Categories
Opinion

Website Responses Favor Keeping Park Names

ap-confederate-parks-4_3_r536_c534.jpg

Hundreds of supporters of the original names of three downtown parks with Civil War themes overwhelmed all other choices in a web poll conducted by the city of Memphis.

The committee appointed to rename the three parks met Monday for 45 minutes but made no decisions. Members got handouts with the results of the web poll as well as a list of suggestions from the Greater Memphis Chamber of Commerce.

The former Nathan Bedford Forrest Park that triggered this exercise got 525 responses, with 481 of them favoring that name. Ida B. Wells was the second choice, with three votes, the same as Civil War Park.

The former Jefferson Davis Park also got 525 responses, including 484 in favor of that name. Confederate Park got 463 votes, with Confederate Memorial Park the runner-up with 7 votes.

Each of the parks also got a sprinkling of votes for such names as Consolidator Park, William C. Boyd’s Folly Park, and Lost Cause Park.

The Chamber of Commerce recommended the names Rock N’ Soul Park for Jefferson Davis Park, Tiger Park for Confederate Park, and Volunteer Park for Forrest Park.

Members of the committee complained that many of the responses to the web survey came from people who do not live in Memphis. Keith Norman said that factor, along with “the harsh tone may be some of the very reason why we are here.” It is not clear how the home towns of the respondents were determined in the web survey. Unlike the public comments in an earlier meeting, respondents did not have to provide an address.

Categories
Editorial Opinion

Restoring History

In this issue’s cover story, “Looking South,” Chris Herrington writes about the way in which Helena, Arkansas, a nearby city with a pedigree as authentically Southern as our own, is dealing with its treatment of its Civil War history.

It has adopted what seems to be the obvious expedient of broadening the subjects of its commemoration to include both sides of its Civil War history. As Herrington puts it, Helena is one Southern city where “the hard work of severing a Southern view of history from a Confederate one is finally being done.”

That’s a subtle but critical distinction, one that means overlooked events and personalities connected to the area and to the actual history of the war in Helena — such as Freedom Park, which commemorates Helena’s and the Union Army’s role in processing toward new lives thousands of freed slaves — were given their due. Cities like Charleston and Richmond have done something similar, rescuing lost symbols of the Union cause and assigning them at least parity with familiar Confederate emblems.

Such actions perform two services at once. Yes, they update an obsolete historical consciousness and bring it more into line with contemporary realities and sensibilities. But, beyond that, their primary point is to present the actual history, the whole history, and nothing but the history of what happened in the war. It is a matter of rescuing the past for the sake of those of us who live in the present, as well as those who will come after. And it explains, as true histories always do, not only what happened and how but a great deal about why it happened.

Things of that sort were already happening here before the recent flare-up over the appearance and removal of controversial new signage at Forrest Park and the Memphis City Council’s subsequent decision to change the name of that park and two others with Confederate connotations. In recent years, Calhoun Avenue, originally named after one of the more famous (or infamous) advocates of nullification in the Old South, was redesignated in honor of G.E. Patterson, a luminary of the New South and a pillar of the Church of God in Christ, which was headquartered here. And a one-mile stretch of Linden Avenue was, just this past year, renamed for Martin Luther King Jr.

Again, in both cases, historical accuracy was served even as sensitive semiotic matters were being corrected. As Herrington observes, the downtown parks formerly named Confederate Park and Jefferson Davis Park had little if any connection to their nomenclature. The council’s action in opening up the naming process allows timely and corrective action. As for the park where a statue of General Forrest and his and his wife’s gravesite are to be found, the site is clearly large enough to accommodate other memorials and other testimonies. The name and memory of Ida B. Wells have been suggested. The idea of a “Civil War Park,” with other monuments and historical markers giving a balanced and realistic view, has been talked about.

In this instance, Memphis should seriously consider “looking South,” and take a cue from Helena, by expanding rather than contracting the public commemoration of our historical heritage.

Categories
Opinion The Last Word

The Rant

There was a Ku Klux Klan rally in Overton Park during the mid-1960s — I can’t remember the specific date — where they did the night-time cross burning and the whole deal. It was quite the white-robed spectacle, and my teenage friends and I attended in order to heckle the rubes. The Klan no longer appeared frightening in their customary outfits, merely ridiculous. We understood that beneath each hood was just another cracker-ass redneck with a chaw between his teeth and gums and a tin of Red Man in his back pocket. A speech was delivered by Robert Shelton, the Klan Grand Wazoo, who shortly before had granted an extensive interview to Playboy magazine, which I read between the centerfold and naked girly pictures. Even as a teen, I was convinced he was a damn fool. So the clown show that is coming to Memphis in March is way past the day when this bunch intimidated anyone and an embarrassment even to an organization like the Sons of Confederate Veterans. The Klan, however, is riding in defense of General Nathan Bedford Forrest — only the general would not approve.

O Lord, please don’t force me to write about Nathan Bedford Forrest at the end of Black History Month. Let this cup passeth from me. You see, I was born in Memphis, where the very mention of the name Forrest brought either a visceral loathing or a wistful admiration, depending on the individual. There is nothing defensible about an illiterate, bad-tempered, racist slave trader who made a fortune dealing in human bondage, but the Forrest name was such a lightning rod for controversy, I decided to read a couple of books about him.

The more informative was That Devil Forrest by John Allan Wyeth. Although Wyeth was a Confederate soldier and Southern sympathizer, his biography contains eyewitness testimony from the combatants. The book tends to gloss over some of the most glaring accusations of evil toward Forrest. After all, slavery is a crime against humanity, second only to genocide, and for that there can be no recompense. The single thing that historians all agree upon, however, is that Forrest was a born soldier. General William T. Sherman, no friend of the South, said that Forrest was “the most remarkable man the civil war produced on either side.” He was the only soldier who entered the war as a private and emerged as a general, and his fearlessness in battle was legendary. In close combat, Forrest killed 30 foes, had 29 horses shot from beneath him, and was wounded four times. What the Civil War historians admire most about Forrest was his unflinching courage in battle.

Even as a schoolboy, I was also a Southerner, so I was perplexed and had to wonder, “You mean our side lost?” That’s an adjustment for a child who knows nothing of the war’s particulars but only the region in which he lives. Consequently, I was thrilled by stories of Forrest’s raid on Union-occupied Memphis, when he chased General Washburn from the Gayoso Hotel in his nightshirt. There’s still a street called Escape Alley in honor of the event, yet no one has suggested changing that name.

I look as an objective observer at the current controversy over the Memphis City Council’s decision to rename the parks memorializing the Confederacy. I can understand the wounded Southern souls descended from gray uniformed soldiers, as well as the constant irritant Forrest Park is to the citizens of a city that is more than 60 percent African-American. Bedford, as he was called, was an unrepentant white supremacist, and to have his glorified tomb in the center of the city is galling to most of them. But it is history, regardless of how ugly that history may be, and renaming monuments or parks does not change that.

The upcoming Klan rally will eulogize the group’s founder and first grand wizard, although the Klan to which Forrest belonged was created in 1867 and officially disbanded in 1869. Testifying before a congressional hearing, Forrest said the KKK was formed as “a protective political military organization,” primarily to fill a lawless void and oppose the war profiteering of Reconstruction. When its members became night-riders and terrorists against black citizens, Forrest resigned and lobbied for the organization’s dissolution.

I don’t care if they disinter Bedford and the Missus and move them back to Elmwood Cemetery where they were first buried. There’s already a Forrest State Park near Camden. Why call a city park Health Sciences Park with a dead man there? The Memphis location could be used for reflection, especially upon the end of Forrest’s life when, in 1875, he was invited to speak before a group of black Southerners advocating racial reconciliation, and the general espoused an agenda of equality and harmony between the races.. Oh, you say you didn’t know that? Most folks don’t.

Perhaps Forrest’s transformation from a conscience-less slave trader to an advocate of interracial peace is a story of redemption, like Saul of Tarsus on the road to Damascus. Both men were knocked off their horses.

There is no way to temper the sins of N.B. Forrest. He said, “War means fighting, and fighting means killing,” and he was a ruthless killer. When he saw that the Confederate cause was lost, he told his troops, “Humanity demands that no more blood be shed.”

In a farewell address, the “unlettered general” said, “Civil War, such as you have just passed through, naturally engenders feelings of animosity, hatred, and revenge. It is our duty to divest ourselves of all such feelings. Whatever your responsibilities may be to government, society, or to individuals, meet them like men. Obey the laws, preserve your honor, and the government to which we have surrendered can afford to be, and will be, magnanimous.”

Were the Memphis City Council only so generous. If it’s wrong to kick a man when he’s down, what does it say to kick him when he’s dead?

Randy Haspel writes the “Born-Again Hippies” blog, where a version of this column first appeared.

Categories
News News Blog

Bill Boyd and Janis Fullilove Duke It Out Over Forrest Park Controversy

Bill Boyd

  • Bill Boyd

Janis Fullilove

  • Janis Fullilove

The Memphis City Council’s parks committee voted to revisit councilman Myron Lowery’s proposal to rename Forrest Park in honor of civil rights pioneer Ida B. Wells in two weeks, following a heated exchange between councilwoman Janis Fullilove and councilman Bill Boyd.

Boyd, chairman of the parks committee, began the meeting by extolling the “virtues” of Nathan Bedford Forrest, the namesake of the controversial city park, after first giving a disclaimer about his interest in the Civil War.

“I’m not a Civil War buff. As far as I’m concerned, the South lost. It’s like when the [University of Memphis] Tigers lose, I don’t read the paper,” Boyd said.

Boyd talked about Forrest’s history as a businessman and proclaimed that, with Forrest’s long history of winning war battles, “he must have been a great general.” Then Boyd went on to tell the council that Forrest “promoted progress for black people in this country after the war.” He claimed that Forrest did not found the Klu Klux Klan (KKK) but rather was elected its leader later on. Boyd also claimed that the KKK was “more of a social club” in its early days and didn’t start doing “bad and horrific things” until it reorganized around the time of the modern-day Civil Rights Movement.

Boyd’s statements were peppered with audible scoffs and an exclamation of “Lord, have mercy” from Fullilove. At one point, Boyd looked at the councilwoman and said, “Keep making faces like you do, Ms. Fullilove,” to which she responded, “Oh, I will.”

After Boyd’s history lesson on Forrest, he allowed Lee Millar of the Sons of Confederate Veterans to speak about the city’s removal of a granite “Forrest Park” sign that his club raised more than $10,000 to have made and installed at the park’s Union Avenue entrance. When Miller mentioned that the city had removed the marker, Fullilove clapped loudly. Miller then asked Fullilove to “hold it down.”

Miller had copies of emails from former city parks director Cindy Buchanan that he believed showed proof that the city had approved the marker. But Maura Black Sullivan, deputy CAO for the city, told council members, “I know those emails look like it was approved, but it was not approved by the administration.”

Sullivan told Miller he would have to gain approval from the Downtown Memphis Commission (DMC) under their sign ordinance, but Miller contended that the DMC only approves business signs, not signs for city parks. That issue will also be revisited in two weeks.

Boyd then adjourned the meeting, but Fullilove had apparently been trying to let Boyd know that she wanted to speak.

“Oh, you just ignored me!” Fullilove exclaimed.

“Oh, I’m sorry,” Boyd said, opening the floor to Fullilove.

“I appreciate how you shared your personal opinion on how great Forrest was to black people,” Fullilove said as she addressed Boyd. “But those are lies.”

Boyd asked Fullilove to share her opinion with him in writing. “Oh, I will,” Fullilove said.

Categories
Editorial Opinion

Issues Needing Answers

A fair degree of public attention has been fixed of late on the factors that might incline businesses and industries to locate in Memphis and Shelby County. The idea being to assure mutual prosperity, theirs and ours. Recent circumstances presented a variety of different vantage points from which to see the problem.

There was the latest flare-up of controversy over Forrest Park, site of the grave of Confederate general Nathan Bedford Forrest and an equestrian statue dedicated to his memory. There are distinguished and reasonable people on both sides of the argument. One side, characterized by the late novelist and Civil War chronicler Shelby Foote, argues that Forrest was a military commander of unusual valor, talent, and scope whose exploits entitle him to historical recognition, whatever his personal shortcomings. To Forrest’s detractors, who include several political and civic figures, those “shortcomings,” which included slave-trading, the co-founding of the Ku Klux Klan, and possible implication in a massacre, are antithetical to the aspirations of a 21st-century community. Paul Morris, head of the Downtown Memphis Commission, offered his opinion this week that the Forrest issue itself is a drag on corporate recruitment.

Then there was the up-or-down vote on the Shelby County Commission regarding a proposed wage-theft ordinance. As formulated and amended, the proposal would have established oversight and penalties, at least in the unincorporated areas of the county, for the problem of employers who deprive their employees of earned and/or promised wages, who decline to pay overtime, or who otherwise renege on obligations to members of their workforce. Local business organizations, including the Chamber of Commerce, campaigned against the ordinance, and were able to defeat it, offering the premise that such an ordinance would be an undue “burden” on business and private enterprise and thus a disincentive to development. Members of the clergy, labor representatives, and workers themselves maintained just as insistently that the absence of such workplace protection is not only unjust but a lingering cloud over the economy and its prospects.

There was also, at the instigation of Shelby County Commission chairman Mike Ritz, a public information session this week in the county building about the nature of PILOT (payment in lieu of taxes) arrangements to induce businesses and industries to locate or expand here. Ritz was a prime mover in the creation of the EDGE board (Economic Development Growth Engine), which united all such corporate and industrial matters, city and county, under one head. But the commission chairman has also been forthright about his lack of confidence in the way that PILOTs and other incentives are calculated and applied, so as to balance the revenue interests of local government with the needs of the commercial beneficiaries.

None of these issues are clear-cut in the assignment of pluses and minuses to this or that side of the argument. All of them have to do with evolving points of view which, increasingly, are in contrast to the precepts and conventional wisdom of past practices. And they all require fair-mindedness and a willingness to compromise on the part of those who presume to shape our larger community for the future.