governor Bll Haslam recommended clemency as one of his last acts.)

Other legislative introductions related to criminal justice reform:

House Bill 17 by another first-term Memphis legislator, state Representative London Lamar, also related to the Cyntoia Brown case, would establish the presumption that a minor who is the victim of a sexual offense or who is engaged in prostitution holds a reasonable belief that the use of force is immediately necessary to avoid imminent death or serious bodily injury.

HB 47 by state Representative Antonio Parkinson would allow a person entitled to seek expunction from the record of a crime to pay an additional $250 fee for expedited expunction, to occur within 30 days of a court order granting expedited expunction.

HB 30  by state Representative Barbara Cooper would permit certain incarcerated persons who are allowed to enroll in courses offered by a community college or Tennessee college of applied technology pursuant to an approved release plan to receive a Tennessee reconnect grant.

The legislative session has just begun, with full committee and floor action commencing this week. The signs are clear that other Shelby County legislators and other bills on the subject of justice reform will be heard from before the deadline for introducing new bills.

Categories
Film Features Film/TV

The Kid Who Would Be King

Late in the summer of 2017, a 7-year-old girl named Matilda Jones was swimming in Dozmary Pool in Cornwall, England, when she saw a glint of metal on the bottom. With the help of her father, she pulled a four-foot sword out of the lake. Coincidentally, Dozmary Pool was where King Arthur returned Excalibur to the Lady of the Lake.

In times past, young Matilda might have either been hailed as the new Queen of England, or promptly assassinated by minions of the actual royal family who did not care to have their divine right to rule questioned by watery tarts lobbing scimitars at peasant girls. As it was, Matilda only got her picture in the Daily Mail, accompanied by a quote from her dad.

Louis Ashbourne Serkis (above) wields Excalibur in Joe Cornish’s The Kid Who Would Be King.

The new British/American production The Kid Who Would Be King takes the premise of Not Quite Queen Matilda to its logical conclusion. What if a kid in modern Britain found Excalibur? We’re talking the real sword King Arthur wielded, not the one from Excalibur, John Boorman’s 1981 retelling of Le Morte d’Arthur.

Director Joe Cornish is certainly familiar with Boorman’s fever dream version of England’s foundational mythology. At one point, he gleefully lifts a gag from Excalibur to show the sword’s mystical powers — simply shining a green light on the sword’s shiny steel surface, then cutting to the awestruck face of his hero Alex (Louis Ashbourne Serkis), who is also painted with a green spotlight. Presto! A glowing sword, without any expensive post-production work.

Aside from that cheeky reference, Cornish’s purpose in making The Kid Who Would Be King is far removed from Boorman’s animating spirit of “Let’s all take peyote and play Knights of the Round Table!” Instead, he has taken the long knives to Arthurian legend and carved out a myth suitable for 21st-century sensibilities. Alex and his best mate Bedders (Dean Chaumoo) reside at the bottom of the social hierarchy at his stereotypically stifling English private school. The pair’s primary bullies are Lance (Tom Taylor) and Kaye (Rhianna Doris). One day, Alex is chased into a construction site, where he falls and is left for dead by his pursuers. When Alex wakes up, he sees a sword stuck in a half-demolished pillar and, being a 12-year-old boy, he naturally takes it home with him.

The one thing Cornish and Boorman’s movies have in common is Patrick Stewart. Boorman cast the not-yet-bald actor as Queen Guenevere’s father, while Cornish puts him the role of Old Merlin, who shows up when the exposition needs a little gravitas. Young Merlin (who is actually old Merlin, because the fey wizard ages backwards) is played by Angus Imrie, channeling Nicol Williamson’s psychotically eccentric performance from Excalibur. Merlin tells Alex and his “knight” Beddars that they have four days to stop the evil enchantress Morgana (Rebecca Ferguson) from using the occasion of a solar eclipse to return to Earth and do lots of bad stuff.

The Hero’s Journey has proven to be a popular and malleable template for films since George Lucas applied its refined form to Star Wars. But the Hero’s Journey in general and Arthurian legend in particular can be problematic in its emphasis in holy bloodlines and “chosen one” mythology. Cornish, who deconstructed alien invasion tropes while launching John Boyega’s career in his debut film Attack the Block, sets out to do the same thing to King Arthur that Rian Johnson did for Star Wars in The Last Jedi: identify and magnify the good parts of the Hero’s Journey while leaving the regressive elements behind. Cornish doesn’t have Johnson’s budget or sweeping vision, but he manages to make the story palatable for post-Potter tastes. Serkis’ performance as a nerdy kid called to kinghood reaches its apex when he recruits Lance and Kaye to his cause, pointing out that Arthur conquered not by force, but by converting his enemies into friends.

Cornish has devoted his subtext to speaking to the fears and animosities of Brexit Britain. The text is inoffensive, all-ages fun that defaults to the lightweight and pulls punches, lest it scare the kiddies too badly. (Say what you will about Harry Potter‘s shortcomings, at least characters died and the stakes felt real.) But did the world really need another blowhard Arthur and a Round Table of gritty, humorless fanatics? The Kid Who Would Be King‘s good-natured positivity seems much more appropriate to the moment.

Categories
Editorial Opinion

Grading Government on the Curve

It is probably too early to give out report cards on our various branches of government, but before we move deeper into what could turn out to be a crucial year, a little preliminary judgmentalism might serve a constructive purpose.

Justin Fox Burks

Lee Harris

To start with the national government: Now, that is an unruly classroom. As a collective institution, it gets an Incomplete, and that’s grading charitably. The president, Donald Trump, gets an F, and that, too, is almost an act of charity. It almost implies that Trump is trying to succeed at something. There’s no question that the president has failed singly — to articulate and carry out a coherent, productive theme of government, as well as to accomplish any of his sundry private goals, notorious among which is his insistence on building a wall on our southern border. One of the first things most of us learned in school was the folly of the Great Wall of China. At enormous expense, an impenetrable barrier was erected across that Asian nation’s northern frontier, preventing potentially troublesome access from without but also dooming a once thriving kingdom to hundreds of years of isolation and stagnation from which it is only now recovering. Trump would have us repeat that doomed experiment. Meanwhile, he is failing at various other assignments and seems not to know the meaning of homework.

On the score of conduct, he also fails at working and playing with others — having made a mess of our relations with long and trusted allies and simultaneously permitting — or inviting — outside bullies of his acquaintance to nose into our classroom and creating enough mayhem of his own to shut things down altogether. All in all, some form of expulsion may be the only option here.

At the level of state government, we’ve just begun what amounts to a new semester, and from the looks of things [see cover story], the various students involved in the  process seem entitled, at the very least, to an A for effort.

We have a city council that is just getting reorganized after several of its members transferred to other institutions. The reconstituted group is about to undergo crucial exams in the form of an election year, as is Mayor Strickland, whose authority to lead the body is about to be tested as well. The final grades here will come decisively this fall.

County government is off in a brand new direction under the tutelage of a new mayor, Lee Harris, who is proposing what amounts to a new curriculum based on re-evaluating the nature of justice. So far the body of commissioners he’s working with seem inclined to follow his example and are working in harness, keenly exploring the new group project. This effort, too, needs some additional time for evaluation, but we are impressed so far.

Government is an inexact science, and opinions about it are famously subjective. All grading is, more or less, on the curve of our relatively modest expectations. We will periodically  look in on the various branches of government in this space and let you know what progress, if any, is being made.

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We Recommend We Recommend

The Art of The Fantasy Novel at the Dixon

Fantasy fiction is vastly popular. The last season of HBO’s Game of Thrones is probably the year’s most anticipated television event. Still, Jenny M. Duggan Jackson thinks genre fiction gets a short shrift.

“You don’t see workshops on fantasy,” she says. “I was like, ‘Why is that?'”

When she was still an MFA candidate at the University of Memphis, Jackson foucued on creative nonfiction. “I can write about the things I know,” she says. Somewhere along the way she discovered that fantasy fiction was something she knew quite a bit about.

Gow927 | Dreamstime.com

Jackson’s Art of the Fantasy Novel workshop is a trilogy divided — like most great fantasy epics — into three distinct parts. The first focuses on classical mythology and its influence on modern fantasy. “[Earthsea author] Ursula K. Le Guin has written several very informative books for writers, and I’m going to use a couple of her writing prompts to help students get started,” Jackson says. “We also have an interesting exhibit here at the Dixon. Annabelle Meacham is a local artist and Neo-surrealist painter. Her imaginative and whimsical art will be another writing prompt.”

The second session is devoted to the nuts and bolts of plotting and character development, and at the final week’s meeting, participants can read their work and receive feedback.

“With fantasy you can talk about important issues that matter to people in life without being too stilted or heavy-handed,” Jackson says. “You can talk about gender or you can talk about race or you can talk about all these different things but slightly removed from the everyday.”

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We Recommend We Recommend

TedX at Crosstown Arts Theater

When TED conferences took off in the early 1990s, the conversations the organization hosted tended to be technology forward, with a heavy splash of design. But the organization quickly grew into its motto, “ideas worth sharing,” and today, TED talks and their independently produced regional variant, the TEDx, can be about almost anything. But expect Memphis to weave itself in and out of the narratives when TEDx returns to Memphis for its fourth consecutive year. It’s setting up shop for a pair of sessions in Crosstown Arts Theater Saturday, February 2nd.

“Most of our speakers are local, so the ideas often have a particular relevance to Memphis,” Memphis TEDx organizer and Executive Director Anna Mullins says. “But hopefully they have relevance outside the city limits.”

This year’s TEDx theme is “ideas or the next century,” and it is partly inspired by the city’s bicentennial celebration. Mullins says that’s, “just a big broad tent for forward-thinking talks that look at what’s next for the city.”

Fewer than 20 speakers were selected from more that 250 applicants. This year’s presenters include Hooks Institute director Daphene McFerren, who’ll explore topics of artificial intelligence and automation and how they intersect with poverty and race relations. Other speakers include Alex Castle of Old Dominick Distillery, James Dukes of I Make Mad Beats, Playback Memphis founder Virginia Murphy, and Clayborn Temple director Anasa Troutman.

“We don’t just attract great speakers but also a great crowd of people who are inquisitive and ready to be challenged and inspired,” Mullins says. “We want to make sure we’re inviting everyone into the ideation space.”

For those who can’t attend, the program will be live streamed at tedxmemphis.com.

Categories
Music Music Features

“Scars” — John Kilzer’s New Record is Homespun and Philosophical

I first encountered singer/songwriter John Kilzer’s name while recording at Ardent Studios over 30 years ago. He had just released a record on Geffen Records, Memory in the Making, produced by the late, great John Hampton. But I knew of him because a tiny plaque had been mounted above the couch in Studio B, with the words “Kilzer’s Spot.” When I mention it to Kilzer today, the air fills with his hearty laughter. “Yeah, it’s still there!” he says. “That’s so funny. I’m sure that little plaque has plenty of verdigris on it by now. It’s probably more green than copper.”

Since then, much more has changed than the plaque’s patina. After releasing another record on Geffen in 1991, Kilzer’s musical career took a 20-year hiatus, as he wrestled with deeper questions of faith and personal growth. “I was going through the ordination process and getting my Masters of Divinity at Memphis Theological Seminary. And then I went straight into the Ph.D program at Middlesex University in England. During that time, I didn’t have time to do much music. But when I got back here and was appointed to the recovery ministry [at St. John’s United Methodist Church], I realized that music was going to be a foundation of that. Resuming that interest naturally prompted me writing. And so the songs came out, and I did the one album, Seven, with Madjack Records.”

John Kilzer

That 2011 release, recorded with Hi Rhythm’s Hodges brothers (Teenie, Charles, and Leroy) came out just a year after Kilzer had begun The Way, a Friday evening ministry at St. John’s that carries on today, featuring some of the city’s best musicians. “Our premise is that everybody’s in recovery. Everybody has experienced trauma, and there’s something about music that just calls out of each person’s spirit, whatever it is that’s keeping them bound. Music is kind of the language of heaven. But we don’t do church music. We do a lot of my material and some gospel standards, but it’s not contemporary Christian music. It’s just good music. And if, say, Jim Spake’s gonna be there, naturally, I’m gonna pick something that would suit him, but it doesn’t matter. They’re all so good, they can play anything from Bach to Chuck Berry.”

A similar appreciation for quality musicianship permeates his discussion of his latest work, Scars, just released on Archer Records. “When you know you’re gonna have Steve Potts, Steve Selvidge, Rick Steff, Dave Smith, George Sluppick, and Matt Ross-Spang, you feel more comfortable. You trust yourself, and you trust those guys.”

Kilzer, who was a college literature instructor before his Geffen days, brings an expansive melodic and lyrical imagination to these songs, which could be about himself or any number of the souls attending The Way, driven more by character and circumstance than any obvious theology. “Some say time’s a riddle/I say time’s a freight train shimmering in the rain,” he sings, before describing scenes in Lawrence, Kansas. And the new songs, effortlessly blending the homespun with the philosophical, are given plenty of space to breathe.

“It’s so understated, and I think a lot of that is because we were cutting live. When you know that you’re live and that’s gonna be it, you don’t try to say so much. It’s like you honor the spaces between the notes. On Scars, I think there’s a lot of creative space in it. It’s not filled with any unneeded stuff.

“Another thing that’s different about it is, I wrote on different instruments. I wrote a couple on a mandolin, a couple on ukulele, and several on the piano. I would have never, ever considered doing that earlier in my career. So that kind of creative tension manifests in the songs. To be real nervous and have all these conflicting emotions, but knowing you’ve got sort of a protective shield around you in these musicians, I think that’s why there’s something on Scars that I can’t quite articulate. You can hear it, but you just don’t know what it is.”

Categories
Theater Theater Feature

On stage: Sweat and Tuck Everlasting.

If you really want to understand what went wrong in America, turn off Fox News. Turn off MSNBC and CNN, too. Also, step away from the internet, unless you’re using it to reserve tickets for Lynn Nottage’s Pulitzer Prize-winning drama, Sweat. Set in a working-class bar in Reading, Pennsylvania, a factory town with little else in the way of opportunity, at the moment when the North American Free Trade Agreement allowed factories to suppress reliable wages, make unions virtually pointless, and move to Mexico if labor demanded too much in pay, benefits, or safety regulations. In the same moment, NAFTA wrecked the Mexican farm economy, pushing more immigrants to cross the U.S. border looking for work and ramping up a whole other set of anxieties.

Sweat introduces us to “the regulars”: good ol’ boys and gals who all work or have worked for the factory. Most of them are second- and third-generation employees and visit their neighborhood watering hole to celebrate little victories and drown defeat. Their nightly conversations and struggles show how easily economic anxieties transform into racial anxieties. Sweat touches on the gutting of American labor unions and the factory floor roots of the opioid crisis as workers combat tedium and both physical and emotional trauma.

Sweat focuses primarily on the lives of three female drinking buddies and two of their sons, all of them legacy factory workers. In a heated moment, something terrible happened, making everyone unrecognizable to one another. Nottage’s play is like a weather forecast. She maps the converging pressure systems, as the storm rages harder and harder.

While “Darkness at the Edge of Town,” might make a good alternative title, with heavy doses of Springsteen and a sample of Billy Joel’s painfully honest 1982 hit “Allentown,” Sweat‘s sound design is sometimes a little too on the nose. Otherwise, director Irene Crist’s production for Circuit Playhouse is as rough and right as rolled up flannel sleeves, showcasing strong performances full of heavy hitters like Greg Boller, Jai Johnson, JS Tate, Tracie Hansom, and Kim Sanders, to name a few.

If you’re the sort of person who only sees a couple of shows a year, make this one of them.

Sweat runs through February 17th at Circuit Playhouse.

A long time ago, every member of the Tuck family drank from a hidden forest spring and became immortal, but each one is forever stuck with all the tropes of their frozen age. The parents manage middle-aged ruts and middle-aged spread and snoring marital monotony. Lost love burns like it can only in youth. Teen angst and pimples also last forever. Neighbors also tend to notice when you never age, so be careful what you wish for, and all that.

Life gets even harder if you’re essentially decent folk who know what could happen if people who aren’t decent folk ever get their hands on a spring of eternal life. People like the mysterious Man in Yellow who blows into town with the carnival, chasing rumors of magic and mystery. So what’s an unkillable clan to do when a charming young runaway like Winnie Foster stumbles into the family’s life and onto its secrets?

Carla McDonald

Tuck Everlasting on stage at Playhouse on the Square

For Tuck Everlasting, Director Dave Landis has brought together a terrific cast, and his design team has outdone itself, building a world of green parsley stalk trees and purple “magic hour” skies, where a big round sun (or moon?) is eternally stuck in the rising — or maybe setting — position.

Gia Welch’s voice has never sounded as rich or full or uniquely hers as it does in Tuck. Even though she’s a little too old to convincingly pass for an 11-year-old, her performance as Winnie is never anything short of winning. Welch leads a tight, talented ensemble of local favorites, including Michael Gravois, Lorraine Cotton, and Kent Fleshman. Even if you don’t emerge from the theater able to remember the words to any of Tuck‘s songs — a distinct possibility — the voices follow you home.

Tuck Everlasting runs through February 9th at Playhouse on the Square.

Categories
News The Fly-By

Youth Justice

Juvenile justice reform has dominated civic conversation at the beginning of the new year with a high-profile (but still mysterious) incident at the current Juvenile Justice Detention Center (JJDC) and moves to build a new $25 million juvenile facility.

A tweet from the official Shelby County Sheriff’s Office account on January 11th left many with more questions. It said five Shelby County Corrections Officers were relieved of duty (with pay) for “allegations related to on-duty failures” at the JJDC. An investigation is ongoing, the tweet read.

Countywide Juvenile Justice Consortium

Some argue building a new $25 million facility is not enough.

Sheriff Floyd Bonner told WMC-TV a fight involving 14 teens lasted more than 30 minutes at the center and left two injured. Nine of those involved were moved to 201 Poplar. Nearly three weeks later, the public knows little more than that, certainly nothing about the involvement of the five now-relieved officers. Details are protected because of the ongoing investigation.

“Transparency, or the lack thereof, has been the biggest storyline for the last six years,” Just City executive director Josh Spickler wrote in a newsletter last week. “Juvenile Court lacks it; in this instance, the Sheriff’s Office lacks it. Yet, without it, we’ll never see the reforms we need.”

Just a few days before the incident at the JJDC, Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris began his pitch for a new $25 million juvenile center that would focus on rehabilitation and education.

“We think we need a better facility if we’re really going to treat these juveniles better and put them on the path to rehabilitation,” Harris told Shelby County Commissioners last week. “In my opinion, the facility we have is not suitable for that purpose. In my opinion, the facility is worse than how we treat and house felons at our penal farm. In my opinion, we should do something about it if we can.”

Jimmy Tucker, a principal with Self+Tucker Architects told commissioners last week that the current building has “major problems.” It does not meet requirements under the Americans with Disabilities Act, he said, nor is it optimized to move people in and out in an emergency.

The only place for recreation at the facility now is an outdoor rooftop area that can be used only at certain times during the year, weather permitting. Four classrooms that can each accommodate 15 people at a time pose major issues for the 97 people now detained at the center, Tucker said.

Commissioners pushed forward a plan Monday to replace the building, approving $1.3 million to begin its design work.

Commissioners Tami Sawyer and Edmund Ford Jr. have said, though, that a new building likely won’t fix the larger systemic problems facing juvenile justice here.

“You can have the best-looking building with the most updated technology; however, if you do not have the proper psychological, emotional, and parental counseling available, then you’re not solving the systemic problems,” Ford said on Facebook.

“What happens for the next five years while a new building is built?” Sawyer asked on Twitter. “Who will address the systemic racism and implicit bias of the court?”

Categories
News The Fly-By

Fly on the Wall 1562

Dammit, Gannett

We hate to say we saw it coming, but we saw it coming.

In December of last year, Fly on the Wall predicted layoffs would be forthcoming at Gannett-owned newspapers, including The Commercial Appeal, sometime after the new year. It had seemed like an inevitability since November’s dismal quarterly report and the call for early buyouts that always presages another round of cuts.

Last week it finally happened. On Wednesday, January 23rd, Gannett laid off an estimated 400 newsroom employees at papers across the country.

Via the media watchdogs at Poynter: “Another brutal day for journalism. Gannett began slashing jobs all across the country Wednesday in a cost-cutting move that was anticipated even before the recent news that a hedge-fund company was planning to buy the chain. The cuts were not minor.”

The CA appears to have fared better than many Gannett publications. As of now, only one newsroom layoff has been confirmed, 38-year CA vet William Fason. Four open positions were also eliminated.

Dammit, Autocorrect

At least we hope this is an autocorrect error.

Otherwise, if you live in the Memphis area and are currently in the market to purchase an affordable “Queen-size actress,” there’s one on sale via Facebook Marketplace for the low, low price of $200, “with her own box spring.” But buyer beware; unless she’s one of the greatest actresses who ever lived, we’re pretty sure that’s a mattress in this picture, not an actress.

Categories
Opinion Viewpoint

The Democrats’ Purity Tests Will Only Help Trump

Can you see what is taking shape on the left? That’s the look of liberals forming a circular firing squad to shoot at top Democrats running for the party’s 2020 presidential nomination. 

The Democratic Party is highly unified in its opposition to President Trump. Independent and swing voters also tell pollsters they disapprove of Trump’s policies on taxes, immigration, and race relations. And the Party of Trump — formerly the GOP — lost 40 House seats in the midterms. That political reality makes Trump a weak candidate for reelection.

Juan Williams

But the Democrats still have to find a good candidate with an attractive message to beat even a bad candidate. The president’s supporters can see what’s up. Right-wing websites and Trump cheerleaders on talk radio are attacking possible Democratic candidates as budding socialists who will increase taxes and let every illegal immigrant run across open borders.

Trump’s white, working-class base is being warned on racial grounds that any Democratic nominee will ignore them while playing “identity politics” that favor blacks, Latinos, immigrants, women, and gays.

Trying to divide voters by race is so predictable for Trump’s team. What is surprising is that Democrats are too often fueling the Trump camp’s caricature by insisting on race-based review of their candidates. How painful and ironic will it be if racial debates inside the Democratic Party are allowed to weaken the focus on beating Trump and his racism?

For example, look at the attacks coming from the left against the leading candidate for the Democratic nomination in early polls, former Vice President Joe Biden.

Activists on the far left are bashing Biden for his support of President Clinton’s 1994 crime bill.

That bill had support from the Congressional Black Caucus at the time, being seen as an answer to high crime rates in black neighborhoods. But the old crime bill is now condemned by today’s activists, who take their cues from the Black Lives Matter movement. They fault the bill for pushing more black people into jail as a result of increased sentences for selling crack cocaine, and mandating longer sentences for repeat offenders and violent crime.

Biden is trying to get past this line of attack by asking for forgiveness: “It was a big mistake that was made,” Biden said at a Martin Luther King Day celebration last week in Washington.

Next in line for allegedly failing the racial test is a black woman, California Senator Kamala Harris. Her sin is that she was a prosecutor and California’s attorney general. “To become a prosecutor is to make a choice to align oneself with a powerful and fundamentally biased system,” according to an essay on The Intercept, a liberal website.

Also in line for the gauntlet of race-shaming are white candidates who did not show an interest in racial injustice early enough in their careers. Former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who supported controversial “stop-and-frisk” police tactics, as well as Senators Kirsten Gillibrand, Bernie Sanders, and Elizabeth Warren are all vulnerable on this point.

More broadly, this year’s Women’s March was a case study in how explosive racial issues — and, in that case, accusations of being soft on anti-Semitism — can splinter the unity of anti-Trump activists. Blacks, Latinos, and liberal women are at the heart of today’s Democratic base. There are record numbers of Latinos, Asians, and blacks now in Congress, and they are almost all Democrats. Honest debate about racial justice is overdue for both parties.

That debate will happen in the South Carolina primary, the first contest with a high percentage of minority voters. Early attention to that race indicates its importance for any Democrat trying to win the party’s nomination.

Democratic strategists know that Sanders would have beaten Hillary Clinton for the 2016 nomination if he had won more black and Latino votes. Democrats across the racial spectrum have to keep in mind that they have far more in common with each other than they do with Trump, a man whose racist rhetoric and white identity policies are damaging people of every color daily.

After a Black Lives Matter leader refused to talk with President Obama in 2016, Obama made the point that activists sometimes feel “so passionately … they never take the next step and say, ‘How do I sit down and try to actually get something done?'”

The most important “something” to get done right now is beating Trump. As liberal comedian Bill Maher is fond of saying, there is a big difference between a disappointing friend and a deadly enemy.

Juan Williams is an author, and a political analyst for Fox News Channel.