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TBI Delivers Report on Darrius Stewart Shooting

Darrius Stewart

Shelby County District Attorney General Amy Weirich is now in possession of the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation’s (TBI) 800-page report on the Darrius Stewart investigation. But Weirich said at a press conference on Thursday morning that she had not yet read the report or determined if charges would be filed against Memphis Police officer Connor Schilling.

Stewart was shot on July 17th by Schilling after the car Stewart was a passenger in was pulled over for having a headlight out. Stewart was placed in the back of a squad car after the traffic stop while Schilling checked for warrants. The police account of what happened says that, when Schilling opened the squad car to handcuff Stewart, the man kicked the door and tried to attack the officer. Shortly after the warrant check, police reported that Stewart had been shot and an ambulance was called for. Stewart later died at the Regional Medical Center. 

Shortly after the incident, Weirich asked the TBI to investigate, and the results of that nearly month-long investigation were delivered to Weirich this morning.

Weirich said she would begin reading through the report today and will eventually make a determination as to whether or not criminal charges against the officer “are warranted under the state of Tennessee.” She would not give a timeline as to when she might be ready to make that decision, but she asked the public for patience during the process.

“At the appropriate time, some, if not all, of the report will be made available to the public,” Weirich said.

She said the TBI report contains all manner of witness statements, interviews, an autopsy report, and forensics reports.

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News The Fly-By

Prison Reform Task Force Prepares Recommendations

The Governor’s Task Force on Sentencing and Recidivism has been working for a year to make the state’s prison system more effective, and they may be making their first recommendations as soon as next month.

The task force was formed last year with the help of the nonprofit and nonpartisan Vera Institute of Justice out of New York. The task force’s 27 members were appointed by Governor Bill Haslam to reform the prison sentencing structure in Tennessee.

The group is focused on sentencing structure, sentencing classifications and enhancements, programming and treatment, and community supervision.

Among the 27 are seven from the Memphis metro area: John Campbell, criminal court judge; Rep. John DeBerry (D-Memphis); Sen. Brian Kelsey (R-Germantown); Shelby County Mayor Mark Luttrell; Shelby County Sheriff Bill Oldham; Blair Taylor, president of Memphis Tomorrow; and Shelby County District Attorney General Amy Weirich.

Luttrell, who requested to be considered for the task force, said he believed he could use his previous experience in law enforcement and corrections.

“It’s a comprehensive look at sentencing reform and trying to keep people from returning to prison,” he said.

According to a Vera Institute of Justice report released in June, the prison population is expected to rise by four percent over the next five years, pushing the state’s prison population over maximum capacity.

“It’s not the intent of this task force to increase the [prison] population,” Luttrell said. “If you look at the multitude of recommendations that we’ve been making, we talk about some areas where it doesn’t have sentencing, but then it also talks about a number of areas where we are looking at reducing prison time, more effective ways to deal with behavior, more community-based programs, and establishing commissions and councils that will sustain this initiative going forward.”

At the August 6th meeting of the task force, Luttrell said he hopes they will complete the first draft of recommendations to be sent the governor.

“Certainly, there are instances where we need to enhance sentencing, but there are also areas that we need to ensure that the sentencing accurately reflects the severity of the offense, which would be a reduced sentence in some cases,” Luttrell said.

Kerry Hayes, an adviser to Just City Memphis (a criminal justice reform organization), said the task force may be biased: “The people from Shelby County [on the task force], by-and-large, are fantastic people. On the whole, the entire task force statewide is overwhelmingly oriented around law enforcement, prosecutors, and judges, which means there’s a whole half to the criminal justice system that’s hardly being represented at all, in particular, the public defenders.”

“Any time you have a massive statewide committee like this that is so completely biased in terms of one viewpoint that’s dealing with stuff this sensitive, you run the risk of having recommendations coming out that are tilted, which is what looks like is happening,” Hayes said.

Hayes said there are some task force-recommended reforms that may spell out progress for the criminal justice system, including recommendations to change the threshold for the felony property crime charge to $1,000 from $500. The Vera Institute’s analysis of the task force’s recommendations found causes for concern, including requiring that repeat drug trafficking and aggravated burglary offenders serve 85 percent of their sentences.

“They’re changing some parole policies that we think might increase the population of incarcerated individuals in Tennessee,” Hayes said. “That is really troubling, because that has ripple effects all throughout the rest of the criminal justice system, all the way down to the taxpayer. Suddenly, budgets are increasing, because prisons are increasing in size, and [private prison] companies like [Corrections Corporation of America] are increasing their contracts with governments. The whole criminal justice apparatus becomes more expensive and harder to unwind.”

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News News Feature

We Don’t Have Jack

Jack McCoy, where are you when we really need you?

Jack McCoy was the fictional hard-driving executive assistant district attorney who stopped at nothing in his quest to put felons behind bars in the iconic television series Law and Order. As brilliantly played by actor Sam Waterson, McCoy was often arrogant, overbearing, and idealistic, but always a passionate advocate for justice. He reluctantly plea-bargained in some cases, but only if it led to the eventual conviction of someone higher up the criminal food chain. Of course, since the show was described as a “police procedural legal drama,” everything from arrest to conviction was usually neatly wrapped up in one pulse-pounding hour.

As a reporter, I’ve covered my share of criminal cases and, unfortunately, in the real world of establishing law and order, the gap between the time of arrest and conviction can be interminable. It can stretch into painful years waiting for justice — both for the accused and the families of their alleged victims. The supposed tenet that all accused have — the legal right to a speedy trial — is a myth. The justice system, not just in Memphis but across the country, is backlogged with cases. Protracted incarcerations and trials cost taxpayers millions.

It’s against this backdrop of three high-profile violent incidents — the shooting deaths of 15-year-old Cateria Stokes and 7-year-old Kirsten Williams and a mob attack at a Midtown gas station on a man trying to help a frightened woman into her car — brought outcries of disgust and calls for action from nearly all sectors of Memphis. The arrests of three men in Williams’ murder focused an intense scrutiny on just how deep the problems of gangs and criminal recidivism continue to erode our public safety. The extensive rap sheet of 21-year-old Jordan Clayton drew special attention to the fact that even though he had previously pled guilty to aggravated assault and robbery charges, he served just over six months in jail for crimes for which he was sentenced to a collective total of four years.

As frustrated District Attorney General Amy Weirich told me, Clayton would have been behind bars, if the victim of an aggravated robbery, where Clayton was a prime suspect, hadn’t told a different story at a preliminary hearing than the one he originally told police and prosecutors. Instead, Clayton received a lesser charge and soon returned to the streets.

So far, nine teenagers have been arrested and charged with aggravated riot in connection with the BP gas station mob attack against Memphian Orrden Williams. First-term General Sessions Judge Gerald Skahan drew public criticism for lowering the $100,000 bonds leveled against some of the suspects to $5,000. Skahan said the initial bonds set were “unjustly high.” Skahan also stipulated that the Northwest Prep Academy students involved must return to classes, adhere to a 6 p.m. curfew, and stay away from the gas station. It’s estimated by Memphis police that as many as 50 young people participated in the attack. Their investigation continues.

So as I recently watched another of the countless reruns of Law and Order, I asked myself, “WWJD.” What would Jack do? My guess is he’d wholeheartedly share MPD Director Toney Armstrong’s on-target assessment that “guns in the hands of youth are a recipe for disaster.”

In reality, the Tennessee General Assembly’s penchant for easing gun restrictions only complicates efforts to stop that access. I suspect McCoy would have used the bully pulpit of his office to rail against that legislation, and he probably would have used every prosecutorial weapon at his disposal to go after illegal dealers of weapons, gang members, convicted felons in possession of guns, and would have argued for tougher sentencing after every conviction.

Just as in real life, the fictional McCoy encountered some of the legal restrictions that bind the hands of police, prosecutors, and the judiciary. But it never seemed to stop him from doing what he felt was the right thing to do. He pushed the envelope and encouraged his fellow prosecutors to approach their jobs with the same passion for seeking justice. McCoy didn’t win every case, but he wasn’t afraid to do all in his power to get criminals off the streets and to vigorously fight for the rights of victims and their families. Fiction is created to entertain us. But in these perilous times, we need to find inspiration wherever we can find it.

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News News Feature

Deciphering the District Attorney’s Math

Last year, the Shelby County District Attorney’a office touched 153,000 cases. That’s more cases than there are people in Bartlett, Germantown, and Collierville combined.

That number is terrifying — and misleading. (More on that later.)

But it serves to conjure up notions of imminent danger, and I suspect that’s why District Attorney Amy Weirich dropped that figure two weeks ago in Nashville, when she pressed a Senate committee to kill the “75 percent” rule.

The 75 percent rule says that whatever public funding the DA’s office receives, the public defender must also get three-fourths of that amount.

There’s no corollary: If the Shelby County Commission gives the public defender $10,000, Weirich complained, it doesn’t have to give the DA a dime.

Weirich argued that each office should seek funding independently. In a just world, that makes sense. But the criminal justice system is weighted toward the prosecution, which has powers public defenders don’t. At the prosecutor’s service are police and sheriff’s departments, and state investigators who collect evidence, and experts ready to give testimony.

The public defenders must rely on the veracity of those reports, prosecutors’ integrity, and the investigators and experts it can afford. The 75 percent rule is essential to leveling the playing field and protecting the indigent’s constitutional right to effective counsel.

Although the rule has been in effect for decades, it hasn’t been enforced. According to a 2011 report by the Tennessee Administrative Office of Courts, public defenders get 60 percent of state funding. Previous attempts to kill the 75 percent rule failed, and the most recent bill was shipped to a summer study committee.

In the meantime, Senator Randy McNally (R-Oak Ridge) has come up with a budget amendment that would gut funding for public defenders.

“If a local government provides a funding increase or supplement to the office of the public defender in the judicial district,” the amendment reads, “the appropriation made by the provisions of this act to the local government or District Public Defenders Conference for the office of the public defender in that district is reduced by the amount of the local funding.”

In English: If the county commission gave the local public defender’s office an additional $100, the state would decrease by $100 the amount of state funding for that public defender’s office. This would freeze the public defender’s budget, punish indigent clients, and boost the advantage district attorneys already enjoy.

McNally could not be reached to explain the problem his amendment solves. But the amendment is consistent with conservatives’ narrative about the poor, whose deprivation is the result of their own failings. If the poor stand accused of a crime, it’s because they’re guilty.

To right-wingers, the volumes of evidence showing racial disparities in arrest rates, conviction rates, and sentences are figments of liberals’ imaginations.

Another reason to wreck public defenders’ offices lies in prison privatization. How do you maintain a steady supply of people to fill Tennessee’s for-profit prisons?

The government can make new crimes out of previously legal behavior, manufacture a phony war on drugs, set mandatory minimum sentences, and hyper-police communities of color. Now we have another way: Bankrupt public defenders.

But let’s get back to the numbers. According to records, Weirich’s office handled 157,576 new cases in 2014. The number of cases doesn’t appear to be artificially inflated. For example, a suspect charged in connection with 14 separate robberies would count as a single case.

Of those 157,576 cases, 22 percent were traffic citations, 28 percent were misdemeanor citations, and 43 percent were misdemeanor defendants.

That means around seven percent were felony defendants accused of serious crimes like rape and murder. Suddenly, the numbers aren’t so scary.

Add to that the state Supreme Court’s recent rebukes of Weirich’s office and the reversal of two convictions, including last week’s overturned guilty verdict of accused rapist Frederick Herron, and the DA’s complaints seem less relevant.

If the legislature eliminates the checks and balances for the indigent accused, that should be a crime.

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Opinion Viewpoint

The 75 Percent Rule

Remember that time when state representative and American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) board member Curry Todd submitted a bill to aid farmers and school children by creating an extra hour of sunlight? How about that time when he was living rent free in a lobbyist’s home? Or when he killed the Influence Disclosure Act, a measure that would have required lawmakers to acknowledge the influence of outside groups on public policy?

Let’s face it, this West Tennessee representative isn’t the sharpest nor is he the most ethical knife in the drawer. Even if his most recent proposal doesn’t overturn any natural laws, like inertia or gravity, HB241 displays Todd’s usual lack of seriousness. If passed, Todd’s bill will kill good legislation that helps fund our public defender system and has served Tennesseans well for 23 years. The proposed legislation, in the long run, benefits nobody but Todd’s fellow ALEC member, the Corrections Corporation of America, a private company that operates three of Tennessee’s 14 prisons.

I’m not suggesting that ALEC was involved in crafting this bill, but it wasn’t Todd. And no matter who’s responsible for drafting the language, who do you think wins when the state decides to abandon even the pretense of parity and stacks the deck in favor of the prosecution? Here’s a hint: not the citizens of Tennessee.

If passed, HB241 would undo T.C.A. 16-2-518, a regulatory measure that controls disparity in the funding of prosecutors and public defenders. Sometimes called the “75 percent rule,” T.C.A. 16-2-518 ensures that whatever money is budgeted for prosecutors must be matched at a 75 percent level for public defenders. In simple terms, if the county gives District Attorney Amy Weirich’s office $100, they must give the public defender’s office $75.

Thirty years ago, a mere decade before the creation of T.C.A. 16-2-518, fewer than 350,000 Americans were in prison. By the turn of the 21st century, that number ballooned to more than 2.3 million. That breaks down to about one of every 100 Americans being in jail. If you extend the figure to include people on probation or parole, the number drops to a shocking one in 31 Americans. More than 80 percent of the people accused of committing a crime qualify for court-appointed defense. Study after study has documented how excessive caseloads have compromised the constitutional right to counsel and clogged the judicial system. To quote former FBI Director William Sessions, America’s public defense systems “should be a source of great embarrassment for all of us.”

Mass-incarceration is expensive and that condition will only be exacerbated by eliminating the 75 percent rule. Tennessee spends more than $1 million a day to house the state’s prisoners. A recent study from the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU shows that, in addition to being expensive, the United States has now imprisoned so many people that we’ve entered into a period of diminishing returns. Can there be any doubt that a deliberate weakening of Tennessee’s public defender systems will result in more convictions and longer sentences?

Eliminating the 75 percent rule will also disproportionately impact the state’s larger, urban defender systems, such as the one in Shelby County, which is among the nation’s oldest. The local defender’s office has a reputation for developing services that are more effective and less expensive than incarceration, such as the award-winning Jericho program, a model prison-diversion program that targets inmates with severe and persistent mental illness. The mentally ill are likely to be incarcerated two to five times longer than the average inmate, and have an average recidivism rate of 80 percent. The Jericho program has cut the repeat offender rate for the mentally ill in half.

Tennessee could reduce its incarceration and recidivism rate even further if, instead of embracing only the most retrograde policies, it looked to effective and cost-saving reforms enacted by neighboring states like Kentucky and Georgia. But that doesn’t seem likely.

The legislature already sent a powerful — and pointless — message to poor people in Tennessee when it passed a law requiring citizens who need public assistance to undergo drug testing, a program that has now been proven to be a major waste of time and resources. Over the past six months, 16,000 Tennesseans have been drug-tested. The total number of those testing positive: 37.

And speaking of pointless, expensive legislation: Todd’s bill revoking the 75 percent rule may well result in increased taxes, as financial responsibilities are shifted to meet needs that will not go away. This measure will end up costing Tennesseans more money without the perceived benefit of making anybody more secure.

Remember that time when Todd championed a good piece of legislation that helps to move Tennessee forward? Yeah, I didn’t think so.

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Cover Feature News

The Brady Bunch

The two attorneys met, as they’d agreed. They sat side by side and hefted the two large, accordion file folders onto the desk before them and began pulling out stacks of documents. It was not the showy legal work of television dramas; it was the inescapable tedium of reviewing the state’s evidence in a murder trial that had ended five years before. 

The work dragged on. Nothing surprised them, until something did. 

Here’s how Doug Carriker, a prosecutor in the Shelby County District Attorney’s Office, remembered the discovery in a court hearing last year.  

“A: On the outside of the manila envelope, about — just a standard size, maybe four inch by four inch yellow sticky pad note and it had language … something to the likes of ‘not turned over’ or ‘do not turn over to defense,’ and it had initials at the bottom and a date of, I want to say 2005 or so.

Q: Do you recall what the initials were?

A: ‘A’ — it was ‘A’ something, whatever Miss Weirich’s middle name is. A, something, W.”

Carriker and defense attorney Taylor Eskridge had met to review all of the evidence Amy Weirich (now the Shelby County District Attorney General) and her team used in 2005 to convict former middle school principal Vern Braswell of killing his wife.

Justin Fox Burks

DA Amy Weirich

Eskridge testified that the words on the sticky note were written boldly with some kind of broad-tipped marker. The words shocked Eskridge and abruptly stopped the attorneys’ work session. Here’s how she remembered that moment of discovery:

“…As we were going through, we were like, he was like ‘What’s this?’ And I was like shocked. …(The envelope) was closed with a seal that I recall. …What caught our attention was that it had some kind of note that made it clear that the defense couldn’t see it. … I think it said ‘do not show defense’ or something like that. But it was something that caught both of our attention.”  

Prosecutors choose the evidence they hand over to criminal defense attorneys. But federal law (called the Brady Rule) mandates prosecutors hand over any evidence that could help prove the innocence of the accused (called exculpatory evidence). The statements from Carriker and Eskridge — two attorneys who once plotted the other’s defeat in a high-profile murder trial — both point to a possible violation of this law.  

But it is not the first time Weirich’s office has come under fire for Brady violations. Two past murder cases are scheduled to be heard again in court this year in retrials that were won in part because of Brady violations. In fact, the issue was raised again just this week as Weirich recused herself Monday from the new trial for Noura Jackson, who was convicted of killing her mother.  

The discovery of the envelope back in 2011 is still rippling through the decade-old murder case. Braswell is now an inmate at the West Tennessee State Penitentiary, but he’s back in court with a new attorney and a set of new claims that he hopes will win him another trial. 

That discovery was at the core of the controversy for Weirich that boiled over right before the Thanksgiving holiday, when Weirich was ordered to take the stand before Shelby County Criminal Court Judge Paula Skahan. Weirich said she made all required evidence available to Braswell’s attorneys. And as for that manila envelope with the bombshell sticky note: 

“If there were such an envelope and there were such a notation, no, I don’t recall doing that and that was not and is not my practice,” Weirich said in her testimony.  

If Weirich did write those words, it’s possible she violated Braswell’s constitutional rights and broke one of the most basic rules governing prosecutors, which could in turn cost taxpayers thousands of dollars for a new trial. If the original manila envelope and the sticky note are ever found, they could help set free a convicted killer. And it might fundamentally change the public’s opinion of an elected official who just won reelection by a landslide.

A Trend Emerges

At the very least, the alleged statement on that sticky note raised again a troubling charge: that Weirich and some of her top attorneys have hidden evidence in big murder cases. At least two murder cases are set to be reheard this year because either Weirich or an attorney from her office kept evidence from defense attorneys. 

Noura Jackson

• Noura Jackson was convicted of stabbing her mother at least 50 times in 2005. A new trial was ordered for her in August because the Tennessee Supreme Court said Weirich did not give Jackson’s attorney a key witness statement and committed other violations during the trial.

Andrew Hammack was a friend of Jackson’s. She named him as a possible suspect in the murder of her mother, and the police suspected him, too. Hammack told police Jackson called and texted him from her house the night her mother was murdered. His testimony put Jackson at the scene of the crime on the night of the crime.

He later recanted his statement, telling police he was high on ecstasy on the night of the murder and that he didn’t even have his phone that night. Weirich did not give the recanted statement to Jackson’s attorneys. 

In a unanimous opinion from the Supreme Court, Justice Cornelia Clark wrote that it was “difficult to overstate the importance of this portion of Mr. Hammack’s statement” because Jackson’s attorneys could have used it to question the police investigation and “to argue that Mr. Hammack himself was a plausible suspect.” 

Jackson’s new trial was also granted because of Weirich’s blustery closing argument. In it, she turned to Jackson and dramatically implored the defendant to “just tell us where you were (on the night of the murder).” Jackson had decided not to testify in her defense and her attorneys said Weirich’s imperative statement directly to Jackson violated her right not to testify.  

• Michael Rimmer was convicted in two trials (in 1998 and 2004) of killing a hotel clerk whose body has never been found. He was granted a new trial in December 2013 because Thomas Henderson, a high-placed, veteran attorney in the Shelby County District Attorney’s office, did not give relevant evidence to Rimmer’s defense attorneys.

For this, the Tennessee Supreme Court’s Office of Professional Responsibility ordered a public censure of Henderson. The censure was a “public rebuke and a warning to the attorney, but does not affect the attorney’s ability to practice law,” according to a news release issued from the office at the time. Henderson also had to pay the court costs associated with the censure, which totaled $1,745.07.

Henderson argued the state’s case on both of Rimmer’s trials. Weirich pulled him from the new trial after the censure. She called this a “punishment” and a “huge step, and it was a tough conversation to have.” She ordered no other discipline.

• Now comes the case of Vern Braswell, who claims he didn’t murder his wife, Sheila Braswell, in 2004. He says they had rough sex the night she died, and he choked her until she passed out. But he claims she liked it that way, that the couple had a kinky sex life, and on the night of her death she asked for a “fixie,” their term for a round of erotic asphyxiation. 

But Braswell has a history of choking women as a hostile act, according to testimony recorded in court papers. He also had been seeing another woman right up until the time of his wife’s death. Divorce papers were found in Sheila’s purse after her death, and she had sought an order of protection from her husband. 

On the night of her death, Braswell says he and his wife were in the couple’s jacuzzi. They got intimate and moved to their bedroom “as a result of inadequate lubrication” in the jacuzzi. They got out of the bath and into the bedroom and had sex, sex that included a “fixie.” Afterward, Sheila complained of cramps in her abdomen and got back into the couple’s jacuzzi. 

Vern said he went to bed, where he waited for a show called Erotic Confessions to come on. He said he fell asleep at about 1:30 a.m. When he woke at about 3:40 a.m., Sheila was not in bed. Vern Braswell claimed she was in the bathtub with the jacuzzi jets still running. She showed no signs of life, her face and head were submerged in the water. He said he tried to remove her from the tub but couldn’t. He said he called 911, then a police friend of his, and then other family and friends to try to get help.

Three courts have ruled on the facts in the case. Braswell was convicted and lost two appeals. It may be unlikely that another court would hear those details and come up with a different verdict. But his lawyers do have some new facts and a new angle. They want to prove that Braswell and his wife did, indeed, have a kinky sex life and that choking was a part of that. It’s a defense that his former attorney, Javier “Jay” Bailey, crafted but didn’t initially like, he said in hearings in November. 

Bailey said he feared there would be a “creep factor” for a jury “thinking of a second grader’s principal choking a woman he’s having sex with.” But now, years after the original conviction, his attorneys are trying to prove exactly that. 

Braswell’s new attorneys say prosecutors had an unfair advantage in the original 2005 trial. They did not release statements from potential witnesses in the case that could have proved Vern and Sheila Braswell had a kinky sex life. And then there’s that one big unknown: the evidence in that manila envelope that the two opposing attorneys say they saw.

A National Problem?

Shelby County is hardly alone when it comes to cases of prosecutorial misconduct, especially Brady violations (hiding exculpatory evidence from defense attorneys). 

The University of Michigan Law School’s National Registry of Exonerations said in a 2013 report that 43 percent of wrongful convictions in 2012 were attributable to prosecutorial misconduct, including Brady violations, charging a suspect with too many offenses, pressuring witnesses not to testify, relying on fraudulent forensics experts, making improper or misleading statements to the jury, and more. 

“The overwhelming majority of lawyers who choose to become prosecutors are ethical,” said a 2013 white paper by the Maryland-based Center for Prosecutor Integrity (CPI). “But powerful incentives — political ambitions, media pressures, and a culture of prosecutorial infallibility — can serve to induce prosecutors to act unethically.”

Wrongful convictions were once less common. But with the advent of post-conviction DNA analysis in the 1980s, many convictions were overturned. The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette and Chicago Tribune brought prosecutorial misconduct to the national stage with separate high-profile investigative reports in the 1990s. 

The national audience on the issue grew wider in 2007 when the North Carolina State Bar disbarred a district attorney there for “dishonesty, fraud, deceit, and misrepresentation” in the widely televised Duke University lacrosse case. This is all according to CPI’s white paper called, “Epidemic of Prosecutor Misconduct.”

When a case goes to a retrial due to the misconduct of government prosecutors, the cost of government goes up. The Center for Prosecution Integrity’s study did not put a dollar amount on the cost of retrials, nation-wide. But a 2008 investigation by The Dallas Morning News put the cost to Texas taxpayers at $8.6 million from 2001-2008. In Illinois, wrongful convictions on violent crimes from 1989 to 2010 cost taxpayers $214 million and imprisoned innocent people for a total of 926 years, according to a joint investigation by the Illinois-based nonprofit watchdog group, Better Government Association, and the Center on Wrongful Convictions. 

Brady violations returned to the national spotlight in a 2002 federal case against a Spokane man who made ricin, a deadly poison.

Kenneth Olsen was convicted by a federal jury of knowingly developing the biological agent for use as a weapon, according to the lawsuit. Olsen appealed for a new trial because while he admitted he made the poison, he said he didn’t intend to use it as a weapon.

Whether he did or didn’t hinged on the work of Washington State Police Forensic Scientist Arnold Melnikoff. But his work had been sloppy in the past, and at the time of the appeal, an investigation of the scientist had been conducted.

The U.S. Assistant District Attorney prosecuting Olsen’s case downplayed the investigation in “scope, status, and gravity.” The investigation was over, but the prosecutor told Olsen’s attorney it was ongoing, and “there is nothing further you should know about.” The investigation was, in fact, damning and Melnikoff was fired.

A federal judge requested that the case be reheard. A vote was taken by the panel of judges in the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, and Olsen did not win a retrial. Chief Judge Alex Kozinski wrote a scathing dissent of the decision, declaring “there is an epidemic of Brady violations abroad in the land.”

“[The decision] will send a clear signal to prosecutors that, when a case is close, it’s best to hide evidence helpful to the defense, as there will be a fair chance reviewing courts will look the other way, as happened here,” Kozinski wrote in December 2013. “A robust and rigorously enforced Brady rule is imperative, because all the incentives prosecutors confront encourage them not to discover or disclose exculpatory evidence. This creates a serious moral hazard for those prosecutors who are more interested in winning a conviction than serving justice.”

Who Prosecutes the Prosecutors?

In Tennessee, the very short answer to that question is the Tennessee Supreme Court’s Board of Professional Responsibility, which was created by the court in 1976 to supervise the ethical conduct of attorneys practicing in the state. 

The board is comprised of nine appointed attorneys and three appointed lay members. It now includes Memphians Margaret Craddock, former director of the Memphis Inter-Faith Association, and Odell Horton Jr., a partner at Wyatt, Tarrant & Combs. 

The board also publishes ethics opinions, hosts an ethics hotline, runs a consumer assistance program, and more. But its main focus is disciplinary enforcement of attorneys.  

In fiscal 2013, the board oversaw 21,142 active attorneys in the state. It received 1,474 complaints about attorneys and saw 79 formal cases filed. 

Anyone can file a complaint on an attorney, says Sandy Garrett, the board’s chief disciplinary counsel. But, she says, about a third of the complaints come from other lawyers and judges, “because they have a duty to report misconduct.” Should the board decide a complaint merits the status of actual misconduct, a trial is held, similar to that of a civilian court case, with discovery, witnesses, evidence, proof, and even subpoenas.

After the trial, the board can dismiss the case or sentence the accused attorney to punishments ranging from a public censure (which Henderson received last year) to disbarment. 

District attorneys are governed by the same rules as other attorneys, Garrett says, and are also bound by a set of special rules including mandates on probable cause and disclosing exculpatory evidence to defense attorneys.

“District attorneys have a tremendous amount of discretion, which is what we try and explain to folks again and again and again,” Garrett says. “Which is not to say they should be engaging in misconduct, but we get a lot of complaints about charging decisions, about whether or not a district attorney is ‘picking on somebody,’ or vice versa, that they are not charging somebody that somebody else thinks should be charged.”

Sanctions against prosecutors are relatively rare. The Center for Prosecutor Integrity says that between 1970 and 2003 there were 2,102 cases in which prosecutorial misconduct infringed on the constitutional rights of defendants. Fewer than 50 public sanctions were imposed on those prosecutors. 

“Professional discipline is rare, and violations seldom give rise to liability for money damages,” wrote Ninth Circuit Court Chief Judge Kozinski in his 2013 dissent on the Olsen ruling. “Criminal liability for causing an innocent man to lose decades of his life behind bars is practically unheard of.” 

Kozinski pointed to a 2013 case in Texas in which former prosecutor, Ken Anderson, suppressed evidence in a trial and sent an innocent man to prison for 25 years. Texas settled civil and criminal charges against the attorney by having him forfeit his law license, serve up to 10 days in jail, pay a $500 fine, and perform 500 hours of community service. 

Noura Jackson

The Next Step

It’s unclear what — if anything — will happen to Shelby County District Attorney Amy Weirich in light of the latest allegation of Brady violations against her office.

One thing’s for sure, though, that original manila envelope and its potential bombshell sticky note are long gone. Carriker, the prosecutor who originally discovered the evidence, said he and Eskridge didn’t open the envelope that day back in 2011. He wanted permission from his superiors first. 

The envelope went back into the state’s file. Carriker was assigned to another unit and never saw the envelope again. Neither did attorneys for Braswell. But they want it now and will likely use its absence in their case for a new trial. 

“I don’t know what’s in that envelope and that envelope is gone,” said Braswell’s new attorney, Lauren Fuchs, in court last year. “It disappeared. It’s no longer in the file. I’ve asked for it. They’ve looked for it. It’s gone.”

Another envelope and sticky note showed up in the Braswell hearings last year, but Carriker said the envelope wasn’t the same and Eskridge said the note didn’t read like the one she remembered. 

The new sticky note reads: “I am NOT giving these items in discovery. 8-22-05 APW.” Then there’s a later notation on the note that reads: “12-6-05 (Investigator Jencks’ statements) of witnesses who testified were turned over at the appropriate time.”

Whether or not the new envelope and sticky note are the originals, Judge Skahan deemed them important enough last year to be entered into evidence. In making sure that the new evidence stayed put, she called for a court officer — not either of the opposing attorneys — to make copies of it. New court dates in the Braswell case are scheduled for March and April.

Categories
Opinion Viewpoint

On the Beat

It’s a question I’m more than occasionally asked: “How come you don’t do much news anchoring, Mr. Smith?” My reply is simple: If I’m going to report on the action, I want to be where it is. Last week the diversity of news I covered as a general assignment reporter only reinforced why I think what I do is the best job in journalism. So, consider this a reporter’s notebook, with my impressions at the time I was on assignment.

Monday: Even for reporters, it’s sometimes hard to jump into Mondays with a lot of enthusiasm. But hearing about six shootings that resulted in two murders in four days in Brownsville, Tennessee, piqued my interest. Were they drug- or gang-related?

When you’re doing a story in a small community, you usually aim high when it comes to gathering information in the short period of time you’ve got to make it happen. Mayor Bill Rawls, who we reported on after he was elected as the first African-American mayor of Brownsville in June, was candid about the shock people were feeling over the shootings. Nearly all of them involved young black teens, including the random shooting of a 17 year old by another 17 year old following an argument over a cell phone.

In a town the size of Brownsville, where the black population is primarily self-segregated into a certain area of town, asking who knows what — and who did what — can quickly produce solid leads for the police. Mayor Rawls was taking a personal interest in all the cases, so much so that he was patrolling the streets in his own car trying to find names. “Wow,” I thought. How refreshing to have a mayor giving more than lip-service to crime-fighting in his community.

Tuesday: I hate dealing with law enforcement when it comes to news conferences on drug busts, identity theft, or check-cashing scams. Late in the afternoon, former Shelby County District Attorney Bill Gibbons and current D.A. Amy Weirich were among those on hand to tout warrants that had been issued for the arrest of 99 people involved in a phony check-cashing scheme targeting Walmart stores. Most of the suspects made a couple hundred dollars each after splitting the profits from cashing checks totaling around $41,000. As usual, the questions from the media were plentiful, while the available details were sketchy. However, I did have a good hamburger for lunch that day.

Wednesday: Venerable WDIA radio did a live remote from inside the Shelby County Corrections Center, where there were more county officials than inmates, who made up a literally “captive” audience. Radio personality Bev Johnson asked insightful questions of a hand-picked group of inmates, who told the tragic stories of their bad choices that landed them behind bars. Memphis Councilwoman Janis Fullilove managed to provide some comic relief with her own reflections from when she’d been incarcerated at Jail East. In a way, I guess her honesty about her own human frailties makes her strangely endearing to her constituents.

Thursday: In anticipation of President Obama’s immigration speech, I talked with local immigration attorney Barry McWhirter about what I think is the Pandora’s Box Obama has dared to open with his executive order. McWhirter made a strong case that Obama’s ultimate intent was to keep families together, rather than having them victimized by deportations. To me, Obama’s approach was another example of his tunnel vision, one that feeds into the criticism that he’s failed to develop much political finesse in his six years in office. Why now? Why this method?

Friday: Week’s end brought a frenzy of new leads for possible big stories. On my way to cover a ground-breaking for a new park in Frayser, I was waylaid by a call from the assignment desk. Memphis Police Director Toney Armstrong had called an impromptu news conference. I had to make my apologies before the Frayser event, which would have been a great feel-good story. Then on the way to see Armstrong, an informant gave me two bombshells: The first was that Shelby County Juvenile Court Clerk Joy Touliatos had filed a lawsuit against Juvenile Court Judge Dan Michael. The second was that District Attorney Weirich had been accused of withholding evidence from the defense in a case that was on appeal and would have to testify in Criminal Court.

This is why there’s the term Freaky Fridays. And it’s why during this Turkey Day week, I’m thankful I am a reporter, not an anchor — so I can gobble, gobble.

Categories
News The Fly-By

Injunction Issued Against Dixie Homes Murda Gang

A violent drug-trafficking collective known as the Dixie Homes Murda Gang has become one of local law enforcement’s latest targets.

Following a 10-month investigation, a gang injunction was issued against the group, prohibiting them from publicly congregating within an established “safety zone” north of the city’s Medical District. The area is bound by Jackson, I-240, Poplar, and North Danny Thomas. Encompassing less than a square mile, the zone has been identified by law enforcement as the primary boundary in which the gang operates.

A press conference was held last week in front of Byrd’s Grill, a known meeting location for the gang, to announce the injunction.

Fred Winston, operations commander for the West Tennessee Multi-Agency Gang Unit, said the high volume of gang-related crimes occurring north of the Medical District motivated them to request an injunction.

“We looked at the types of crime being committed in the area [and] the number of police calls for service in the area,” Winston said. “We looked at arrest tickets and other data to see who’s committing these crimes and what are there commonalities.”

Approximately 45 members of Dixie Homes Murda Gang have been identified by law enforcement as having previously engaged in gang activity in what is now the designated safety zone. The injunction forbids members of the gang, which is primarily composed of 47 Neighborhood Crips, from publicly associating together, intimidating or assaulting witnesses to gang activity, possessing guns, distributing narcotics, trespassing on private property, or preventing members from leaving the gang.

If a member is deemed to have violated the injunction’s terms, they can be fined and receive community service or jail time. However, a gang member may opt out of the injunction by declaring in writing that they are no longer a member of the gang and do not endorse the gang lifestyle.

For those concerned that the gang injunction will abuse the constitutional rights of people who aren’t gang-affiliated but reside in the area, law enforcement assures the court order is solely based around gang-related criminal activity.

“If officers are driving down Decatur Street and they see somebody standing out on the corner wearing dark blue and light blue colors, unless that person is one of the named individuals in our injunction, they can stand on the corner,” said District Attorney General Amy Weirich. “It’s just the named individuals who can’t. Nine times out of 10, the officer is going to know [if] the person has previously admitted their membership in the gang.”

Locally, gang activity has increased over recent years. To date, there are 9,100 documented gang members and 170 documented gangs and subsets in the area, according to the Tennessee Gang Investigators Association (TNGIA). This number does not take into account undocumented members, which authorities say could double that figure.

In September 2013, the city’s first-ever gang injunction was issued against the Riverside Rollin’ 90’s Crips in South Memphis. A safety zone was established against the gang in a 4.6-mile radius bordered by South Parkway, West Mallory, I-55, and Florida. Since enforcing the gang injunction, violent crime in the zone has been reduced by 52 percent, according to Multi-Agency Gang Unit data.

Ed Stanton, U.S. Attorney for West Tennessee, said the community can expect more criminal actions to be filed against gang members in the future.

“We’ll use every resource at our disposal,” Stanton said. “We don’t want to be just reactionary, kind of showing up after the fact but really build high-level investigations to dismantle these gangs. And we’re starting with the highest-ranking individuals.”

Categories
Opinion Viewpoint

Dubious Justice in Shelby County

Just based on his dubious record of courtroom failures, Erle Stanley Gardner’s literary fictional prosecutor, Hamilton Burger, the tenacious but inept antagonist of the brilliant defense attorney Perry Mason, wouldn’t seem to have been seen as an icon of jurisprudence. Yet, despite all his embarrassing setbacks as a Los Angeles district attorney, the author still respected Burger enough to label him as being a “stubborn, but honest” public servant in the pursuit of justice.

However, it was Burger’s errors in judgment that came to mind as the Tennessee Supreme Court again ruled in favor of a retrial for a convicted Shelby County inmate sentenced to the state’s death row.

In 2009, I reported on the gruesome double murder trial in the deaths of an elderly Bartlett couple, Clarence and Lillian James, at the hands of sadistic drifter, Henry Lee Jones. The evidence against Jones was overwhelming. He befriended the unsuspecting duo before tying them up, strangling both, and then slashing their throats. It took a jury only three hours to come back with two first-degree murder verdicts.

In overturning the verdicts, the Tennessee justices noted a trial error by former Shelby County Criminal Court Judge John Colton in allowing prosecutors Tom Henderson and John Campbell to tell jurors of Jones’ alleged killing of a 19-year-old man in Florida, just days before the Bartlett murders. They tried to link the cases together in an effort to show the details of the Bartlett deaths indicated the style of “signature crime” Jones committed in Florida. The justices didn’t agree with the comparison, declaring it was too prejudicial to have been introduced at trial.

The Jones case becomes one of four murder convictions now requiring retrials that were judicially kicked back into the lap of the Shelby County District Attorney General’s office within the space of less than a year.

In December 2013, the state justices reprimanded Henderson, a 38-year veteran Shelby County prosecutor, for withholding evidence in the 1998 trial of convicted murderer Michael Rimmer. Rimmer was accused of killing his ex-girlfriend, Ricci Ellsworth, in a case in which her body was never found after disappearing from her work as a motel clerk. Henderson, as the lead prosecutor, was cited for not divulging to the defense that another witness had seen a different man at the crime scene where Ellsworth was last seen. A lead detective was also accused of providing false testimony. However, despite the high court’s ruling, Henderson was not reprimanded or censured by his boss, Attorney General Amy Weirich.

In 1999, Robert Faulkner was convicted and sent to death row after bludgeoning his wife with a skillet during a domestic dispute. At the time of the trial Faulkner showed no remorse, earning the nickname “Skillet” after telling homicide investigators his spouse got what she deserved. Only, this year, it was discovered that the foreman of the jury that convicted Faulkner had intentionally withheld the fact she herself had been a victim of domestic abuse. With a tainted jury, the justices had no recourse but to overturn the conviction and order a new trial.

Also expected to be retried is Noura Jackson, convicted of stabbing her mother Jennifer Jackson 50 times at their home in 2009. But, the justices decided that conviction was tainted by several legal irregularities, including another withholding of evidence charge, this time leveled against Weirich, who was the lead prosecutor at the Jackson trial.

I’m not naïve enough to think that in a county where prosecutors have sent three times as many people to death row as any other county in Tennessee, the majority of the convicted don’t deserve to be where they are. But, I have heard from more than one defense attorney in Memphis that the current atmosphere in this district attorney’s office is “win at all costs.”

The mistakes made in the cases of Henry Lee Jones and Robert Faulkner might be ruled “technicalities,” but the flagrant withholding of evidence is not only disturbing, it’s at best, unethical, at worst, criminal. The district attorneys are supposed to be beacons of the law. Their misbehavior means putting families of the victims through the agony of reliving the gory details of the heinous deaths of their loved ones. And that’s not to mention the many thousands of dollars it costs taxpayers to retry these cases.

I respect stubbornness, but we should never pursue convictions at the expense of surrendering justice for all. Even a perennial loser like Hamilton Burger understood that.

Categories
Letters To The Editor Opinion

What They Said …

Greg Cravens

About Bianca Phillips story, “Richards House Redux” …

Thank you so much for bringing awareness to Memphis Heritage’s first “receivership” project.

We hope, through this program, that the community and city leaders will understand MHI’s commitment to being part of the solution of blight in our city, especially in our older neighborhoods.

Many of the blighted properties in Memphis still have good bones, are built with higher quality materials than are available today and built to last more than 100 years. Many of these inner city properties are worth reinvesting in and will assist in revitalizing neighborhoods.

We are not saying that all buildings should be saved — far from it. But if we can effectively reuse these properties, get them back on the tax rolls and in some cases teach the building trades, through the redevelopment, then I think we can all win.

June Waddell West

Director, Memphis Heritage

About Mike Working’s Viewpoint,

“Deforming Justice” …

Mike Working’s column on the recent appointments by Governor Haslam to the Task Force on Sentencing and Recidivism is right on point. This assortment of white Republicans is clearly not tasked to develop reasonable guidelines for incarceration, sentencing, and rehabilitation of those “caught” in the criminal justice system. The group identified, so far, fails to include representatives from those who are involved with criminal defendants on a daily basis, namely, public and private criminal defense lawyers and advocacy groups, such as the NAACP, which have a longtime involvement with offenders.

Madeleine C. Taylor, Executive Director

Memphis Branch NAACP

About Bruce VanWyngarden’s Letter From the Editor about Tiger football, Lucy, and Charlie Brown …

I love Tiger football. I just hate that my season ticket is between Pigpen and Peppermint Patty.

Jeff

About Louis Goggans’ story, “Bloody Beale Street Incident Leads to Sunday Morning Fee” …

The street will remain open. There will be a fee for its use, just as there are fees to park on the street, ride the bus, or play golf on a city-owned course. Time to try something new. If it does not work, I’m sure there will be a plan C, D, E, and so on. As far as closing off the street for a select few, well, that precedent was set the moment the police began to card individuals at Beale’s access points.

Barf

Really, just go at 11:59 p.m. to avoid the cover charge. This way you’ll have plenty of money left to get drunk and act like a fool. Ain’t we lucky we got ’em, good times?

Midtown Mark

About Bianca Phillips’ story, “Velsicol Seeks Permit for Site Clean-up” …

Not only do the areas near the plant need to be included in the investigation, but also the bed of the Mississippi River, including the Wolf River harbor. The Tennessee Department of Environment has posted these areas as having fish that are unsafe for human consumption. Veliscol’s chlordane — now out of production — attaches to the sediment. The organisms that several fish species eat interact with the sediment, causing the fish to become contaminated. In an area with so much subsistence fishing, this contamination lingers. Additionally, we are starting to make more recreational use of the Mississippi River. There’s a real need to find a way to stop this pollution.

Sue Williams

About Toby Sells’ webpost, “Shelby County Prosecutor Censured by Tennessee Supreme Court” …

Tom Henderson has been around much longer than Amy Weirich, and he has engaged in this unethical behavior for years. The tragedy is that Weirich knows of his questionable behavior and instead of firing him as an example for all other asssistant attorneys general, she has promoted him to teach the way to try cases. By allowing him to remain on the attorney general’s staff, she gives tacit approval to this unethical behavior. We had a chance to replace her in the last election but instead of focusing on her and her staff’s unethical behavior, we reduced the election to name calling: Joe Brown is a “clown.”

Mark D. Francis