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News The Fly-By

Police State

Don’t expect to see more police officers hitting the streets anytime soon.

Last month, Mayor W.W. Herenton announced a proposal to add 650 new officers to the Memphis Police Department, a move that came in response to an FBI report ranking Memphis the second most dangerous metro area in the country.

But if the City Council approves the 50-cent property tax hike needed to hire more cops, it may still be a few years before the extra officers will be able to make a dent in Memphis’ high crime rate.

It could take as long as two years to get officers from the first batch of recruits onto the streets as full-fledged officers, according to public information officer Vince Higgins.

“You have to recruit the first group, get their background checks and physicals, and get them pre-screened for the job,” says Higgins. “They’ll be at the police academy for 21 to 24 weeks, and they have a year of probation.”

Higgins says the first class would probably include 150 potential officers. Generally, only about 10 percent of applicants qualify for the academy.

The recruitment process — background checks, interviews, physicals, etc. — for the first 150 officers could take anywhere from three to six months. Then, the officers would attend the police academy for five to six months.

“Keep in mind there’s attrition in the class. Some fail the academics. Some fail the firearms. Some are injured during training,” says Higgins. “At the end of six months, we might end up with 125 officers graduating.”

Those who complete the training will enter a year-long probationary period, during which they’ll ride with a partner for nine months and continue to be monitored for another three.

City councilman Ricky Peete says the mayor’s proposal to hire 650 officers within two years is unreasonable given the time it takes to recruit and train.

“It’s highly unrealistic,” says Peete. “I think a much more manageable number is somewhere in the neighborhood of 100 new hires a year.”

Herenton’s proposed 50-cent tax hike includes funds for officer salaries, as well as necessary equipment: cars, uniforms, weapons, and electronic PDA systems.

Last week, the City Council asked the Memphis Shelby Crime Commission to review the mayor’s proposal.

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Full Docket

Chrystal Barclift was working as a supervisor in Juvenile Court when she got hooked on crack over five years ago. She lost her job, got busted, and found herself at Jail East, the women’s correctional facility near Shelby Farms. There she was offered a choice: stay in jail or spend a year in rehabilitation in the drug-court program. If she chose rehabilitation, her charges would be dropped.

Barclift, now sober for more than a year and employed in the public defender’s office, is one of the drug court’s many success stories.

The drug-court program sentences non-violent drug offenders to a year in an outpatient drug-treatment program — and pays for it — in lieu of jail time. Clients must appear in the courtroom each week with evidence they’ve been attending treatment, submit to random drug tests, and meet with counselors. At the end of the year, their record is expunged.

“[Drug court] taught me accountability, responsibility, and coping skills,” says Barclift, surrounded by proud family members after a drug-court ceremony last week to celebrate its 100th graduating class.

The program costs about $500,000 annually. Funding is provided by the Memphis Police Department, the Shelby County Sheriff’s Office, state fines, contributions from clients, and other donations.

Tim Dwyer, the program’s presiding judge, manages the program on a volunteer basis in addition to his regular docket. Drug court also pays for client treatment at area outpatient facilities and for things such as trade-school tuition or bus fare to and from treatment for those who cannot afford it.

But due to a shortage of funding, the program is not helping as many people as it could. Scarlett Crews, president of the Drug Court Foundation (the court’s fund-raising arm), estimates that only 40 percent of drug offenders who would qualify for treatment can actually enroll in the program.

Despite that, the drug court has saved taxpayers $24.8 million in incarceration fees since its inception in 1997. It costs roughly $110 per inmate per day at the jail and only $8 per day for clients in treatment through the drug court.

“As of [last week’s graduation], we’ve had 835 people who’ve gotten through it,” says Crews. “The beauty is that we have a 23 percent recidivism rate, which means re-arrest or re-use. That’s phenomenal.”

The drug court will host a boxing match between Mayor W.W. Herenton and Joe Frazier at The Peabody on November 30th, and Crews says they’re hoping the event will raise significant funds.

“Joe’s a real character and the mayor’s a real character, so we’re not sure exactly what’s going to happen,” says Crews. “But it’s going to be fun.”

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Business Deal

It’s about five minutes until 11 p.m. — closing time at the Kirby Parkway Liquor store — on August 26th. A young man sporting an Afro and a long-sleeved camouflaged shirt walks in, asking for tequila.

He picks up a bottle and heads to the register. As an employee rings him up, he points a pistol at the cashier’s head and screams, “Open the drawer!”

The situation is an increasingly common scenario at local businesses. Through August 31st of this year, business robberies are up 45 percent from last year. Business burglaries are up 29 percent.

“I think there’s increased gang involvement surrounding the business robberies,” says Lt. Jeffrey Polk, director of the Memphis Police Department’s robbery bureau. “Drugs play a heavy factor. We’re seeing a lot of males in their 20s.”

Polk says some gang-related robberies are part of the gang initiation process used by members of the Vice Lords and the Gangster Disciples. Others provide gangs with money to fuel the drug trade. Polk has even dealt with cases in which the money stolen was intended to bond a fellow gang member out of jail. “It boils down to good old-fashioned greed,” says Polk. “To some of these folks, robbery is their job.”

Laura Burgess, an employee at the Kirby Parkway Liquor store, says police suspected the robbery at her store may have been part of a gang initiation.

From January through the end of August, 490 local businesses have been robbed, meaning something was taken by the use of force, threats, or intimidation. Another 2,124 businesses have been burglarized, meaning someone has broken into a building with the intent to steal.

Sharonda Hampton, director of MPD’s burglary bureau, says her department saw a large spike in crime during the summer months.

“Lately, they’ve been hitting the pharmacies. That’s where the drugs are,” says Hampton. “They’re also hitting a lot of beauty supply stores.”

A few weeks ago, a beauty supply shop in Whitehaven was burgled of $6,000 worth of human hair, as well as $200 from the shop’s register.

At Kirby Parkway Liquor store, Burgess says they’ll be extra cautious about keeping the doors locked at night.

“It would scare customers away if we installed bullet-proof glass,” says Burgess. “Those Germantown housewives wouldn’t even come in here.”

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Jail Break

For many prisoners in Shelby County, jail can be like drugs. Once they’ve been locked up, it’s a hard habit to kick.

About 85 percent of the people processed through the Shelby County Jail are arrested again within three years of their release.

But the county’s hoping to reduce those figures through a pilot program projected to begin in December. By providing mandatory incentives to prisoners, such as employment services, addiction counseling, and literacy training, county officials hope to reduce the recidivism rate.

“We’re doing a good job of locking people up, but they have a discouraging profile,” said Sheriff Mark Lutrell. “The majority of prisoners are young black men, aged 18 to 26. Many aren’t above a fifth-grade reading level, and many are illiterate.”

Currently, services such as basic education, drug-abuse programs, and anger management are offered, but attendance is voluntary.

The test program will break selected medium-security-level inmates into three groups. The first group will serve as the control group, and though services won’t be mandatory, they will be marketed more heavily.

Inmates in the second group will receive a case manager who will assess their individual needs and assign them to applicable services.

“The case manager will even work with inmates post-release to prevent them from reverting back to old behavior,” said Sybille Noble, the current project manager.

The third group will mirror the second group, but they will receive additional services in literacy training provided by faculty from the University of Memphis.

“We’re hopeful we’ll know in a year after release how stable their situation is,” said Noble. “If they’re working and going to church, that should be able to help us determine if they’ll be back [behind bars].”

Test-group members will also have some post-release incentives, such as housing and employment assistance.

“There’s a lot of factors [affecting recidivism], but it comes down to the negative environment some of these inmates face after release,” said Noble. “Some don’t have a good home life. Some don’t even have a home life.”

The $1.5 million program is part of Operation Safe Community, a countywide initiative to reduce crime by 2010.

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Bad Boys

Last week, three Memphis police officers were arrested for stealing drugs from dealers.

Arthur Sease, who left the department in 2005 for unrelated reasons, was charged in a 50-count indictment that included charges of civil rights conspiracy, distribution and possession of controlled substances, extortion, kidnapping, and firearms violations.

Officers Alexander Johnson and Antoine Owens each face two counts of conspiring to violate civil rights and to distribute controlled substances.

According to U.S. attorney David Kustoff, the trio would convince an individual to arrange a drug purchase. During the exchange, the officers would “bust” the dealers and take their cash, drugs, and jewelry. Then they’d usually instruct the dealer to keep quiet about the incident and let him or her leave without being charged.

The most recent charges bring the number of indicted Memphis police officers to 19 in the past two years. With more than 2,000 officers on the force, that figure accounts for almost 1 percent of all Memphis police officers.

Chip Burrus, assistant director of the FBI’s criminal-investigations division, says this sort of “crooked cop” behavior is fairly common all over the country.

“There’s 18,000 police agencies throughout America, and 99 percent of the officers are doing exactly what they should. They’re obeying the law, following the Constitution,” says Burrus. “It’s the 1 percent that we always worry about.”

He says the appeal of extra money often gets in the way of a cop’s sense, but better ethics training in police departments can help.

“A corrupt cop doesn’t just one day say, ‘I’m going to be a corrupt cop tomorrow,'” says Burrus. “It’s a gradual baby step toward the line. Sometimes that line is blurry and difficult to determine. But when they cross it, they’ve crossed it.”

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Cover Feature News

Takin’ It to the Streets

On July 4, 2005, Frank Melton became mayor of Jackson, Mississippi. In his first year in office, he has become a lightning rod for controversy. The Jackson Free Press, that city’s alternative newspaper, put it this way: “Soon after Melton walked into the mayor’s office, the press was on its toes. A new, brash personality had taken up residence. Melton enjoyed donning police-issue bullet-resistant vests, brandishing weapons, and wearing a gold badge and the distinctive backward cap that became a trademark for early nighttime news footage of him leading “raids” for the cameras.

There was no denying it: Melton wanted to be a cop, and he hired a nice, doe-eyed police chief who allowed him free rein over nightly police activities. Melton spent his first night in office joining police checkpoints and “knock and talks” at hotels along Highway 80. The press treated this as spectacle, with cameras trailing the new mayor as he strutted about like a law enforcement officer. While some individuals grew concerned about separation of powers, many Jackson residents were thrilled with the new attention, and cheered Melton for his hands-on behavior …

But the cheering soon turned to concern as more facts became known about the mercurial Melton. He often preferred telling a good story to the truth. As the media began fact-checking Melton’s statements and background, they learned the mayor had a thin skin, as well.

Soon after he was inaugurated, the Jackson Free Press broke the news that Melton had lied in a civil lawsuit against him for actions while he was head of the Mississippi Bureau of Narcotics (MBN), and the lie has popped up time and again as events in the suit proceed. Former MBN pilots sued Melton for defamation after he leaked a memo to the Jackson Clarion-Ledger in 2003 alleging their misconduct. Melton, a former television executive, denied leaking the information then later tried to use the obligation of reporters to protect their sources in defense of his denial without mentioning that he was the source. Melton’s lie infuriated Lauderdale County Circuit Court judge Robert Bailey, who backhanded the new mayor by awarding the plaintiff’s argument to strike Melton’s defense from the record, essentially handing Melton an instant loss. The next phase of the case involves a jury deciding later this year how much Melton will have to pay.

One of Melton’s first acts when he took office was to close the Terry Road Bookstore. Melton told WLBT-TV that police had witnessed illegal sex in the back of the store. WLBT quoted Melton saying, “I came in with two detectives, and there were two men in a sex act.”

Melton’s account differed from that of Sergeant William Gladney of the Jackson Police Department vice crimes unit. “I don’t know what happened before I got there,” Gladney said. “We arrested [cashier] Debra Washington, but I don’t know about the two men.” The mayor’s spokeswoman said later that no arrests for public sex had been made on that date.

The mayor tried to use the same “gotcha” strategy at another adult bookstore in South Jackson in November 2005. Within the week, Melton was proclaiming that he’d caught people in a sex act during his visit. But the store’s owner produced surveillance tape of Melton’s visit that proved that no customers were in the story during his “raid.”

Melton told both the Clarion-Ledger and the Jackson Free Press that he is a certified police officer, though no records in Mississippi back up his claim — and it has no merit, according to state attorney general Jim Hood.

The mayor also regularly told the press that he is certified to carry firearms, which he enjoys wearing to City Hall and countless other places, including locations where guns are prohibited by state law — despite no record indicating that this certification exists.

And so it has gone. Melton makes a statement; the media check it out and find it to be untrue. But he’s continued his one-man battle against crime, even declaring a “state of emergency” for the city on June 23rd after a week of higher than usual criminal activity.

On June 28th, Jackson Free Press reporter Brian Johnson accompanied Melton on one of his nightly patrols. His remarkable story follows. — Bruce VanWyngarden

Punks and Heavy Artillery

Mayor Frank Melton, clad in a brilliant-white bullet-resistant vest and wearing a sidearm, invited members of the media to join him in the hunt for Vidal Sullivan, who has become the object of an intense manhunt on two charges of kidnapping and one of aggravated assault. Sullivan is also suspected in a shooting on June 9th.

Jackson Free Press reporter Brian Johnson on patrol with Mayor Melton

A cameraman from WAPT-TV, Richard Fausset of The Los Angeles Times, and I boarded the Mobile Command Center (MCC), and then we thundered out of the compound with four police cruisers and three media cars in tow. The cruisers swept in from the left and right, their blue strobes flashing, as we penetrated to the Kroger on I-55 for water and soda.

Our next stop was a public park, where we met members of a lawn crew Melton has created to provide disadvantaged youths with jobs. Earlier that day, Melton acknowledged that two members of the lawn crew were arrested for missing a court appearance on armed robbery charges. Melton asked the teenagers how many lawns they had mowed that day. “Twenty-seven,” one of them replied. All 12 youngsters boarded the MCC and crowded into the back to watch movies on a large plasma screen. Melton said he has 230 young men working for the city.

From there, we rolled to Wood Street, hot on the trail of Vidal Sullivan. In February, Melton said he was considering a leave of absence to apprehend Sullivan, who had just been acquitted of murder in the February 2003 death of Carey Bias. Melton said he would bring new charges in a separate case against Sullivan. When Sullivan turned himself in to Melton on March 2nd, Melton took him into “protective custody.”

“He’s back on cocaine,” Melton told us, as the MCC pitched and heaved over every bump in the road. “We have kept a close eye on him. Either [Police Chief] Shirlene [Anderson] or me calls him every day, making sure he takes care of himself.”

Melton earlier told the Free Press that he had given Sullivan money in May to buy school clothes for his 10-year-old son; thus, the reason Sullivan was spotted in City Hall.

The mayor met with a small group of young men and walked 40 feet down the road with one of them, Maurice Warner, who Melton says he helped raise and who was also acquitted in the Bias murder. The two men embraced. I wasn’t close enough to hear everything, but as Warner wiped tears, he begged loudly, “Just give me an hour!” Melton held Warner loosely throughout their conversation.

Back in the MCC, Melton said Warner was going to try to convince Sullivan to surrender. He said we would be there when he took Sullivan into custody — as he often helps “bring in” wanted men to law enforcement.

We stopped at a housing project in West Jackson. Melton was familiar with the residents and the state of the property. He noted with approval that trash had been removed, but he was irritated that basketball goals had not been mounted as he had instructed. He questioned residents in detail on the algae-clogged concrete creek running through the center of the complex. “Mosquitoes are going to breed in that, and there’s a lot of children out here,” Melton admonished.

An elderly African-American woman in a loose summer dress complained about a white police officer who she claimed was rude and failed to take their calls seriously. Melton told the woman to contact Chief Anderson with complaints about the police.

When we pulled up in front of a group of African-American teenagers and young adults standing in an open stairwell, some of them disappeared behind apartment doors, though most stayed out to greet the mayor, many of them young children. The walls were covered in graffiti, including several tags from the Vice Lords gang. The mayor asked the children to hug him, and most did so in delight. Melton then pulled aside a young man who I will call “Anthony” and escorted him away from the crowd. Fausset and I followed, facing Melton and Anthony, observing their conversation. Anthony, who said he was 18, stared at the ground and hung his head.

“Have you been smoking marijuana tonight?” Melton asked.

“Yes sir,” Anthony mumbled. “About an hour ago.”

“Was it a joint or a blunt?”

“A blunt,” Anthony replied.

Melton then asked Anthony how long he had been smoking (two months) and whether he needed treatment (no). When Melton heard that Anthony had dropped out of high school in his junior year, he was indignant. “You mean to tell me no one from the school, no teacher, no counselor, no one came to ask why you weren’t in school?”

“No sir,” Anthony muttered. Melton then gave the boy his home number and urged him to call for a job. Anthony was clearly uncomfortable, staring at the ground and mumbling in a faint monotone, like a child before a stern father. If either Melton or Anthony had asked for privacy, I would have stepped away, but one reason why I am concealing Anthony’s identity is that he really had no way to say no to anything.

We walked back through the stairwell, and Melton chided, by name, some of the people who had since emerged from behind closed doors. “This is true community policing,” Melton declared. “Get out there and see the people yourself.”

Soon, we stopped in the middle of the street in a neighborhood in West Jackson. The police blocked off traffic and then let cars through in a single lane. They checked the IDs of most drivers and then waved them through. I could not see the use of this spot roadblock, as no police officer seemed to be running license numbers or names on the radio. Many cars turned onto side streets as they approached the roadblock, probably just to avoid the hassle. Most of the drivers who did approach the roadblock were apparently returning home from work.

While the police checked IDs, Melton joined a group of young African Americans. “This one’s a dope dealer,” Melton said, grinning as he clapped one young man on the shoulder before pointing at another, “and this one’s a dope smoker.” I later asked the mayor if he was joking, and he said he was not.

“If I ever got in trouble, in a real tight spot, this is where I would go,” he said. “I know what these boys are capable of, and I trust them with my life.”

Then one of the teenagers showed the mayor the latest issue of the Jackson Free Press, with an illustration of Melton on the cover bursting out of a birthday cake and the headline “Sex, Lies and Videotape.”

“What is this trash?” Melton thundered. He tore up the paper and threw it on the ground. “How can you let children see this sort of trash?” Melton shouted at me.

“I don’t see what’s trashy about it,” I replied. “It’s just the title of a movie.”

“Well at least you’re honest,” the mayor replied. “But I’m going to tell you this. You are cut off. I have tried and tried to work with you people, but after tonight, it’s over. Y’all are going to be out of business in six months.”

Melton berated me about the cover for a full minute, with the crowd from the neighborhood and media from television and print gathered around. A cluster of quizzical police officers listened from the periphery. The mayor seemed to take our cover as a personal betrayal. Finally, he stormed away, and I straggled back to the MCC, careful to keep my distance.

Mayor Melton on Patrol

Mayor Melton on Patrol

“Hey,” an officer in body armor with a pistol strapped to his leg said, “you’re pretty tough.”

I laughed, not entirely convinced. “Thanks.”

I stayed in the back of the bus with the teenagers for a while, to avoid the mayor’s wrath. We stopped to meet with another informant in the hunt for Sullivan, but something was wrong. Melton said loudly, “This is about the fourth time I’ve had to pick [Sullivan] up. I don’t want to have to kill this boy.”

We pulled onto the interstate, police cruisers darting in front of us to clear traffic. In the back of the MCC, the teenagers were watching Black Hawk Down on the plasma screen. Blue strobes from the cruisers danced around the walls while the teenagers watched Army Rangers in Mogadishu fire rockets into buildings and rifles into crowds of gun-toting Africans.

“More skinnies!” the soldiers shouted.

“You really don’t have to use the foot straps on those helicopters,” the police officer told the teenagers. They all stared at him enrapt. He told them what it was like to fire heavy weaponry.

The only thing that excited the teenagers more came much later in the evening, when Melton conversed with a transvestite in a tank top, a miniskirt, and an ill-fitting wig of platinum curls. When I got back aboard, the teens could hardly contain their excitement. “Did you see that?” one of them asked. “That was a punk!”

We stopped near Union Station, downtown, and approached a group of homeless African-American men who were talking out in an empty lot, sitting on the edge of a ruined concrete foundation. At every stop, the other media hung back and talked among themselves while Fausset and I followed Melton.

The mayor sat among the men, who seemed pleased to welcome him. Melton asked the men their names and how long they had been homeless. He asked them if there was anything he could do to help and wrote down numbers for them to contact. Then Melton’s voice took on passion. “I need you men to help me figure out how we can help you. I am determined to help you.”

The men told Melton what they needed, which was shelter, rehab and job training, and Melton listened carefully.

“Hey,” one of the police officers said, patting me on the arm, “y’all are popular.” He pointed at a man in a torn jacket who was reading the new issue. “Even the homeless read you.”

“You know,” Melton said to the men, “sometimes I think I would love to trade places with you. Not to have any worries.”

The men laughed kindly. “You don’t know what it’s like out here, Frank,” one of the homeless men said.

“I mean you don’t have to worry about nonsense like the IRS or the media,” Melton said, looking at me.

“You gotta spend a night out here, Frank. I don’t think you could do it.”

“Oh yes, I could. Hey, Recio,” Melton called to one of the men. Recio approached warily. “These men say I should stay out here with them some night.”

Recio made a face like he had just bitten down on a lemon.

“All right, gentlemen,” Melton said. “I want you to take care of yourselves.” He then signed autographs for several of the men.

As we walked back through the overgrown lot, the wreck of the King Edward Hotel prominent on the skyline, Melton took me aside. “I want to apologize for before,” he said. “You seem like a respectful young man, and I know it wasn’t you who did the cover.”

“I’m sorry it upset you,” I said. “You should talk to Donna [Ladd, publisher of the Jackson Free Press] about it.”

“It won’t do any good,” he said, shaking his head.

I was already exhausted, with hours of raids still ahead. We stopped and questioned many youths who were out past the “emergency” curfew but who all claimed to be 18. We approached porches that smelled of marijuana, and the police searched the ground for evidence while Melton chatted amiably with residents, urging them to find steady work and to take care of themselves. The only arrest of the night was one African-American male with one rock of crack. Sullivan was arrested three days later — but by U.S. Marshals, not the JPD.

For now, though, there was a moment of peace while Melton talked on his cell phone. Fausset leaned against the MCC while we waited. “Is it always like this?” he asked in amazement.

“Welcome to Jackson,” I replied with weary bravado. “‘Circus’ doesn’t quite do it justice, does it?”


photos By William Patrick Butler

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News The Fly-By

Murder Is the Case They Gave Them

Last Wednesday, members of the Shelby County Commission heard a request for $162,000 for 360 additional bulletproof vests for the Shelby County Sheriff’s Office training academy.

Hearing an explanation of the item, Commissioner Michael Hooks muttered, “Can we provide one for every citizen of Shelby County?”

With Memphis clocking in at 92 homicides through the first week of June, Hooks’ idea may not be a bad one. Since last year at this time, the number of homicides is up roughly 36 percent.

Memphis Police Department’s (MPD) homicide director Joe Scott said there are several reasons for the increase, but gang-related crimes are a major factor.

“The felons aren’t carrying guns as often anymore. The younger gang members have taken charge of the guns,” explained Scott. “This is a recipe for disaster: a young, angry man with a gun.”

Statistics from gang-related crimes are studied closely to identify strategies that could aid MPD’s Criminal Apprehension Team, the department’s plainclothes surveillance officers. He says MPD’s decision to pull out of the joint city-county Metro Gang Unit earlier this year has not hurt their ability to conduct gang enforcement.

“During the first four months of our operation, we have made more verified gang arrests than the Metro Gang Unit made in all of 2005,” said Scott, referring to the Blue Crush operation, which uses mapping and statistical data for targeting crime hotspots.

The use of firearms in resolving petty disputes is on the rise as well. And in some cases, people may not resort to guns but still turn to homicide as a final solution.

Two weeks ago, 47-year-old Renee Godwin was run over and dragged by a car in Orange Mound. Police believe she and her attacker, Darrell Keith Anderson, were involved in an ongoing dispute.

Beginning this week, the police department will begin targeting high violent crime areas with specialized enforcement teams.

The 92 homicides so far this year average out to about one homicide every other day. Last year, the average was one every 2.8 days. “Six-month intervals don’t tell the story,” said Scott. “In 1993, there were 213 murders in Memphis, and as of June that year, there had been 83.”

But Scott said there’s no need for Memphians to hole up inside their homes, fearing for their lives.

“Lifestyle, drug involvement, gang activity, and committing other crimes is by far the number-one reason people are victims of murder,” said Scott. “There have been victims of murder through absolutely no fault of their own, but the percentage is very small.”


By the numbers: Homicides

At press time, police are investigating what may become the cities’ 93rd, 94th, and 95th homicides after a woman, her son, and her husband were discovered in a burning home in Cordova. Investigators say the woman and son appear to have been beaten to death. The cause of the man’s death has not yet been determined.

The numbers of homicides are up from 67 in the first week of July last year. Though Memphis has seen worse years (213 homicides in 1993), the city’s on track to beat last year’s total homicide number: 153.

Here’s how we match up with other cities of comparable size through the first week of June:

Memphis (pop. 650,100) — 92

Nashville (pop. 545,524) — 45

Charlotte, North Carolina (pop. 548,828) — 33

St. Louis (pop. 348,189) — 62

Little Rock (pop. 183,133) — 34

Detroit (pop. 951,270) — 203

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LoJack City

As Germantown police officer Ryan Carter turns on his police cruiser, a female voice sounds from his dash.

“Alert: LoJack stolen vehicle contact received. Reply code: zero, zero, zero, juliet, hotel,” the voice says from a small, rectangular screen affixed to the dash.

“Sometimes that scares me when I turn on the car,” says Carter, “like I’m hearing voices.”

The LoJack Stolen Vehicle Recovery System was installed in his car the day before. The new system, which alerts officers when certain stolen vehicles are in the area, was installed in six Germantown cruisers, 22 Shelby County Sheriff cars, and 40 Memphis Police Department (MPD) cars.

For $695, car buyers can opt to have a LoJack system installed in their vehicle. If the car is stolen, its LoJack system will be activated after the theft is reported to police. If a patrol officer has the LoJack receiver in his squad car, it will beep if the car comes within three miles of the stolen vehicle.

A digital compass on the receiver directs the officer to the stolen car. As the officer nears the intended target, the beeps get faster and higher in pitch.

“We guarantee vehicle recovery within 24 hours,” boasts Patrick Clancy, vice president of law enforcement for the LoJack Corporation, at a joint press conference Wednesday morning with officers from Memphis, Germantown, and Shelby County.

Carter demonstrates the system in action. First, Clancy drives away in a Chevy van equipped with an activated LoJack system.

When Carter turns on his engine, the voice from his dash lets Carter know a stolen car has been sensed nearby. His compass points north, so he drives in that direction.

“This system is great because it eliminates the need for a high-speed chase,” says Carter as the LoJack beeps get higher and faster. “They can try and get away, but we’ll find them eventually.”

The compass begins to point a little more to the right, and Carter turns onto a side street. Up ahead, the van has already been apprehended by another police demo car.

While the system is only useful in locating cars equipped with a LoJack transmitter, Clancy says that over five million have been installed around the country. Since 1986, when LoJack was founded, over 100,000 vehicles have been recovered worldwide.

Last week, when two MPD officers were only 20 minutes into their LoJack training, they found a stolen Nissan in South Memphis.

Since the company depends on police to use the system, it is installed in police cars for no charge.

“In this era of crime, we’ve got to police smarter,” says Shelby County sheriff Mark Luttrell. “This is a method that’s economically efficient with proven results.”

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News The Fly-By

Ticket to Ride

With violent crime on the rise in Memphis, everybody seems to be looking for new ways to arrest the problem. Members of the City Council recently voted to add money for 50 more officers to the police budget. Local mayors, the Memphis Police Department (MPD), Sheriff Mark Luttrell, U.S. attorney

David Kustoff, and district attorney general Bill Gibbons last week announced an initiative called Operation Safe Community.

The initiative includes stronger legislation for gun crimes, mining data for areas of heavy criminal activity, and a comprehensive gang strategy.

That’s all good in theory, but you’ll have to excuse me if I’m a little skeptical.

A chain gang is only as strong as its weakest link, and the MPD seems to have several. As part of Operation Tarnished Blue, at least 20 officers have been the focus of criminal investigations in the past two years rather than the ones doing the investigating. And, on a personal note, last week I found myself wondering how the police function at all.

Let me explain. Being a member of the media has certain perks: When you introduce yourself, people’s eyes often light up in recognition (on second thought, that’s not always a good thing), sometimes you get into events for free, and in downtown Memphis, there are several designated media parking spots.

Supposedly.

In the time I’ve worked for the Flyer, most of my colleagues have gotten tickets for parking in media parking.

We used to place a Flyer business card on the dash, but after one of our reporters got a ticket, the then-police spokesperson said that the officer was probably standing on the other side of her car and didn’t see the card. Then we started using two cards on the dashboard, one for each side.

After I got a ticket using the two-card system, we started using an 11″ by 17″ reproduction of our business cards, thinking officers surely couldn’t miss a huge sign that said Memphis Flyer. But when I got yet another ticket, I realized that maybe we were being a little self-important. Perhaps the officers didn’t know that the Flyer is a newspaper. Or worse, perhaps they didn’t realize that a newspaper is considered — yes, just like TV stations — media.

So I added a huge “MEDIA” to my 11″ by 17″ sign.

I think you probably know where this is going. I got another ticket last week. I simply don’t know what else I can do. Paint my car Flyer-green?

I keep trying to put myself in the officer’s black boots. Maybe he or she didn’t know the area was media parking; maybe he or she thought it was “No Parking.”

Nope. Right on the bottom of the ticket, the officer had written “media parking only.”

He obviously looked at the car closely enough to determine its make, model, and license plate number but somehow missed the MEDIA sign … even when he stuck the ticket right under my wiper blade, right on top of the sign.

I just don’t understand. Was the officer preoccupied? Was he or she just writing a ticket to meet some quota?

I know that in the grand scheme of things my parking ticket is a tiny infraction. If it were the first time, I’d assume it was a simple mistake and move on. But it’s happened no less than six times. I’m sure there are some great officers out there, but that kind of sloppy police work makes me wonder about the success of any crime initiative. Memphis saw its 70th, 71st, and 72nd homicides of the year in the past four days. This may be harsh, but how are you going to crack a case — or help lower the crime rate — if you can’t write a parking ticket properly?

I mean, Operation Safe Community is talking about using statistical data to find hotbeds of criminal activity. That’s a good step, but it can’t succeed without the officers on the streets doing their jobs properly. And, for better or worse, they are the face of local law enforcement.

Justice may be blind, but the rest of us aren’t.

Categories
Opinion Viewpoint

A Capital Issue

Sedley Alley has a name right out of a Charles Dickens novel, a conviction for a crime fit for Jack the Ripper, and a support group worthy of Mother Teresa.

It seems there is no convicted killer in Memphis so heinous that he does not have supporters willing to throw out evidence, trials, and appeals and pronounce him innocent.

Like Sedley Alley, convicted of raping, stabbing, and strangling 19-year-old Suzanne Marie Collins in 1985. Last week, he won a 15-day reprieve, hours before he was scheduled to die by lethal injection.

Like Damien Echols, convicted along with two others of killing and mutilating three young boys in West Memphis in 1993. Some rock musicians are doing benefit concerts for the imprisoned Satanist turned memoirist.

Like James Earl Ray, convicted of murdering Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. but embraced, literally, in his last years by members of the King family.

Something about these post-conviction public appeals and 11th-hour debates rings false, simplistic, and even cynical. A little spin is applied to gloss over boxes of evidence and years of appeals. Not only is the convicted killer exculpated, suspicion is cast on someone else — Suzanne Collins’ boyfriends, the parents of the murdered boys, the Army and the Green Berets — on flimsy evidence, bogus evidence, or no evidence at all.

Alley’s defenders include the grassroots organizing group Tennessee Coalition Against State Killing (TCASK) and the Innocence Project. Alley gave a confession, pleaded not guilty by reason of insanity, was convicted by a jury that saw and heard the evidence, lost four appeals, and did not begin to assert his innocence for 17 years. Prison has apparently cured his mental illness and allowed him to get his story straight.

TCASK and the Innocence Project also challenged the prosecutors in the case and Governor Phil Bredesen. “What are they afraid of?” asked Randy Tatel of TCASK in an e-mail about Alley’s case sent to news organizations. Alley’s attorney, federal public defender Kelley Henry, said it is so unlikely that he is the killer that she cannot even hold that thought in her head.

The Innocence Project has helped free scores of prisoners wrongly convicted of murder, but this is where they lose me. You can believe that police, prosecutors, and judges would coerce confessions, ignore exonerating evidence, and let an innocent man die rather than admit a mistake, but you can’t believe that Sedley Alley might lie?

I don’t think Shelby County prosecutors and Bredesen are afraid of anything. I think they’re concerned about the judicial system of evidence gathering, investigation, grand-jury presentation, trial by jury, and review by appellate courts being undermined by incessant appeals. And I think they do believe that sometimes murderers lie.

Even within Alley’s camp there is disagreement over whether DNA testing would be conclusive one way or the other. Shelby County district attorney Bill Gibbons predicted that DNA testing, if it occurs, would likely prolong Alley’s case for years. The parents of Collins have already been broken financially and in spirit.

DNA testing is the most recent in a long and probably endless number of Alley’s avenues to appeal. He previously argued multiple personalities and was convicted by a jury. He argued that the trial judge was biased; another judge reviewed the evidence and supported the verdict. He claimed his previous lawyers were ineffective because they didn’t give jurors the Full Monty about his underdeveloped penis and other maladies. The appeal was rejected.

Moral opposition to the death penalty as state-sanctioned killing has led to prohibitions in several states since 1846, when Michigan banned it. The United States Supreme Court outlawed capital punishment in 1972 and cleared the way for states to reinstate it in 1976.

There has been only one execution in Tennessee since then. For whatever reasons, Tennessee prosecutors, judges, and five governors have been reluctant to hasten the pace of executions. Bredesen said he believes Alley is guilty. If Gibbons is correct and the reprieve lasts years instead of 15 days, the governor could be spared the burden of acting on a request for clemency.

If that happens, so be it. But extending the lives of prisoners on death row and asserting their innocence are two different things.