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Politics Politics Feature

Feeling the Sting

When, as virtually the last matter taken by the prosecution in former state senator John Ford‘s Tennessee Waltz trial, a $50,000 Rolex watch came into evidence, Ford and his support group, which included numerous members of his immediate and extended families, seemed of good cheer.

As was chronicled here last week, Ford felt sunny enough after that day’s testimony to engage in banter with the two FBI agents, Mark Jackson and Brian Burns, who had testified to being the originators of the entire Tennessee Waltz sting — the means whereby Ford and several other state legislators and other public officials had been induced to accept money in return for legislative favors.

If the watch — a gift from developer Rusty Hyneman that prosecutors were attempting to use as “predication” (proof of Ford’s disposition toward corruption) — had an outer-space element (it was partly made of material derived from a meteorite), so had the sting devised by Jackson and Burns and acted out by three other principals, FBI agents “L.C. McNeil” and “Joe Carson” (the names were pseudonyms) and undercover informant Tim Willis.

The premise of the sting was that a computer-recycling firm calling itself E-Cycle (it was an FBI shell company, as things turned out) needed expert assistance from the likes of Ford and was willing to pay for it — in the senator’s case, to the tune of $55,000.

Aided by defense attorney Mike Scholl, Ford felt that he had a strong prospect for nothing worse than a hung jury (indeed, Scholl would base his closing argument on an appeal to each juror to “act as an individual”).

The very fact that he felt like engaging in humorous asides with the professed architects of his then-pending peril was evidence that Ford and his supporters saw the predication case to be weak enough that he might indeed catch a break from one or two jurors.

Evidently Ford was right, but not right enough. When jurors fell to deliberating on Wednesday, following closing arguments, they did deadlock on the charge of extortion — an indication that Scholl’s claim of entrapment had found some sympathetic ears.

Equally tenuous were the three counts of witness intimidation — all ultimately resulting in not-guilty findings, at least partly because the main witness against Ford on that count, Willis, had seemed disingenuous or worse during a hard day of cross-examination by Scholl.

But the charge of bribery was buttressed by what seemed an endless series of videotapes showing Ford being handed money — $55,000 altogether — by McNeil, who had made sure to connect the payoff to specific talk about legislative action by Ford.

Ford’s mood had conspicuously turned gloomy by Thursday afternoon, when jurors and other trial principals were reconvened to hear Judge Daniel Breen‘s ruling on a definition requested by the jury: What precisely was the meaning of the term “under color of official right”?

When the judge ruled that it referred to actions by a public official, the feeling had almost palpably spread to all followers of the trial that some tide had turned against Ford. In fact, the question had to do with the extortion count, but its import was more general, and, as it turned out, there was no disagreement among jurors on the bribery charge.

Whatever sentiment there was that racial or political factors might have influenced the Tennessee Waltz prosecution (and on the latter score there was and is a considerable amount of suspicion; see City Beat, p. 14), the jury of six blacks and six whites did its duty by the evidence confronting their eyes and ears.

Hypothetically, all of this could come undone in the course of some appeal. In any case, John Ford has very little in the way of a breathing spell. Though he remains free on bond, he is up for trial again next week in Nashville, on charges relating to accepting money in return for legislative favors — this time on behalf of a real company.

• Shelby County assessor Rita Clark, the Germantown homemaker and Democratic activist who surprised herself and everybody else by winning her maiden political race in 1996, then went on to win twice more, won’t run again in 2008.

Clark announced her decision to members of the Shelby County Commission during budget hearings on her department Monday morning.

Asked to accept a 5 percent cut for the next fiscal year, Clark declared such a thing “impossible” and then went on to tell the commissioners she would not run for reelection and didn’t want to saddle her successor with a departmental budget that was too small.

Elaborating on that later on, Clark said, “My budget now is the same as it was when I came into office. There’s no way we could continue to provide an appropriate level of service with less.”

Although she had worked in other candidates’ political campaigns, Clark had never made a race of her own until 1996, when the late Democratic eminence Bill Farris prevailed on her to run against incumbent assessor Harold Sterling.

Clark was widely regarded at first as a pro forma candidate — someone to maintain her party’s presence on the ballot. She ultimately proved to be much more — fighting a hard mano-a-mano campaign against Sterling by questioning his hiring of a personal trainer and an out-of-county assistant.

She won in an upset, going away, and in the process her continued success suggested to many Democrats that, all other factors being equal, someone of her race and gender made an ideal countywide candidate.

To date, no other Democrat — except for Mayor A C Wharton — has been able to crack the Republican monopoly on countywide offices.

Commenting Monday on her decision not to seek reelection next year, Clark cracked wryly, “It’s just time. I’m afraid if I ran again, my husband would oppose me. And I couldn’t beat him.”

• Both Democratic candidates for the vacant District 89 state House seat, Kevin Gallagher and Jeannie Richardson, held campaign fund-raiser/receptions last week, as that campaign begins to mount in earnest. Two Republicans are also competing for their party’s nomination: Wayne McGinnis and Dave Wicker Jr.

Responding to at least one Gallagher supporter’s published skepticism concerning her residence (and the identity of her Midtown housemates), Richardson, a former inhabitant of Mud Island, said, “The people who live here with me are my son, my daughter, and my granddaughter, and I do hope they’ll all be active in my campaign.”

Both parties’ special primaries will be held May 31st, with the two winners facing each other in a July 17th general election.

• Still feeling their oats are a group of local Memphis bloggers who have been sought out of late for audiences by political figures like state Senate speaker pro tem Rosalind Kurita (D-Clarksville) and Memphis mayoral candidate Herman Morris.

Now, the group, whose efforts are pooled under the umbrella site memphisliberalblogosphere.blogspot.com, have been asked for another sit-down — this time by teacher Bill Morrison, a Democrat who ran a game but ultimately unsuccessful race for Congress last year against 7th District incumbent Marsha Blackburn, one of the Republican Party’s stars.

Morrison evidently plans to take on another behemoth — this time City Council incumbent Jack Sammons.

Both Sammons and his friend and fellow Super-District 9 council member Tom Marshall are presumed to be candidates for reelection, but each is also rumored to be still considering a race for mayor.

• It is still too early to write “finis” to the mayoral field. As of Tuesday morning, 14 petitions had been pulled from the Election Commission, and only one person — former Shelby County commissioner John Willingham — had actually filed.

Incumbent mayor Willie Herenton, presumably to cover his flank, made a point this week of dispatching a letter to Shelby County mayor Wharton, his erstwhile campaign manager, advising him that “no circumstances” would prevent him from running again and adding significantly, “I trust that your support will be evident.”

Without Wharton, who is still under pressure from potential backers to make a race, the “top tier” of mayoral candidates is generally considered to consist of Herenton, city councilwoman Carol Chumney, former MLGW head Morris, and Willingham. Some regard former FedEx executive Jim Perkins as belonging in that list, and there is talk also of a candidacy by entrepreneur/businessman Darrell Cobbins.

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Opinion

Keeping It Unreal

So the government fired five shots at John Ford and hit him once, federal prosecutors kept their Tennessee Waltz winning streak unbroken, and the E-Cycle FBI Actors Repertory Company closed another Memphis performance.

This one was a little shaky. Prosecutors said they are sending out a strong message of deterrence. But four years after its inception, Operation Tennessee Waltz still looks more like a sting targeting Democrats in Memphis and Chattanooga than a purge of “systemic corruption” in state government. Its success is due to secret tapes of a handful of public officials taking bribes from a fake company that their colleagues were too honest, too smart, or too irrelevant to deal with.

Or maybe they just know how to Google.

Type “Joe Carson” and “FBI undercover” in a Google search and you find that Joe Carroll, whose FBI undercover name is Joe Carson, starred in at least two FBI undercover productions before Tennessee Waltz. In “Operation Lightning Strike” from 1991 to 1994, he posed as a big shot for Eastern Tech Manufacturing Company, a phony business seeking crooked contracts in the aerospace industry in Houston. His undercover name? Joe Carson. The sting resulted in indictments and a mistrial.

In 2001, Carroll and the FBI resurrected “Joe Carson” in a Maryland undercover operation targeting state lawmakers. His phony Atlanta-based company was seeking crooked deals with Comcast for fiber-optic contracts. A former state senator, Thomas Bromwell, is under federal indictment but has not yet gone on trial.

Give the FBI, Carson, L.C. McNeil, and Tim Willis credit for pulling off a two-year Tennessee undercover operation, including the 2004 and 2005 legislative sessions, without a leak. The Ford tapes were so powerful that the defense barely tried to explain them away. They left no doubt that money was exchanged for special legislation. The sting worked, but it hasn’t yet exposed corruption in real deals in high places.

Operation Tennessee Waltz started in 2003, after FBI agents investigating phony contracts in Shelby County Juvenile Court found evidence of “systemic corruption” in state government. Seven of the 11 Tennessee Waltz indictments were announced at a press conference in Memphis on May 26, 2005. The investigation, convictions, and guilty pleas since 2003 have produced no indictments for bribery or other wrongdoing by any full-time state employee, lobbyist, or contractor. On tape, Ford boasts that he is the man who “does the deals” and “control[s] the votes,” but his trial was all about E-Cycle and legislation that never got beyond committee.

“Systemic corruption,” it seems, is a product of Shelby County and Hamilton County, two of the 95 counties in Tennessee. Five Memphians have been convicted or pleaded guilty. In a conversation with agent McNeil in 2004, Barry Myers, the bag man who later became a government witness, explained why lawmakers were wary of the free-spending black millionaire: “To be honest with ya’, most of the money I used to pick up come from white folks, white males, established businessmen that would send money to Kathryn, Lois, Roscoe, and John. That’s where the real money came from.”

Who spent the “real money” for “the big juice” — Ford, Roscoe Dixon, Kathryn Bowers, and Lois DeBerry? We don’t know. The payment of “consulting fees” by real companies is at the heart of Ford’s pending case in Nashville, which is not part of Tennessee Waltz. He has a hearing on May 3rd. Eli Richardson, assistant U.S. attorney in Nashville, said “it remains to be seen” how the Memphis case will mesh with the Nashville case, which apparently relies on old-fashioned evidence and witnesses.

“The conviction in Memphis opens up all kinds of possibilities for plea negotiation that didn’t exist before,” said Bud Cummins, a former federal prosecutor in Arkansas. “But there is not a whole lot of pressure on the government. They are still holding most of the cards. My best guess is they’re pretty intent on going to trial.”

Ford could appeal his Memphis conviction and request a sentencing delay until after he is tried in Nashville. If he is sentenced and goes to prison before his appeal is resolved, he could still be tried on the Nashville charges.

“We try people all the time who are sitting there in prison clothes,” Cummins said, although Ford would probably be unrestrained and in civilian clothes in the courtroom, with a federal marshal standing behind him.

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Opinion

Miami Vice

What happens in Vegas stays in Vegas, but what happened in Miami in 2004 during three days and nights of partying involving John Ford, an undercover FBI agent, and their dates was courtroom fodder this week in Ford’s corruption trial.

Ford’s girlfriend, Mina Nicole Knox, 26, took the witness stand for nearly two hours as the defense closed out its case in short order. Ford did not testify, and the defense presented only three witnesses, including Knox, attorney Allan Wade, and Ford’s friend William Watson.

At Flyer press time, prosecutors were undecided whether to call a rebuttal witness. Otherwise, U.S. district judge Daniel Breen said the two sides would make closing arguments Tuesday afternoon and the case could go to the jury after that. The trial is in its third week.

Knox, who described her relationship with Ford as “personal,” is a petite former model and professional cheerleader and aspiring actress. She answered questions in a sweet, perky voice as defense attorney Michael Scholl and assistant prosecutor Lorraine Craig asked her about details of her weekend with Ford, Tim Willis, and undercover agent L.C. McNeil in Miami in July 2004. The weekend included a party aboard the now famous E-Cycle yacht, which was in fact an FBI prop, where undercover FBI agents smoked cigars, had drinks, and danced salsa with Knox and several of her male and female friends, including Ford.

Under questioning by Scholl, Knox told jurors that McNeil spent the night with one of her girlfriends in a hotel room and a second night with another woman from their party. McNeil testified last week that in his undercover role he “mirrored” Ford’s party style, but he insisted there was no sexual relationship, drug use, or anything “inappropriate” in his role-playing. In real life, McNeil is an ordained minister and specialist in undercover operations who said “it is a challenge to separate the two” lives he leads.

The weekend in Miami is important because it marked the beginning of the buddy-buddy relationship between Ford and McNeil and established the terms by which McNeil would pay Ford $55,000 in what the government says were bribes over the next nine months. Scholl spent more than three days cross-examining McNeil, who made all the payments and recorded them.

When it came his turn to present witnesses, however, Scholl elected to make it short and sweet. Wade, who represents developer Rusty Hyneman, said he never saw Hyneman give Ford an expensive Rolex watch and that Ford did not really save Hyneman any money on a state environmental matter, as Ford boasts on a secret tape. The other witness, a clothing designer who has known Ford for 20 years, also testified about the Rolex.

Then it was Knox’s turn. She said the purpose of the trip to Miami was to attend a black film festival. She did not recall hearing anything about E-Cycle Management. The defense contends Ford was targeted by the FBI and entrapped.

Prosecutors changed tactics by having Craig, instead of assistant U.S. attorney Tim DiScenza, handle the cross-examination. She asked Knox why three versions of the weekend in Miami that she wrote differed in detail, especially about McNeil’s implied romantic involvement. Knox said the first account was written hastily and in broad terms. Her final account of the weekend was written earlier this month just before the trial began. Craig suggested Ford might have coached Knox, but she denied having any help.

Jurors appeared to be listening intently to Knox, in sharp contrast to previous days in which witness testimony dragged on and was often interrupted by private conversations between the judge and lawyers. The courtroom was also unusually crowded with Ford supporters.

After Knox testified, there was a bench conference, after which Breen announced that the proof was complete unless the government decided during the lunch break to produce a rebuttal witness.

The anti-climactic end of the testimony left spectators and reporters guessing about the outcome and offering their opinions about the high and low points of the trial. With Ford declining to take the stand, the role of star witness must fall to either McNeil or undercover informant Tim Willis.

McNeil got the most face time, and the tapes of his payoffs to Ford were devastating, but for my money the trial’s most dramatic testimony came from Willis when he recounted his visit to Ford’s office in February 2005.

Willis was nervous, very nervous.

He had just gotten a call from Ford asking him to come to Ford’s office in downtown Memphis.

The call was short. Ford wanted to talk about one of Willis’ clients. Since Willis had only one client — E-Cycle Management — he could imagine what Ford was going to ask him: Are you working for the FBI?

Say what you will about Willis, he kept Operation Tennessee Waltz alive for three more months until the unveiling of the indictments on May 26, 2005. His commentary from the witness stand on the tape in which Ford threatens to shoot him was the signature moment in the trial.

The meeting at Ford’s office was Willis’ finest hour as an undercover informant. He outfoxed the fox in his own office, nervously shifting a miniature hidden recording device from one pocket to another while making up stories to counter each of Ford’s probes and keeping his nerve when Ford threatened to shoot him if he found out he was being betrayed.

At the time, Tennessee Waltz had been running for 15 months. Ford had been under suspicion since at least April 19, 2004, and had taken $40,000 in payments from an undercover FBI agent. Ford’s Memphis office was on the second floor of a small building on Third Street, with no easy access or interior observation points for FBI agents. Willis was on his own.

“I had a funny feeling about the call,” he testified.

So he called FBI agents Brian Burns and Mark Jackson, who told him to go ahead and to take a recorder with him.

After they talked awhile, Ford got down to business. How well did Willis know L.C. McNeil, the E-Cycle executive who had been paying Ford? What kind of contract did Willis have with E-Cycle? Was it for two years or three years? Where else did the company do business besides Tennessee?

“I’m just trying to figure out why they need a bill,” said Ford.

Then the big question: “Are they legit, man?”

Ford said Roscoe Dixon and two other unidentified people had warned him to be careful. Unknown to Ford, Dixon, hired a month earlier by Shelby County mayor A C Wharton as an administrative assistant, had been secretly taped for more than a year and had already been caught taking bribes from Willis. But Willis did not pay any bribes to Ford and testified that he didn’t even know Ford had been bribed when he went to his office that day.

To each question, Willis made up an answer. E-Cycle, he suggested, was a shell company for a get-rich-quick stock scheme. McNeil and his partner Joe Carson “hated each other,” and McNeil might be trying to sabotage the deal. McNeil grew up on the rough side of Chicago and might have been a drug dealer as a kid.

Ford wasn’t satisfied. The FBI has a lot of shell companies too, he countered.

“Let me ask you,” he said to Willis. “You ain’t workin’ for none of them motherfuckers?”

Ford whispered that he had a gun and said he would use it. Willis, as he had done several times before, broke into nervous laughter.

“He said he would shoot me dead and go tell my wife that I ran off with another woman,” he testified.

Ford was on the right trail but was missing enough pieces that Willis was able to talk his way out of the jam. The truth was worse than Ford suspected. McNeil was an FBI agent and instructor in undercover operations.

“The feds ain’t cut no deal with you?” Ford asked Willis, who had worked in his campaign in 2002.

In fact, that is exactly what they had done. Willis nervously shifted the recorder around in his pockets, sending static through the audiotape played for the jury.

As Willis was leaving, Ford threatened him again, telling him that if he was working for the FBI, “you gonna die right now.” He touched Willis on his shirt — Willis described it as a pat down — to see if he was wired, and Willis lifted up his shirt. As Willis walked down the stairs, Ford said, “It will not ever come back what you and I said.”

Little did he know that Willis would make it all come back. For the next three months, he never met with Ford again without an FBI agent in the room.

“We almost shut down the operation because of the threat,” Jackson testified.

Since he began cooperating with the government in 2003, Willis has been paid approximately $215,000. But on that day in February 2005 in Ford’s office, Willis was worth every dollar the government paid him.

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Opinion Viewpoint

Trying Times

On the surface, there is little to connect the well-observed tribunals now going on concurrently in downtown Memphis and in outlying Selmer, 100 miles away. But there are synchronicites — and more.

Steve Farese, Leslie Ballin, and Michael Scholl, all of them well acquainted with each other, belong to a small fraternity of well-regarded blue-chip defense attorneys in the greater Memphis area. Farese and Ballin, used to working as a team, have undertaken to defend Mary Winkler of the murder of her husband, a well-known Church of Christ minister. Scholl is defending former state senator John Ford, the best-known defendant in the Tennessee Waltz bribery/extortion sting.

Both defendants are, as they say, up against it. By her own admission, Mary Winkler had issues with Matthew Winkler and was physically holding the shotgun on her sleeping husband when it fired once and lethally on that fateful morning more than a year ago. Nor do a multitude of surveillance videos introduced by the prosecution leave any doubt that John Ford took large sums of cash in connection with legislative services promised and performed for E-Cycle, an FBI-front company supposedly in business to refurbish used computers.

But neither trial is quite the slam-dunk it would appear to be. Farese and Ballin have labored hard to suggest that the Winklers’ 12-gauge might have gone off on its own and that their client, clearly drowning in a personal stew that included a history of abuse and, of all things, being duped by an Internet lottery scam, was as much victim as perpetrator.

And even Ford, despite his dual reputation as bon vivant and kingfish in the wheeler-dealer world of Nashville’s Capitol Hill, is being portrayed by Scholl as a veritable innocent under siege from government-funded high-livers determined to bait-and-switch the reluctant senator into compliance with an extortion scheme.

That a number of close observers think that both defenses may have made headway is in itself a reflection of the times.

Through his cross-examination of FBI operatives so far, Scholl has drawn a portrait of an entrapment operation whose principals, to further their sting, lived lavishly — consuming mountains of public money, driving “high-end” luxury cars, imbibing impressive quantities of food and drink, entertaining their marks aboard confiscated yachts, and staying only in the finest hotels.

The resultant storyline blurred distinctions and may have given the jurors, all stoutly working class in appearance, a plausible alternative to the usual cops-and-robbers, good vs. evil scenario.

Dividing lines have also come under attack in the Selmer trial, where, both in their cross-examinations and in presenting their own witnesses, Farese and Ballin have done their best to obscure the presumed distinctions between the victim and the accused.

The late Rev. Winkler, a towering man, has so far been represented as A) a committed male chauvinist; B) an importer of suspect images to the household computers; and C) a man given to rages, who on more than one occasion threatened to kill neighbors’ dogs that had disturbed his peace of mind and who once — reacting to toothache medication, said his father, also a minister — locked his wife out of the family’s house.

Nor has Mary Winkler, who appeared waif-like in the first pictures of her incarceration, made any points toward sanctification. During the trial, she has managed for the most part to appear stoic and then some — even cracking grins or, alleged one TV reporter who was there, even offering what looked like a smirk when the Winklers’ oldest daughter gave dramatic testimony about hearing the shot and seeing her father’s body.

Both tribunals involve trusted members of the social order — a state senator and a minister’s wife — and both have so far involved defenses that impugn the reliability of both law-enforcement officials themselves and the would-be incriminating documents they have brought to court.

Ever since the O.J. Simpson not-guilty verdict of 1995, the issue of “jury nullification” has concerned students of American justice. Another way of putting that is to suggest that our system rarely metes out pure justice, administering its verdicts, rather, within a defining social context.

That’s one good reason why no one should be surprised at any verdict that comes out of either trial.

Jackson Baker is a Flyer senior editor, whose trial reports, along with those of senior editor John Branston, appear atwww.memphisflyer.com.

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News The Fly-By

Black, White, and Red

Last week, I was surprised to hear Councilwoman Barbara Swearengen Ware say she was embarrassed by the way the City Council was acting. Actually, I was surprised to hear her say that she was a member of an honorable body, too, but that she was embarrassed about it was the real shocker.

Why? Well, it was her reasoning. Ware wasn’t embarrassed about members of the council being indicted on federal bribery charges or a very public investigation into one council member’s $16,000 delinquent utility bill. She was embarrassed that members of the council were still concerning themselves with the employment of beleaguered Memphis Light, Gas and Water president Joseph Lee.

Naturally. It’s not like MLGW is a city division or anything and that the council might have an interest in how it is operating.

In a heated committee meeting last week that split along racial lines, the council once again talked about what it could, and should, do about Lee. At issue were two proposals: a resolution by Carol Chumney accepting Lee’s March 1st letter of resignation and one put forth by Jack Sammons asking Lee to resign.

But in reality, everything seemed to be at issue.

Brent Taylor told Chumney he might agree with her resolution, but he didn’t like the way she presented it. She responded tartly, “If I’m out of order, so be it.”

Ware reminded council chair Tom Marshall that he asked for the independent investigation into MLGW’s special treatment of Edmund Ford, not the full council.

Dedrick Brittenum told Marshall that the proposals were being handled in the wrong committee.

Joe Brown told Chumney, a popular mayoral candidate, that she was using her council position for political gain.

“You can’t use your elected office to promote yourself. You’re in a gray area, and at times, you do violate that gray area,” he said. “You can’t even have the staff send out faxes about ‘Coffee with Carol.'”

And that was all before things got really ugly.

Ford, looking throughout the meeting like the cat who ate the canary, said to Marshall, “I don’t have a prejudice bone in my body, but I know you do” before making a reference to white sheets and saying he was going to draft a resolution to remove Marshall from his position as chair.

“It’s a personal issue. It’s a black and white issue,” said Ford. “I don’t know what you’ve been promised, but I want you to leave me alone. I’m not the one.”

And, in a typically long-winded speech, Brown said that the council discussion was setting race relations in Memphis back 50 years. He referenced the recent sentencing of Dale Mardis, the white car-lot owner who pleaded no contest to second-degree manslaughter for killing black code-enforcement officer Mickey Wright. When Mardis was sentenced to 15 years, family and friends of Wright were outraged.

“There’s something coming,” said Brown. “We wouldn’t want a civil disturbance.”

And people wonder why Memphis has a hard time keeping up with its sister cities. This isn’t a time to see black and white; if anything, it’s a time to see red.

The issue is possible malfeasance and a lack of public trust in the utility’s leadership, not race. But by making it a question of color, the council continues to damage its own credibility.

And for what purpose?

To remove Lee, the council would have to draft charges against him and essentially hold court proceedings to establish cause. Even then, however, there is no certainty that it is within the council’s authority to fire Lee.

The council approves the mayor’s appointees; it doesn’t generally remove them.

But in the monthlong brouhaha that surrounded the scandal, there simply wasn’t enough political will to even try to fire Lee, leaving the council in a surreal tug-of-war last week between asking a man who has already resigned to resign or accepting a resignation that isn’t the council’s to accept.

When it came right down to it, neither resolution passed in full council. Lee is still working at MLGW, the council never resolved anything, and the city stuck debating between what’s black and white and what’s right and wrong.

And to me, that’s just downright embarrassing.

Categories
News The Fly-By

The Cheat Sheet

Police arrest a man at a downtown parking garage who was posing as an attendant and taking money from patrons. This makes us wonder: Was he wearing a uniform? Was he standing in the little booth? Where was the real attendant? Did the lot even have a real attendant? We’ve considered giving out awards for the city’s best con job, since we’re seeing so many of them lately, but we really don’t want to encourage this kind of behavior.

As part of its Tennessee Waltz Greg Cravens

sting, the FBI gathered 57 videotapes of former senator John Ford saying some very interesting things to informants. In one video, Ford tells an undercover agent posing as a businessman that he can get him Grizzlies tickets anytime he wants and offers this odd reassurance: “I got your back. I got your front. I got your injured knee.” The agent did indeed have a knee injury, but when one grown man tells another grown man, “I got your front,” we say, back away.

In more Ford news — this time involving Edmund, not John — the city councilman wants it clear that during an argument about his select treatment by Memphis Light, Gas and Water, he supposedly told Carol Chumney, “Don’t make me your pawn” instead of “Don’t make me your punk.” Oh yes, that’s much better.

The good people of Walls, Mississippi, are offended when a private club erects a series of billboards along Highway 61. The first one reads, “Got Beer?” and the second one beckons, “Got Boobs?” We won’t say where you would go for the beer, but Walls should consider itself fortunate. For all the boobs you need, just keep driving to Memphis and look at the long list of civic leaders caught in the Tennessee Waltz scandal.

Categories
News The Fly-By

The Cheat Sheet

Bringing an end to one of the most notorious local crimes in recent history, a judge sentences confessed killer Dale Mardis to 15 years in prison for the slaying of code-enforcement inspector Mickey Wright. The victim’s family reacts to the verdict with outrage. We can’t say we blame them.

Temperatures drop below freezing over the weekend — in March, remember — making Easter egg hunts a bit more challenging for the kids, who might as well be picking up snowballs. Brrrrr!

Nothing about the Ford family Greg Cravens

surprises us anymore, not even the revelation that Tamara Mitchell-Ford carries ravioli in her pockets. Not Snickers, or packets of M&Ms, or even Slim Jims. Just bare, unwrapped ravioli. During her arrest for drunk driving back in February, police report that the former wife of John Ford pulled a piece of ravioli from her pocket, ate it, and then blew into the Breathalyzer. We’ve heard of ways to beat these machines, but we never knew pasta was one of them.

Thieves break into the abandoned Sears Crosstown building and steal more than $11,000 worth of brass valves from the structure’s plumbing and fire-control system. In recent months, we’ve read about thefts of copper tubing from air conditioners and even bronze urns from cemeteries. We never knew the scrap-metal business would be so appealing. What will be taken next — the trolley tracks?

A Memphis Symphony Orchestra member fights a Germantown traffic ticket — and loses. The musician, nabbed by the remote cameras precisely one-half second after running a red light, argues that a sudden stop might have damaged his prized viola. The judge doesn’t buy it, so Marshall Fine just ends up with an even bigger fine.

Categories
Opinion

Politics and Justice

How long do you think it will take the national media to follow the strands of the fired federal prosecutors story to Tennessee? I’d say about two weeks, at most.

On April 9th, former state senator John Ford goes on trial in federal court in Memphis. He’s a big fish in his own right and he’s the uncle of Harold Ford Jr., who is a celebrity, and the brother of Harold Ford Sr., who had his own federal trials in 1990 and 1993. The second trial, which resulted in Ford’s acquittal, was marked by exactly the sort of political meddling in the Justice Department that is now being exposed in the Bush administration.

There are so many good angles it’s hard to cram them all in, but here goes.

Don Sundquist’s name could come up in the John Ford trial because the powerful senator from Shelby County was a go-to guy from 1994 to 2002, when Sundquist was governor. Ford has a May 22nd trial date in Nashville on charges related to consulting.

But there’s much more. When he was a congressman in 1991, Sundquist recommended that Hickman Ewing Jr. be replaced by Ed Bryant as U.S. attorney for Western Tennessee. Ewing and his assistants were on the trail of Harold Ford Sr., who confronted Ewing in an elevator in the federal building in 1989 and told him, “You are a pitiful excuse for a U.S. attorney, but I can guarantee you that you won’t be the U.S. attorney much longer.”

Like the eight fired prosecutors who are now in the news, Ewing was replaced in mid-term. Ewing, Sundquist, and Bryant are Republicans, while Ford is a Democrat. In 1993, Bill Clinton was the newly elected president, and when Democrats in the Justice Department tried to influence jury selection in the second Ford trial, the government’s two trial attorneys resigned, albeit for only a day. So did Bryant, who was going to be replaced anyway along with 92 other U.S. attorneys as part of the new administration.

Sundquist, of course, went on to become governor. In his second term, when Tennessee Waltz was still just a song, federal prosecutors began an investigation of fraudulent state contracts. One close friend of Sundquist, John Stamps, was sentenced to two years in prison in 2005. Another Sundquist friend, Al Ganier, was indicted on federal obstruction charges in 2004. Three years later, he doesn’t even have a trial date. But in a court order in 2005, U.S. district judge Karl Forester wrote that Sundquist was “the impetus” for the federal investigation and said prosecutors had evidence that Sundquist “improperly interceded” on Ganier’s behalf.

Sundquist has not been charged and has said he is confident he is not under investigation. If the phrase “improperly interceded” rings a bell, that’s what has Joseph Lee on the hot seat over at MLGW in connection with another Ford, brother Edmund.

Meanwhile, federal prosecutors in Memphis and Nashville who were there at the start of the political corruption investigations have moved on. In Memphis, Terry Harris took a job with FedEx. In Nashville, Jim Vines resigned in 2006, and first assistant Zach Fardon left in January.

Will Attorney General Alberto Gonzales resign? He apparently lied about what he knew about the firings and when he knew it. Lying can be criminal. It was one of the factors that got Roscoe Dixon such a harsh prison sentence, and it’s one of the charges against Michael Hooks Jr., scheduled to go to trial later this year.

The bumbling of the Justice Department has been criticized by, among others, Bud Cummins, former U.S. attorney in Arkansas, who was fired last year to make room for a pal of Karl Rove and then smeared by his old bosses. Two years ago, Cummins, a Republican, staunchly defended Gonzales and President Bush.

If Republican prosecutors are upset, how do you suppose Democratic pols feel about being seven times as likely as Republicans to be indicted? A suggested opening argument in the John Ford trial: “Ladies and gentlemen, in the 1996 presidential election, Memphis delivered Tennessee, whose electoral votes clinched it for Clinton/Gore. The Republicans and Karl Rove never got over it, and Mr. Ford is the victim of a political vendetta by a Justice Department whose leadership lies.”

Categories
Editorial Opinion

MLGW: The Fallout

Maybe he should have sold it.

When Mayor Herenton suggested several years ago that serious consideration be given to the possible sale of Memphis Light, Gas & Water to an investor-owned utility company, he found few supporters, aside from the banks and brokerage firms that would have done the underwriting. The more typical response was that the idea was kooky and unthinkable and

just what you’d expect from “King Willie.”

So now MLGW head Joseph Lee is appearing before a federal grand jury, there are indications that politics have corrupted the utility, and the ordinary Memphians who are the shareholders of MLGW get bad news, high bills, Memphis Networx, and diversion of money from the water division to a professional basketball team.

It might seem to add up to a great platform for former MLGW CEO Herman Morris to run for mayor against Herenton this year, but it’s not that simple. There’s enough credit and blame to go around for both of them. Morris, by the way, has made no official announcement but has told several people he is interested. The filing deadline is not until July, and qualifying petitions can’t be pulled until April.

Herenton, remember, promoted Morris to CEO from legal counsel and gave him a free rein. When Morris’ term expired, Herenton let him continue and even approved giving him a raise to a salary higher than the mayor’s own. Morris left with a generous pension and severance package, although not as lucrative as the one he originally sought because Herenton thought it was too much and blew the whistle.

Right after the big windstorm in 2003, Herenton famously made a campaign visit to Little Rock while Memphians coped without power. In a press conference after the storm, he passed questions about MLGW’s slow response to Morris. Neither man can claim stellar marks for that one.

Herenton replaced Morris with Lee in 2004 and replaced several board members as well. That was overdue. The board had been dominated by cronies, consultants, and preachers for too long.

Late last year, Herenton chose his communications assistant (and Democratic Party activist) Gale Jones Carson to be MLGW’s head of public relations. She says the political favors that have been recently uncovered at MLGW predated Lee’s tenure. But the argument makes no sense. Herenton appointed both Morris and Lee, as well as the board members. And if he wanted to cut down on the politics and the impression of political skullduggery, he should have gone outside his inner circle and hired someone other than Carson for the PR job. There is no way she can be seen as a neutral spokesperson, given her history, especially if Morris jumps into the mayor’s race.

Candidate Morris would be questioned about his performance at MLGW. What does he know about “the list”? It seems there was such a thing when he was CEO. (See our story on page 15.) Why did he allow MLGW surpluses and PILOT payments to be used for Memphis Networx and the financing of FedExForum? Can the city afford the pensions, union pay scales, and health-care packages that were approved on his watch?

In short, both Herenton and Morris are likely to be careful about throwing stones. MLGW’s office headquarters is crawling with loyalists and grudge-holders for both of them. And now federal investigators are on the case. This looks like a story with staying power until the October election and beyond.

Categories
News

Politics, Favors at MLGW Preceded Lee

Politics and special attention at MLGW preceded current CEO Joseph Lee and were extended to, among others, the former editor of The Commercial Appeal, according to e-mails obtained by the Flyer.

On March 29, 2002, then-MLGW CEO Herman Morris wrote an e-mail to communications manager Mark Heuberger and vice president Curtis Dillihunt about the “CA Editor Problem.”

Morris wrote that he received a handwritten note “from the editor of the CA with a letter of complaint from his wife” requesting Morris’ help in a billing matter.

“This could set editorial policy toward MLGW for years and must be handled with touch,” Morris’ e-mail says. “I tried to call him Thursday but he was not in. I will be out of town 4/1/02 but will call him when I return on Tuesday. I would like you to get involved and make sure that we handle this matter with sensitivity.”

The e-mail has not previously been reported by The Commercial Appeal in its coverage of politics and special treatment at MLGW. The CA editor at the time of the e-mail was Angus McEachran.

The e-mail was obtained by the Flyer from MLGW communications manager Gale Jones Carson on Tuesday, shortly before our deadlines. It continues:

“Finally, I need to develop a list of customers that require my personal awareness, attention, or staff intervention when they have problems. Generally, customers who can call me or the mayor at home should be on the list. The mayor(s); city councilmen; county commissioners; state legislators; congressmen; any city director; editor of the CA; news or station director of TV stations; hospitals; jails; airports; FedEx; other big plants or customers; Fred Smith, Jack Belz, Mike Rose, Ira Lipman, Maxine Smith, Carol Miller (my sister), Lori Miller (my niece), Haymond Turner (my inlaws), Tom Garrott, Ron Terry, Marc Jordan, Pat Tigrett, Dean Jernigan, Herman Ewing, Pitt Hyde, Ben Hooks, Jesse Turner, Russell Sugarmon, Bill Crawford, and Pete Aviotti.”

For more on this breaking story and Morris’ list, go to www.memphisflyer.com.