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Church of God in Changeover

The annual holy convocation of the Church of God in Christ, Inc., commonly called COGIC, in Memphis this week holds heightened significance for members of the “world’s fastest growing denomination.” It is the 100th anniversary of the gathering and the first for a new presiding bishop, Charles E. Blake.

Blake pastors the mega West Angeles COGIC, the so-called church of the stars — Magic Johnson, Denzel Washington, and Angela Bassett are members — in Los Angeles. He assumed the dual role of presiding bishop and COGIC chief executive officer following the death of Bishop G.E. Patterson in Memphis on March 20th.

Blake’s first convocation as presiding bishop could also be his last depending on the outcome of a referendum among the church’s delegates on November 12th to decide whether or not a special election should be held to fill the denomination’s top position. Though Blake or any other candidate would only serve out the last year of Patterson’s term until next year’s regularly scheduled election, even such a brief stay atop COGIC could include life-changing opportunities.

Blake already is the focus of some controversy. He earns a $900,000 salary and owns a 10,000-square-foot mansion in Beverly Hills while most of his congregation lives in impoverished South Central Los Angeles. And critics say his position on gay issues has changed from progressive to conservative in recent years, perhaps as a result of his elevation in the church hierarchy.

And they were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and began to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance.

Acts 2:4

Despite the importance of the city to the denomination — “Memphis is our Mecca,” Blake told the Flyer — COGIC remains misunderstood by many outsiders.

There’s no misunderstanding of the annual convocation’s economic importance to Memphis, however. The Memphis Convention & Visitors Bureau estimates that the event generates $25 million to $30 million for the local economy. This year’s centennial celebration and the election year of church leadership in 2008 could bring in even more.

Local economic impact aside, COGIC is one of the driving forces behind the global Pentecostal movement. “We are, in many ways, the mother organization of Pentecostalism,” Blake says, “which is the fastest-growing religious movement in the world.”

COGIC world headquarters is located at Mason Temple, just off E.H. Crump Boulevard, south of downtown Memphis. Mason Temple was the site of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s final speech on April 3, 1968, and today holds the remains of COGIC founder and temple namesake, Charles Harrison Mason.

Blake’s Mecca reference to Memphis reflects the church’s humble beginnings. Mason staged the first national COGIC pilgrimage here in 1907, scheduled after the fall harvest, when time and money would allow far-flung “saints,” as COGIC members are called, to make the trip. A century later, the annual convocation draws around 50,000 visitors. Membership has swelled to an estimated 5 million members in the United States and 57 foreign countries.

COGIC practices Pentecostal-Holiness spirituality, which emphasizes a personal, physical relationship with God. Worshippers may spontaneously break out in glossolalia, also known as speaking in tongues, which confirms their one-on-one connection with the Holy Ghost. As one preacher bellowed on a recent Sunday morning, “If God wanted other people to know what he was talking to you about, then he wouldn’t put it in unknown tongues.”

COGIC also is socially conservative. For instance, controversy followed Blake in 2003, when he accepted the Harvard Foundation’s Humanitarian of the Year award for his African charitable works from the Rev. Peter Gomes and invited the openly gay Gomes to speak at his church. After Blake’s congregation complained about a “sinner” preaching in their pulpit, Blake claimed that he wasn’t aware of Gomes’ orientation. The church issued a proclamation against same-sex marriage the next year, calling the homosexual lifestyle “aberrant and deviant.”

Some COGIC members have said Blake knowingly took the progressive stand but recoiled from it following the backlash from church members.

Let us now praise famous men, and our fathers that begat us.

Ecclesiastes 44:1

COGIC founder Mason was an outcast who dared to preach a new version of the Bible in Baptist country. Mason and his band of dissenters also happened to be black in 19th-century Mississippi. Not surprisingly, they were persecuted.

Mason held revivals and preached itinerantly until settling into his first church — a cotton warehouse in the Delta town of Lexington, Mississippi — in 1897, where the congregation was fired upon with pistols and shotguns, according to church lore. A decade later, Mason attended a Pentecostal revival in Los Angeles, which became known as the “miracle on Azusa Street.” He came to believe that speaking in tongues was the sign of a true believer baptized in the Holy Spirit. The Pentecostal-Holiness movement officially went global through the Azusa Street revival, and the Church of God in Christ followed.

Mason came to Memphis, where he opened the first COGIC church at 392 Wellington. By 1907, there were nine other COGIC churches, mostly small and rural, scattered throughout the tri-state region.

No one better embodied the growth of COGIC than another Memphian, the late Gilbert Earl Patterson, who served as presiding bishop from 2001 to 2007. A member of the closest thing COGIC has to a royal family, Patterson possessed a disarming down-home wit, but he also had a talent for leadership behind his folksy facade. When former President Bill Clinton eulogized Patterson last March, he told the crowd, “His church grew vast and great because people could feel [Patterson] believed in a God of second chances. People could feel that they were loved and mattered and could start all over.”

Patterson built a media empire headquartered at his downtown Temple of Deliverance. Bountiful Blessings, Inc., airs over radio station WBBP 1480 AM and on Black Entertainment Television and Trinity Broadcasting Network. The broadcasts, along with sales of DVDs, CDs, cassettes, and VHS tapes, have elevated the COGIC presiding-bishop job to unprecedented visibility.

For whether is greater, the gold, or the temple that sanctifieth the gold?

Matthew 23:17

Courtesy Carter-Malone Group

Bishop Charles E. Blake

Every Sunday morning thousands of saints fill the Temple of Deliverance sanctuary with the sounds of singing and clapping. A 50-person choir and full orchestra lead the music. In a dark room above the sanctuary, a production crew records the service for radio and TV broadcasts.

On one wall, 20 monitors of various sizes, some black and white, others color, show what the six video cameras in the service are capturing. On screen, a woman leads “praise and worship,” the warm-up for the sermon. She praises “Hallelujah!” and speaks in tongues, improvising as she channels the Holy Spirit.

Behind this scene, at the control room’s nerve center, the director sits at her switchboard with a headset on as red buttons on the board light up. She tells the cameramen what to shoot and how to do it. There are no rehearsals, and though she knows the program, she still must stay on her toes, especially when the speaker welcomes guests to the sanctuary and asks them to stand.

Next to the director, a graphics engineer programs song titles, lyrics, and scripture for display on two screens in the sanctuary. Like so many other COGIC employees, the graphics engineer started by volunteering her help and eventually became a full-time employee as she learned the trade. She repeats the COGIC statement of faith as she displays it on the screen.

A videotape operator with a wall-high panel of recording machines cues and rolls pre-recorded announcements and records a VHS master of the service, as well as DVD copies for the broadcast on BET and TBN.

The production is managed in-house and staffed entirely by COGIC members. They sing along with “Just a Closer Walk With Thee” and sway in their seats like the congregation. As one of them explained, “This is Bishop Patterson’s thing.”

The call center adjacent to Patterson’s Temple of Deliverance rings like church bells on Sunday, with viewers of the broadcast ordering DVDs or CDs. Now, more than seven months after Patterson’s death, you can still see him preach on TV, though the conclusion of each program is only available to those who purchase the entire sermon.

Patterson’s stature as presiding bishop attracted huge audiences. His message caused new members and even entire congregations to join the church. Patterson’s visibility, his elevation of the bishop’s office to global relevance, and the financial windfall that accompanied the changes make the position even more attractive to prospective leaders.

Let no man seek his own, but every man another’s wealth.

Corinthians 10:24

Patterson’s Temple of Deliverance reaches toward the heavens from the middle of housing projects near Mississippi Boulevard and Danny Thomas Boulevard, looking like a diamond amidst pieces of a broken bottle.

Blake explains that the location of Patterson’s church reflects COGIC’s mission. “When other churches have moved to the suburbs, we have remained in the heart of the city, administering to the needs of inner-city dwellers,” he says.

Blake admits that the church’s impact on the inner city is hard to measure. “You might say it doesn’t seem to be very successful, and in many ways that may seem to be true,” he says. “On the other hand, we have to [consider] how much worse things could be. The millions of people who are involved in the church may do what the church is advocating, and if so, some of these problems are less intense were it not for the church.”

Critics, however, say COGIC’s growth has come at great expense to its more needy members. They fear that financial concerns overshadow ministerial priorities and that profits outweigh prophecy in certain of the church’s works.

One of the critics is a former saint and Blake employee at the West Angeles Church of God in Christ. Todd Talbott joined the church in 1992 and accepted a job as director of development and communications for Blake’s Save Africa’s Children charity in 2005. Talbott, who had behind-the-scenes access, says Blake’s affluent lifestyle contradicts the inner-city ministry so important to COGIC’s mission.

“There are members who are overextended with their credit because they’re told that if they give to the church, they’ll be blessed,” Talbott says. “[Blake] lives in a 10,000-square-foot mansion on Benedict Canyon in Beverly Hills. The rich members of the congregation know, because they’re invited over there, but most people in the church have no idea.”

The Flyer obtained West Angeles COGIC’s 2005 payroll summary, which shows Blake’s salary at just under $900,000. Aside from the few stars who attend West Angeles, Talbott explains, the people in Blake’s church are impoverished residents of South Central Los Angeles.

“The bottom line is,” Talbott says, “what pastor needs to be paying himself almost a million-dollar salary, living in a mansion in Beverly Hills off the tithes and offerings of a congregation from one of the low-income areas of Los Angeles? The money he makes could be going back into the community.”

Talbott claims that Blake bestows special recognition upon big donors and offers tithers a special prayer, asking them to stand at the end of service before inviting everyone else to rise and join the congregation in prayer.

“That’s where pastors have prostituted the Word,” says Talbott, who was raised a Southern Baptist. “They’ve made people believe that good things will come to their lives if they give money. Do you think that’s something Jesus would do? Jesus hung out with the destitute. The pastors today are the Sagacees and the Pharisees — the rich, opulent who believed Jesus couldn’t be the son of God because he was too simple and hung around with the unholy.”

Eric Slack, Blake’s assistant chief operating officer, says that Blake is a successful businessman who, “really hasn’t been that dependent on the church.” He adds, “We believe in supporting members through benevolence funds. We have a number of larger ministries that … encourage community development.”

Questions about pastors asking more financially than their flocks are able to give will likely continue as long as the plate is passed. Then again, with Matthew 19:24 in mind, perhaps pastors are doing right by their parishioners, ensuring that riches won’t burden their passage into the Kingdom.

The Future of COGIC in Memphis

Three years ago, then-presiding Bishop G.E. Patterson announced that the 100th annual holy convocation would be the last in Memphis. Detroit and Atlanta had offered more attractive packages for the event. Last year, the Memphis Convention & Visitors Bureau worked out a deal to keep the convocation in Memphis through 2010, prompting Jerry Maynard, former chief operating officer for COGIC, to tell the Memphis Business Journal, “One thing we’ll never do is threaten to go away to drive prices down.”

Maynard has since reported that COGIC has agreements with some Memphis hotels through 2012. Still, the long-term future of COGIC convocations in Memphis is an open question. When asked if the church will consider moving the convocation, Blake says, “Not at this time.”

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

The Final Four

Say this for the 2007 incarnation of the Shelby County Election Commission: Its members are trying. Right or wrong, that’s something that various critics doubted about the 2006 version of the commission, plagued by late and lost returns, ineffective software, erratic machines, incorrect election screens, and post-election printouts whose totals were entered in some kind of unintelligible Martian algebra.

“We got started on a rough, rough road,” acknowledged then chairman Greg Duckett, who has moved on since then to the state Election Commission. Another Democratic commissioner, Maura Black Sullivan, was not reappointed by her party’s General Assembly contingent. The Democratic legislators opted to fill the two vacancies with two Democrats who, coincidentally or not, had past grievances related to the commission.

One was Shep Wilbun, a defeated candidate for Juvenile Court clerk who had unsuccessfully challenged the 2006 election results. The other was former longtime commissioner Myra Styles, returning after being purged four years earlier.

Completing the cycle of reconstruction, Styles was promptly named chairman. The third Democrat on the commission was yet another vindicated retread, O.C. Pleasant, who had been replaced as chairman a term earlier by the now-departed Duckett. The two Republican members, Rich Holden and Nancye Hines, were holdovers.

Whether because of improved oversight or simple good luck, the new commission seems to have had better results than their snake-bit predecessors. Concise, easy-to-read reports have been regularly circulated to the media concerning early voting for the four City Council positions that are at stake in Thursday’s runoff elections.

Cumulatively, these reports have yielded the information that, after a sluggish start on October 19th, certain of the 27 early-voting locations had late spurts.

Leading all locations as of Saturday, when early voting ended, was Cordova’s Bert Ferguson Community Center, with 952 voters. A fair amount of voting (282) also occurred at Anointed Temple of Praise, a southeasterly suburban location, suggesting reasonably organized voting in the District 2 contest between Bill Boyd and Brian Stephens.

Heading into Thursday, Stephens, a businessman/lawyer/neighborhood activist with Republican affiliations, was getting a surprising amount of support from influential local Democrats, while longtime political figure Boyd, endorsed by the Shelby County GOP, boasted endorsements from most of the seven other candidates eliminated in general-election voting on October 4th.

Relatively stout voting at Pyramid Recovery Center (544) and Bishop Byrne School (674) indicated the level of voter interest in District 6 (riverfront, South Memphis) and District 3 (Whitehaven), respectively.

The District 6 race was between Edmund Ford Jr. and James O. Catchings, the former a beneficiary of legacy voting habits, the latter depending on support from declared reformists. The District 3 contestants were youngish governmental veteran Harold Collins, who was favored, and educator Ike Griffith.

A turnout of 453 at Raleigh United Methodist Church documented the tight race expected in District 1 between school board member Stephanie Gatewood and teacher Bill Morrison. Gatewood, the only female candidate in the runoff roster, stood to benefit if gender voting patterns, 60 percent female and 40 percent male in early voting, continued on Thursday. Participation in early voting by acknowledged African Americans was at the same level (47.1 percent) as their percentage in the available voting pool. Apparent white participation in early voting was at the level of 37.6 percent, compared to the corresponding figure of 26.3 percent in the pool of registered voters for the four districts.

What made precise demographic reckoning difficult, however, was general confusion as to just who made up the category of voters self-described as “other,” a grouping that accounts for 26.6 percent of the registered-voter pool but only 15.3 percent of early voters.

And what made predictions of any kind difficult was the fact that only 1.5 percent of available registered voters took part in early voting. As always in the case of special elections or runoffs, final victory would belong to whichever candidates mounted the most effective get-out-the-vote efforts.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

POLITICS: The Final Four

Say this for the 2007 incarnation of the Shelby County
Election Commission. Its members are trying.

Right or wrong, that’s something that various critics
doubted about the 2006 version of the commission, plagued by late and lost
returns, ineffective software, erratic machines, incorrect election screens, and
post-election printouts whose totals were entered in some kind of unintelligible
Martian algebra.

“We got started on a rough, rough road,” acknowledged then
chairman Greg Duckett at a post-mortem following an August election cycle
that was sabotaged by all of the above gremlins and more.

Duckett has moved on since then, to the state Election
Commission. Another Democratic commissioner, Maura Black Sullivan, was
not reappointed by her party’s General Assembly contingent. The Democratic
legislators opted to fill the two vacancies with two Democrats who,
coincidentally or not, had past grievances related to the commission.

One was Shep Wilbun, a defeated candidate for
Juvenile Court clerk who had unsuccessfully challenged the 2006 election
results. The other was former longtime commissioner Myra Styles,
returning after being purged four years earlier.

Completing the cycle of reconstruction, Styles was promptly
named chairman. The third Democrat on the commission was yet another vindicated
retread, O.C. Pleasant, who had been replaced as chairman a term earlier
by the now departed Duckett.

The two Republican members – Rich Holden and
Nancye Hines
– were holdovers.

Whether because of improved oversight or simple good luck,
the new commission seems to have had better results than their snake-bit
predecessors. Though Mayor Willie Herenton made a point of challenging
the accuracy of the Diebold machines being used in this year’s city elections,
he ultimately was unable to deliver convincing examples.

As for last year’s hieroglyphic-like, analysis-defying
election returns, some hope of improvement has been kindled of late by an omen
of sorts. Concise, easy-to-read reports have been regularly circulated to the
media concerning early voting for the four city-council positions that are at
stake in Thursday’s runoff elections.

Cumulatively, these reports have yielded the information
that, after a sluggish start on October 19th, certain of the 27 early-voting
locations had late spurts.

Leading all locations as of Saturday, when early voting
ended, was Cordova’s Bert Ferguson Community Center, with 952 voters. Coupled
with the fact that a fair amount of voting (282) also occurred at Anointed
Temple of Praise, a southeasterly suburban location, that suggested reasonably
organized voting in the District 2 contest between Bill Boyd and Brian
Stephens
.

Heading into Thursday, Stephens, a
businessman/lawyer/neighborhood activist with Republican affiliations, was
getting a surprising amount of support from influential local Democrats, while
longtime political figure Boyd, endorsed by the Shelby County GOP, boasted
endorsements from most of the seven other candidates eliminated in
general-election voting on October 4th.

Relatively stout voting at Pyramid Recovery Center (544)
and Bishop Byrne School (674) indicated the level of voter interest in District
6 (riverfront, south Memphis) and District 3 (Whitehaven), respectively.

The District 6 race was between Edmund Ford Jr. and
James O. Catchings, the former a beneficiary of legacy voting habits, the
latter depending on support from declared reformists. The District 3 contestants
were youngish governmental veteran Harold Collins, who was favored,and educator Ike Griffith.

A turnout of 453 at Raleigh United Methodist Church
documented the tight race expected in District 1 between school board member
Stephanie Gatewood
and teacher Bill Morrison. This is the only
runoff race in which demographics could have played a part, though both Gatewood,
an African American, and Morrison, who is white, made a point of pitching voters
across the board.

Gatewood, the only female candidate in the runoff roster,
stood to benefit if gender voting patterns, 60 percent female and 40 percent
male in early voting, continued on Thursday. Participation in early voting by
acknowledged African Americans was at the same level (47.1 percent) as their
percentage in the available voting pool.

Apparent white participation in early voting was at the
level of 37.6 percent, compared to the corresponding figure of 26.3 percent in
the pool of registered voters for the four districts.

What made precise demographic reckoning difficult, however,
was general confusion as to just who made up the category of voters
self-described as “other.,” a grouping that accounts for 26.6 percent of the
registered-voter pool but only 15.3 percent of early voters.

And what made
predictions of any kind difficult was the fact that only 1.5 percent of
available registered voters took part in early voting. As always in the case of
special elections or runoffs, final victory would belong to whichever candidates
mounted the most effective Get-Out-the-Vote efforts.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

CBS News: Huckabee is Gaining Ground

CBS News online takes a look at former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee’s campaign. An excerpt:

[Huckabee] would seem to be a natural to attract the support of social conservatives in the Republican presidential contest.

But the Baptist minister who wows audiences with a mix of down-home folksiness and traditional values has spent most of the year struggling to gain a foothold in the race for the GOP nomination.

Lately, however, there are signs that Huckabee may be catching on.

In the latest Iowa poll by the American Research Group, Huckabee is within striking distance of Mitt Romney, whom he trails 27 percent to 19 percent. Other polls in Iowa, host of the first statewide nominating contests on Jan. 3, also show Huckabee gaining ground …

Read it all at CBSNews.com.

Categories
Opinion The Last Word

The Rant

If anyone doubts that the

republic created by the U.S. Constitution

is dead, he or she only has to watch the Republican

presidential debates. Save for Ron Paul, all of the candidates believe a

president can take the country to war on his own, though most concede it might be a good idea to “consult” attorneys and even Congress.

The Constitution, written by men more intelligent and better educated than today’s crop of political duds, is quite clear. The president has no authority to take the country to war. The sole authority for declaring war rests 100 percent with Congress.

Naturally, if a shipload of pirates sailed up the Potomac and began shooting at the tourists, you wouldn’t need a declaration to authorize returning fire. American troops defending themselves while they are under attack is not the issue. The issue is that if a president wants to take the country to war against another country, he must, as Franklin Roosevelt did after Pearl Harbor, ask Congress to make that decision.

The founding fathers, having suffered under a monarch, deliberately created a weak president. His powers, as specified by the Constitution, are limited mainly to administering the laws passed by Congress, making appointments, negotiating treaties and being the official greeter when dealing with foreign powers. His role as commander in chief is limited to just what it says — the military. The president is not our commander in chief, as the current president seems to think.

Lest anyone be beguiled by the current politicians’ determination to create an emperor and an empire, even the president’s appointments and treaties have to be confirmed by the Senate. Congress has sole authority over taxation and spending. Appropriations for the military are limited by the Constitution to two years. Furthermore, Congress is elected independently of the president and is a separate branch of government. It is under no obligation whatsoever to do anything the president asks it to do, and the president has no authority whatsoever to do anything not authorized by Congress and the Constitution.

The Constitution, which apparently not many Americans have ever bothered to read, is the supreme law of the land. It does not make suggestions. It commands. It was written in clear English. It has provisions to amend it, but it should never be amended by interpretation. That is always a usurpation of power and should be grounds for impeachment.

There is only one way for the U.S. to be a real nation of laws. That way is for the people to demand that every single public official obey the laws as they are written and obey them to the letter. The current president seems to think he can alter laws with “signing statements” and legislate with executive orders. He should have been impeached a long time ago.

The kernel of the nut is this: In our constitutional republic, sovereignty rests in the people. If the people are too stupid or ignorant, too lazy or indifferent, to hold their public officials accountable for violating the laws and the Constitution, then of course they will deserve the tyranny they will surely get.

Self-government is tremendously more difficult and demanding than living under a dictatorship. In a dictatorship, all you have to do is obey. I fear that concept appeals to some Americans today. It’s understandable. Responsibility can be a heavy load to carry. It’s much easier to relegate all of that to the Great Leader and just do what we are told.

Anybody who’s ever been in the military or jail knows what I’m talking about. When you are deprived of the ability to make choices, you are simultaneously relieved of the responsibility for making them. Responsibility is the other side of the coin of freedom.

Charley Reese has been a journalist for 50 years.

Categories
Editorial Opinion

Politics and Rule 33

The election in 2006 of a new and, thanks to term limits, almost completely overhauled, Shelby County Commission led to a plethora of ad hoc committees, new regulations, what-have-you. Two of the new rules deserve special mention.

One is the so-called “Mulroy Rule” named after first-term commissioner Steve Mulroy, a lawyer, who proposed it by way of streamlining the parliamentary aspects of commission business. The old protocol had it that members seeking recognition from the chair would be called on in the order of their requests, regardless of the subject matter. The Mulroy Rule gives the chairman discretion to vary that order in the interests of a commissioner who seeks recognition for a point previously covered in the discussion but still pending.

Another new one is Rule 33, so called for its place in the revised bylaw sequence. This one is even more innovative, in that it allows for a commissioner to ask for and get a two-week deferral on any item, so long as the commissioner seeking the deferral has not been granted one on that item previously. Given the well-known complications of Roberts’ Rules, the new rule has often proved to be a convenient piece of streamlining.

It has also served once or twice as a means, for better or for worse, of circumventing an action about to be taken by the commission as a whole. So it was on Monday, when Rule 33 was invoked by Commissioner Mike Ritz to defer a resolution to appropriate $1 million to the Memphis Chamber Foundation. The money would be used to fund a plethora of local organizations and other beneficiaries in the interests of “facilitation of economic development in Memphis and Shelby County.”

And that was a no-no in the eyes of a couple of commissioners, notably Henri Brooks and Sidney Chism, the latter a well-known political broker during election seasons. In the last few weeks, Brooks has carried the brunt of a battle against the resolution, noting that one of the proposed beneficiaries was the local group Mpact, which over the years has involved itself in political issues, though not especially in advocacy of this or that candidate. New Path, another organization not included in the grant, does play politics in the direct sense, however, and normally endorses slates of candidates at election time.

There happens to be a modest overlap of membership between the governing boards of the two organizations, and that was enough to prove antagonistic to Brooks and her commission ally Chism, who prefers to push candidates of his own choosing, sans benefit of county funds. In committee hearings, therefore, Brooks managed to attach conditions utterly forbidding the use of county-appropriated money for overtly political purposes.

There ensued objections to the objections, however, and efforts to parse the issue a bit more proved fruitless. The matter got so tangled that a frustrated and/or confused Ritz moved for a deferral. When that motion was defeated, he shrugged and invoked Rule 33, which meant that the resolution got deferred anyway.

Perhaps the two weeks’ respite will allow the commissioners to unravel the controversy and arrive at a satisfactory compromise. If so, the odd but promising Rule 33 might become a precedent for other local bodies.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

MAD AS HELL: Bush Quacks On As Democrats Turn Tail

George Bush is no lame duck. You aren’t lame when you’re
getting your way on everything. At a press conference this week, instead of
quacking like a duck, he was strutting like a peacock, and warning the world
of how relevant he still is. The Decider Guy is dancing with the stars. A 24%
approval rating, a (still mostly) lapdog press and Orwellian delusions
continue to assure him that he can do as he damn well pleases. In other
words, he has another18 months to take this country farther down a rat hole.
And the one thing he knows for sure is the gutless opposition has no serious
plans to stop him.

Yesterday, the president and his party succeeded in
denying millions of poor American children healthcare by vetoing a bill to
expand the State Children’s Health Insurance Program. Never mind that the
money spent on forty days in Iraq would have paid for at least ten million
poor kids to be insured for an entire year. We have the money for funding
perpetual wars, but not for our nation’s poor, sick children. This
administration, with the help of Congress, killed the bill.

Even more appalling, Bush and the Republicans fought to
get legal immunity for the telecommunications companies who helped this
government engage in spying and criminal phone tapping of innocent, private
citizens. Never mind that protecting the criminals who colluded with the
right-wingers will destroy the individual privacy and hitherto protected
freedoms of all Americans. So where did Congress line up on this despicable
piece of legislation? Right behind the Republicans, of course.

Most alarming, however, was another bizarre “Bring-It-On”
display when Bush seemed jacked up when alluding to a possible third world war
involving Iran. (Excuse me, “nukyuler armed Eye-ran.”) Jocularly chuckling at
questions regarding a potential engagement of war with another country in the
Middle East, he sounded more and more like a petulant, dangerous child.

While Bush was flipping off sick children, ripping up the
Constitution and rattling war sabers, where was the opposing party– the
majority party that was sent to Washington last year explicitly to stop Bush
from doing further damage? Pissing up the proverbial rope, as usual. Since
the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, declared impeachment of this president
to be off the table, it is the Democrats who are quickly making themselves
irrelevant. Bush and the Republicans control the agenda, determine the course
of action, and dictate the outcome. The Democrats continue to believe that
simply keeping their heads down will somehow propel them into an electoral
landslide in 2008! While Bush continues to gain relevancy by finding new and
novel ways to continue his campaign to expunge the planet of any life form
that disagrees with him, the congress merrily assumes the
earthworm-on-dry-pavement position.

In all this mess, it is the American people who seem to be
the least relevant to the politicians. Predictably, the president will continue
to carry on the Iraq war, but the one thing voters were counting on last year
when they elected a Democratic majority was having that majority use the
Constitutional powers available to them to stop the funding of the war.

And while Bush continues to destroy our Constitutional
freedoms, the Democrats astoundingly still cower in fear of being called
unpatriotic. This administration has flagrantly flouted the will of the people,
but the people figured out a long time ago not to expect anything different from
Bush. Congress, however, in its failure to confront the president, is also
ignoring the will of the people; so it is no surprise that they, not Bush, have
the lower approval rating.

-Make no mistake, Americans are sick and tired of Bush and
the Republicans, but they are more exasperated with and sickened by
Congressional Democrats who claim to be Bush’s adversaries, yet act like never
ending enablers. Like parents offering nothing more than repeated empty threats
to a destructive, out-of- control adolescent, the Democrats are the ones who are
becoming increasingly irrelevant and dare I say –lame? Perhaps they should heed
the words of the last Democratic President who said the American people would
rather support someone who is strong and wrong than someone who is right and
weak.

Categories
Opinion Viewpoint

The Other Gore

Let me stipulate: Al Gore is the deserved winner of the Nobel Prize, just as his film documentary on the subject, An Inconvenient Truth, had previously merited the Academy Award it got. Gore’s unstinting campaign to alert the nation — nay, the world — about the perils of global warming has been his finest hour.

Equally praiseworthy are the political points the former Tennessee senator and vice president has publicly made since his Supreme Court-assisted defeat for the presidency in 2000. An early critic of the Iraq War, Gore accurately foresaw the extent of the debacle, and he has been eloquent and on point concerning the ongoing erosion of Americans’ Constitutional liberties.

Having materialized as a veritable tribune of the people, even an oracle, should Gore not, then, seek again the presidency which, so many think, he was unfairly deprived of?

The answer is no. As Gore himself has noted, such a course would prove divisive and perhaps destructive to his current cause. It would also necessitate his moving away from a position of unquestioned moral authority into the murky untruthiness of politics — a world which, despite his scaling its heights, Gore may never have been ideally suited for.

A current myth has it that, in 2000, a wicked establishment press made the decision to waylay Gore, mischaracterizing as lies his essentially accurate statements about his own past and otherwise finding fault relentlessly. So dedicated did the establishment press become to the downfall of Gore that its members perversely embraced the patently undeserving George W. Bush, who was regarded as an acceptably hail-fellow-well-met alternative to the goody two-shoes Gore.

Or so goes the story.

The truth is not much prettier but is, well, different. In fact, the media animosity toward Gore (and that part was certainly real) was probably born not in indulgence toward good-ole-frat-boy Bush but in solicitude toward the honest if plodding Bill Bradley, the recently retired New Jersey senator who was Gore’s Democratic primary opponent. The unfortunate Bradley was being gleefully attacked by Gore as often and as gratuitously as Gore himself later was by an unforgiving media.

When Bradley and Gore tangled in a debate at Dartmouth College in New Hampshire in October 1999, ABC’s Jake Tapper, then with Salon, was watching the affair via closed-circuit TV in a nearby media room. He remembered it this way: “The reporters were hissing Gore, and that’s the only time I’ve ever heard the press room boo or hiss any candidate of any party at any event.” Time‘s Eric Pooley: “Whenever Gore came on too strong, the room erupted in a collective jeer, like a gang of 15-year-old Heathers cutting down some hapless nerd.”

Gore had been mauling the preternaturally docile Bradley fore and aft, on everything from the New Jerseyan’s alleged indifference to disaster aid for Iowa flood victims (The New York Times: “Mr. Gore’s accusation was false and unfair. Mr. Bradley supported the 1993 legislation that provided $4.8 billion in emergency flood relief for farmers …”) to his racial positions. (Campaign chroniclers James W. Caesar and Andrew Busch: “Bradley landed few clean blows and even took some unfair blows from Gore, who charged before [a] mostly black audience that ‘racial profiling’ of blacks by the police ‘practically began’ in Bradley’s New Jersey.”)

The Daily Kos’ Markos Moulitsas Zúniga recalled the Gore campaign’s “blatantly unfair” attacks on Bradley, as did The Nation‘s David Corn, who found Bradley “more progressive … less irritating [and] sincere in his desire for political reform,” while Gore’s campaign “bends, manipulates, dodges, or obliterates the truth.”

Said Newsday: “Gore effectively criticized former New Jersey Senator Bill Bradley for proposing an expensive health care reform, for being too liberal, and being out of touch with ordinary voters … [H]is aggressive tactics worked.”

And the Washington Post‘s Dana Milbank reported Bradley’s responses to Gore in that Dartmouth debate: “‘Attack, attack, attack, every day, the people are fed up with it … You’re the elephant of negative advertising … Why should we believe you’ll tell th e truth as president if you won’t tell the truth as a candidate?'” And, to bring us full cycle, Milbank segued into this: “In the WMUR press room, my colleagues laugh derisively at Gore’s offensives. …”

That feeling, fair or not, was the likely cause of the media animosity and not any imagined bonhomie of Bush’s. The gallant Gore has at length found — and become — his better angel. He should, we should, leave well enough alone.

Jackson Baker is a Flyer senior editor.

Categories
Letter From The Editor Opinion

Letter from the Editor: It’s Time to Come Out

Idaho Republican senator Larry “Wide Stance” Craig is still trying to ride out the stormy aftermath of his arrest for soliciting sex in a Minneapolis airport men’s room last spring — much to the delight of Democrats and late-night comedians.

Not content with becoming merely a momentary national punchline, Craig seems determined to drag, er, stretch his notoriety into a long-running sitcom. He has continued his tireless efforts to wiggle out of his conviction for weeks. He held a press conference to deny he was gay and thanked all those attending who “came out” to support him. Oy.

This week, he began making the rounds of the national talk shows to plead his case, dragging his poor wife along behind him, keeping the story alive for yet another news-cycle. Republicans desperately wish he would just go away. Democrats hope he keeps, uh, stalling until the next erection, er, election.

And in a, um, stroke of serendipity straight out of La Cage aux Folles, Craig was inducted into the Idaho Hall of Fame (who knew they had one?) this week. I bet that ceremony wasn’t at all awkward.

Yes, it’s funny, but it’s also stupid — and oh so predictable. Another sexual hypocrite seems to pop up every week. On Monday, a Vatican official was suspended after being caught on a hidden camera making advances to a young man. The official said that he was only pretending to be gay as part of his work. He frequented online gay chat rooms and met with gay men in order to gather information about “those who damage the image of the church with homosexual activity.”

Oh, sweet Jesus, give me a break.

Last Thursday, October 11th, was the annual “National Coming Out Day,” sponsored by gay and lesbian groups across the country. The purpose of the event is to urge those folks who are in the closet to stop covering up their true sexuality and live openly gay lives. It’s a great idea.

Imagine our world if all the sexual hypocrisy were to go away. Sure, we’d learn we have lots of gay elected officials, but what’s wrong with that? They’re already gay, after all. Now they’d have to be honest too. And that’s never a bad thing.
Bruce VanWyngarden

brucev@memphisflyer.com

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

VIEWPOINT: The Other Gore

Let me stipulate: Al Gore is the deserved winner of the
Nobel Prize, as his film documentary on the subject, An Inconvenient Truth,
had previously merited the Academy Award it got. Gore’s unstinting campaign to
alert the nation – nay, the world – about the perils of global warming has been
his finest hour.

Equally praiseworthy are the political points the former
Tennessee senator and vice president has publicly made since his Supreme
Court-assisted defeat for the presidency in 2000. An early critic of the Iraq
War, Gore accurately foresaw the extent of the debacle, and he has been eloquent
and on point concerning the ongoing erosion of Americans’ constitutional
liberties.

Having materialized as a veritable tribune of the people,
even an oracle, should Gore not, then, seek again the presidency which, so many
think, he was unfairly deprived of?

The answer is no. As Gore himself as noted, such a course
would prove divisive – and perhaps destructive — to his current cause. It would
also necessitate his moving away from a position of unquestioned moral authority
into the murky untruthiness of politics — a world which, despite his scaling
its heights, Gore may never have been ideally suited for.

A current myth has it that, in 2000, a wicked establishment
press made the perverse decision to waylay Gore, mischaracterizing as lies his
essentially accurate statements about his own past and otherwise finding fault
relentlessly.

So dedicated did the Establishment press become to the
downfall of Gore that its members embraced the patently undeserving George W.
Bush, who was regarded as an acceptably hail-fellow-well-met alternative to the
goody two-shoes Gore.

Or so goes the story.

The truth is not much prettier but is, well, different. In
fact, the media animosity to Gore (and that part was certainly real) was
probably born not in indulgence toward good-ole-frat-boy Bush but in solicitude
toward the honest if plodding Bill Bradley, the recently retired New Jersey
senator who was Gore’s Democratic primary opponent. The unfortunate Bradley was
gleefully being attacked by Gore as often and as gratuitously as Gore himself
later was by an unforgiving media.

When Bradley and Gore tangled in a debate at Dartmouth
College in New Hampshire in October 1999, ABC’s Jake Tapper, then with Salon,
was watching the affair via closed-circuit TV in a nearly media room. He
remembered it this way: “The reporters were hissing Gore, and that’s the only
time I’ve ever heard the press room boo or hiss any candidate of any party at
any event.” Time‘s Eric Pooley: “Whenever Gore came on too strong, the
room erupted in a collective jeer, like a gang of 15-year-old Heathers cutting
down some hapless nerd.”

Gore had been mauling the preternaturally docile Bradley
fore and aft, on everything from the New Jerseyan’s alleged indifference to
disaster aid for Iowa flood victims (The New YorkTimes: “Mr.
Gore’s accusation was false and unfair. Mr. Bradley supported the 1993
legislation that provided $4.8 billion in emergency flood relief for farmers…”)
to his racial positions (Campaign chroniclers James W. Caesar and Andrew Busch:
“Bradley landed few clean blows and even took some unfair blows from Gore, who
charged before [a] mostly black audience that ‘racial profiling’ of blacks by
the police ‘practically began’ in Bradley’s New Jersey.”).

The Daily Kos’s Markos
Moulitsas Zúniga recalled the Gore campaign’s “blatantly unfair” attacks
on Bradley, as did The Nation‘s David Corn, who found Bradley “more
progressive,.. less irritating [and] sincere in his desire for political
reform,” while Gore’s campaign “bends, manipulates, dodges or obliterates the
truth…..”

Said Newsday: “…Gore
effectively criticized former New Jersey Senator Bill Bradley for proposing an
expensive health care reform, for being too liberal, and being out of touch with
ordinary voters…[H]is aggressive tactics worked.”

And the Washington Post‘s
Dana Milbank reported Bradley’s responses to Gore in that Dartmouth debate: “‘Attack,
attack, attack, every day, the people are fed up with it…You’re the elephant of
negative advertising….Why should we believe you’ll tell the truth as president
if you won’t tell the truth as a candidate?'” And, to bring us full cycle,
Milbank segued into this: “In the WMUR press room, my colleagues laugh
derisively at Gore’s offensives….”

That feeling, fair or not, was the likely cause of the
media animosity, and not any imagined bonhomie of Bush’s. The gallant Gore has
at length found – nay, become — his better angel. He should, we should,
leave well enough alone.