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ACLU Trial Wraps Up, Ruling to Come in September

Brandon Dill

Protesters and police officers face off during the 2016 Hernando de Soto bridge protest

Court adjourned Thursday morning in the federal trial over Memphis police surveillance on activists. 

Memphis Police Department (MPD) Major Lambert Ross was the last witness to take the stand in U.S. District Judge Jon McCalla’s courtroom. Ross was the head of the Real Time Crime Center (RTCC) during the time of the alleged police surveillance.

The RTCC houses more than 30 large, high-definition monitors displaying live footage from 1,000 cameras around the city. The footage is monitored by both civilian and commissioned officer analysts who can radio officers when incidents occur, Ross said.

Ross said that the RTCC was never used for political surveillance, but to find out where events were being held and how many people were involved. Precincts were then made aware of any large events that were ongoing in their area.

The RTCC began searching social media in 2014, Ross said. Initially, it was used to assist in solving crimes, but after the 2016 bridge protest, searches related to protests were more common. Specifically, Ross said Black Lives Matter was a recurring search term.

“I’m not going to say we chose that term, but it chose us,” Ross testified. “The event picks the search term.”

When asked if searching social media was ever done to find out if specific people would be involved in an event, Ross said no. Ross said as a black man, he “understands the right to protest” and would never interfere. As his MPD colleagues testified before him, Ross said the motivation for the monitoring was public safety.

The city and the ACLU-TN both rested their cases following Ross’ testimony and are required to submit closing briefs in writing to McCalla by Friday, Sept. 14th. Then, both sides have until Friday, Sept. 24th to respond to the opposing side’s brief.

McCalla will release the ruling after both sides have answered each others’ briefs. After court adjourned, one of the attorney’s for the ACLU-TN, Thomas Castelli, said he hopes that the trial will result in court-ordered independent monitoring of MPD, a change in their policies, and better training as it related to the 1978 consent decree.

Additionally and separately from this case, the city has filed a motion to vacate or modify the decree. The ACLU has until early October to that request.

Bruce McMullen, chief legal officer for the city of Memphis, said the city is asking the court vacate the consent decree “because it’s not really relevant today.” It predates any standard technology that law enforcement uses today, he said.

If the court isn’t willing to completely do away with the decree, McMullen said it should “at least be modified and updated so that it’s applicable to the law enforcement best practices that we use today.”

“I want to emphasize that it’s nothing we’re doing today that 155 other jurisdictions do not do in law enforcement,” McMullen said. “It’s basic law enforcement, from Skycops to body cams, which a lot of citizens supported us getting.”

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Trial on Memphis Activists Surveillance Begins

Arguments began Monday in a trial to determine whether or not the city of Memphis violated activists’ First Amendment rights with a system of surveillance that included extensive monitoring of social media.

U.S. District Judge Jon McCalla will ultimately decide whether or not city leaders violated a 1978 consent decree entered in Kendrick v. Chandler. The order was meant to stop the city from gathering intelligence and surveillance on people engaged in protected free speech activities. Specifically, the decree prohibits political, covert, and electronic surveillance, as well as harassment and intimidation.

Opening arguments on Monday focused on whether or not the American Civilc Liberties Union of Tennessee (ACLU-TN) — as it exists today — was the plaintiff in the 1976 complaint involving Chan Kendrick, an ACLU official at the time.  

Lawyers for the city argued that the ACLU-TN was not a party in the Kendrick complaint, and therefore did not have standing in the present case. They presented close to 20 historical memos to prove that today’s version of ACLU-TN didn’t exist in 1978 and questioned Hedy Weinberg, current executive director of ACLU—TN.

With that, Buckner Wellford, one of the city’s attorney representing the city asked the judge to rule on the ACLU-TN’s standing, a move that could have ended the trial. But McCalla said that’s an issue that should be thoroughly considered before making a decision.

“This is a really important issue to the case,” McCalla said. “It’s more important to get it right than to get it fast.”

Should the judge decide the ACLU has standing, Thomas Castelli, counsel for the ACLU-TN said the other key issues to be decided are:

• Whether the city is in contempt of the 1978 consent decree by learning about protests through social media.

• Whether the city infiltrated activist groups for the purpose of political intelligence.

• Whether photos of protesters were taken for the purposes of political intelligence.

• Whether the city contacted protest organizers to chill their first amendment rights

• Whether the city made the process for obtaining permits for protest harder than for other events.

Castelli said most of plaintiff’s evidence will be from a time period between Spring 2016 and 2017, when protests occurred at the Memphis Zoo, Valero Memphis Refinery, the Hernando de Soto bridge, and Graceland.

Wellford said his team will aim to reveal the motivations of the Memphis Police Department (MPD) and prove there was no ill-intent or attempts to stymie First Amendment rights. In his opening statement, Wellford said MPD’s main motivation for monitoring activists has been to ensure public safety.

“July 2016 was probably the most tumultuous month in Memphis since the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King in modern times,” Wellford said, citing the bridge protest, the police shooting of Darius Stewart, and other incidents that had occurred around the country.

The threats were “real and tangible,” Wellford said.

McCalla told Wellford that no one disagrees with those facts, but that “they aren’t central issues to the case.”

“Public safety is important, but we can’t lose sight of why we are here,” McCalla said. “The case is about whether or not the city complied with the consent decree.”

As of press time, court was set to resume Monday afternoon. The second witness, MPD Sgt. Timothy Reynolds, was to return to the stand. Reynolds was instrumental in creating the undercover social media account of “Bob Smith,” which was used to monitor the moves of activists.

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Art Exhibit M

Wednesday Coffee Break: Follow These Memphis Artists on Instagram

Are your social media feeds full of Content™ but low on original artwork? Yes? We are here to help. Follow these Memphis artists on Instagram. 

Sweet Spot #nogimmes

A photo posted by @mae_aur on

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Mae Aur’s (@Mae__Aur) clothing collaborations with Ben Moss (@Flare_Le_Slurp) take place in a 1960’s girlhood bedroom acid dream. 

Wednesday Coffee Break: Follow These Memphis Artists on Instagram (5)

Weird body combines by Frances Berry. The beach, Marilyn Monroe, red nail polish. 

Wednesday Coffee Break: Follow These Memphis Artists on Instagram (4)

The Collective (@thecltv) are visual artists and activists who post pics from awesome art shows and networking events. 

Coming soon… Finger necklaces! #porcelain #ceramics #babycreep #finger

A photo posted by babycreep (@neekralah) on

Wednesday Coffee Break: Follow These Memphis Artists on Instagram

This is Nikkila Carroll, i.e. Babycreep, i.e. @neekralah. Her babycreepy ceramics are sold at Five in One on Broad Ave, and she posts in-progress shots on her ‘gram. 

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News The Fly-By

From the Back of the Bus

In the mid ’60s, Coby Smith and Charles Cabbage helped organize the Invaders, a civil rights group founded in Memphis. Now roughly four decades later, the proposed “Rosa Parks” law — currently awaiting Phil Bredesen’s signature — clears the names of people who were targeted by police for anti-discrimination activities.

The law would expunge the “records of persons charged with a misdemeanor or felony while challenging a law designed to maintain racial segregation.”

Cabbage and Smith recognize the symbolic spirit of the law but insist that it’s too late to offer any practical benefit to thousands of civil rights activists. “Is this only for people who were involved in non-violent civil rights activity?” Cabbage asks. “There are some people who went to the penitentiary and have been vilified their whole lives [due to their civil rights movement activities], and some who’ve had bronze statues made of them.”

Former Invaders count themselves in the first group. Therein lies the rub for the past militants. Their view of the movement and strategies for achieving its goals diverged from the non-violent activities that Martin Luther King Jr. advocated.

“The Black Invaders were defined as a gang and treated as criminals,” Smith says.

It’s one thing to expunge a criminal record, but another to undo the difficulties that arise in one’s life from carrying a record. “Our [criminal] records influence whether or not we have good employment, which we could not get because of our record,” Cabbage says. “How do you address this issue?”

The two men are wary of legislation designed to generate positive press for government officials while forsaking the citizens that the law could help. “This will allow Fred Thompson to run for president with a clear conscience,” Smith quips.

Bredesen has until June 8th to take action on the bill.