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New Blended Sentencing Law Could Send Hundreds of Youth to Adult System

The exterior of the Memphis-Shelby County Juvenile Court in downtown Memphis. Photo by Andrea Morales for MLK50

This story was originally published by MLK50: Justice Through Journalism. Subscribe to their newsletter here.

In January, a new “blended sentencing” law will go into effect in Tennessee that could usher hundreds of children into the adult criminal justice system with fewer checks than the existing adult transfer process. It will also keep those kids in the juvenile justice system longer. 

The law is “extremely harmful for youth in Memphis,” said Ala’a Alattiyat, coordinator for the Youth Justice Action Council. “It will not keep our community safer, and it will continue to perpetuate the cyclical nature of the justice system by making it harder for youth to exit that cycle.”

Children as young as 14 could be subject to blended sentencing. These children will be required to serve juvenile sentences until they turn 19. They will also face up to four years of adult prison or probation.

Initially, this adult sentence is stayed, meaning it will only take effect if certain criteria are met. Only one of these criteria concerns whether a child has committed another delinquent act.

As a result, kids could end up in adult prison without committing another crime, said Zoe Jamail, policy coordinator at Disability Rights Tennessee. Instead, the text of the law allows children to increase their risk of going to prison by breaking curfew or failing to graduate from high school. 

Ultimately, children “who would otherwise never have been facing an adult sentence” will be swept into the adult system, said Jasmine Ying Miller, a senior attorney at Youth Law Center.

Read more about how the law will work here. 

Blended sentencing is part of a broader effort by some lawmakers to make Tennessee’s juvenile justice system more punitive, even though rates of youth crime in the state have been declining for at least a decade. 

In April, the state legislature passed the “Juvenile Organized Retail Theft Act,” which allows children to be tried as adults for shoplifting or stealing a gun. In May, it passed the “Parental Accountability Act,” which allows judges to fine parents for offenses committed by their children.

Rep. John Gillespie. Photo by Andrea Morales for MLK50

The blended sentencing legislation, which also passed in May, was introduced and sponsored by several Memphis-area lawmakers. In the State Senate, the bill was sponsored by state Sen. Brent Taylor (R-Memphis). In the House, the bill was sponsored by Rep. Mark White (R-Memphis), Rep. John Gillespie (R-Memphis), and Rep. G.A. Hardaway (D-Memphis). 

“State policies related to youth justice consistently and disproportionately target Memphis, which is a predominantly Black city,” said Alattiyat. As a result, “this type of law always ends up disproportionately targeting Black youth.”

Blended sentencing’s sponsors often imply — incorrectly — that youth are responsible for most of Memphis’s crime. 

“We are living in a state of fear in Memphis, in the surrounding area,” Rep. Gillespie told colleagues during a House discussion of blended sentencing, “and it is almost entirely because of juveniles committing violent crimes that are going unpunished.”

These claims are misleading. Memphis-Shelby County Juvenile Court has said that adults are responsible for most crimes in the county. Children do seem to be disproportionately involved in car theft; about a third of those charged with vehicle-related crimes are youth offenders, according to the Memphis Police Department. Available data suggest that youth are less involved in violent crime. 

According to statistics maintained by the Memphis-Shelby County Juvenile Court, juvenile crime did increase in 2022. But by 2023, juvenile crime had fallen to the same level as 2021. Overall, juvenile crime in Memphis has been on a steady decline since at least 2011. 

Nevertheless, legislators insist that drastic action must be taken on youth crime in Memphis.

Rep. Mark White during a House committee hearing in March of this year. Photo by Andrea Morales for MLK50

“Juvenile laws traditionally have been there to protect the juvenile,” said White, who introduced the bill in the House. In his view, protection is no longer the right approach. “We’re living in a different time with some of the crimes committed by these 14, 15, 16, 17-year-olds.”

Currently, Tennessee’s juvenile justice system operates on two tracks: either children remain in the juvenile system — where they must be released by 19, no matter the offense they’ve committed — or they can be transferred to the adult system. 

White believes that the first track, in which children remain in the juvenile system until age 19, enables juvenile crime. Under the current system, children “can shoot and kill a person at 17 and go free at 19,” he said. 

Children accused of murder and attempted murder are usually transferred to adult court unless they have been abused or coerced, lawyers say.

Some juvenile judges also take issue with this part of the law; they’d like the option to keep older kids who have committed serious offenses in the juvenile system beyond 19.

“We all want a tool where we can extend jurisdiction to capture youth past the age of 19,” said Judge Aftan Strong, chief magistrate of Memphis-Shelby County’s Juvenile Court. “Extended jurisdiction” would give courts more time to rehabilitate young offenders, she said. 

Blended sentencing bears little resemblance to this policy. And while juvenile judges are legally required to rehabilitate youth offenders, the architects of blended sentencing have made it clear that rehabilitation is beside the point. 

White introduced an initial version of blended sentencing to the legislature in April 2023. The next month, White published an op-ed where he wrote, “We are well past the time of ‘we need to rehabilitate our youth.’” Instead, he wrote, the juvenile justice system should focus on “discipline, correction and punishment.” 

A view of the state legislature floor during a House session in March 2023. Photo by Andrea Morales for MLK50

In that same op-ed, White compared Memphis’ “undisciplined youth” to the 1870s yellow fever epidemic that killed or displaced 30,000 Memphians.

Ultimately, blended sentencing will likely incarcerate more children while failing to address youth crime, critics say. Empirical research on young people “does not support this viewpoint that you can punish your way into reducing crime.” said Cardell Orrin, Tennessee executive director at Stand for Children. 

White is not concerned by this critique. “We have to have a system where [young offenders] understand the seriousness of what they did and that they will be detained in the system,” White told MLK50. 

“A lot of the issues are coming from 2 percent-4 percent of our [youth] population,” he continued. “If we would just detain those people and make believers out of them, it may keep other people from reoffending.” 

Four percent of Memphis’ population between the ages of 10 and 17 is roughly 2,700 children, based on available U.S. census data. 

“We may have to go too far to one side trying to correct it in order to get back to sanity,” said White.

Rebecca Cadenhead is the youth and juvenile justice reporter for MLK50: Justice Through Journalism. She is also a corps member with Report for America, a national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms. Email her  rebecca.cadenhead@mlk50.com.

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Shelby County, an HIV Hotspot, Forfeited $3M in Federal HIV Funding

Shelby County continues to experience one of the highest HIV rates in the nation – designated one of 48 “hotspots” that are collectively responsible for half of all new U.S. infections.

Despite the urgent need for intervention, the Shelby County Health Department has had to forfeit more than $3 million of the $8.6 million in federal HIV prevention funding it has received in the past five years, according to information provided to lawmakers by the Tennessee Department of Health.

Credit: Tennessee Lookout

The funding came from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), which – until last year – provided Tennessee with annual HIV prevention funding, distributed through the Tennessee Department of Health to local health departments and nonprofit organizations. Between 2019 and 2023, Shelby County’s share of the funding ranged from $816,000 to $1.7 million annually.

But in four of the past five fiscal years, Shelby County failed to tap all available CDC dollars. The money can be used to purchase HIV tests, hire public health workers to administer them and perform contact tracing to identify potentially additional cases. Last year, the county drew down just $410,000 of its $1.5 million grant.

In an August 23 letter to lawmakers highlighting the unspent funds, Tennessee Department of Health Commissioner Dr. Ralph Alvarado blamed CDC bureaucratic red tape and understaffing by the Shelby County Health Department.

A spokesperson for the Shelby County Health Department, in turn, blamed delays in executing contracts with the state health department, a process that also requires approval by the Shelby County Board of Commissioners and acceptance by county contracting officials.

The spokesperson also cited the Covid pandemic’s lingering impact over the past four years, as reassigned sexual health workers limited the number of HIV investigations funded by the grants.

Dr. Ralph Alvarado, commissioner of the Tennessee Department of Health. (Photo: John Partipilo)

Losing out on $3 million in HIV funding in Shelby County has troubled advocates who work with limited budgets to educate, test, and provide resources to individuals impacted by HIV.

“Folks are making decisions between $3,000 medications and a roof over their heads,” said Cherisse Scott, CEO of Sister Reach, a Memphis reproductive health organization.

Sister Reach operates mobile vans that travel into underserved communities to offer testing and support. At $63 per HIV test, it’s a struggle to provide the service, she said. “The fact is those dollars have not trickled down” Scott said.

Rep. G.A. Hardaway, a Memphis Democrat, said Wednesday he planned to discuss the HIV expenditures with Shelby County health officials and local HIV advocates – and potentially the Tennessee Comptroller’s office, which is charged with investigating uses of public funding.

“Anytime we have federal dollars that cannot be spent in a timely fashion, we have to figure out why,” said Hardaway, who noted that local health officials may not have been in a position to responsibly spend money that came to them late in a grant cycle.

“We don’t want to get into a pattern where there’s too much red tape or we’re creating a situation where people are being rushed into spending in a way that would be ineffective,” he said.

Rising HIV rates

The letter from Dr. Alvarado outlining Shelby County HIV spending was sent in response to questions from Democratic lawmakers concerned that teens seeking HIV tests, along with other healthcare services, were being turned away from public health clinics if they did not have a parent’s permission.

Public health clinics began turning away unaccompanied teens on July 1st, shortly after Gov. Bill Lee signed a new state law requiring parental consent for healthcare services, the Lookout reported.

The state health department has since reversed course, instructing public health clinics to resume providing sexually transmitted disease testing and birth control to teens.

Rising rates of HIV in Shelby County sparked concern earlier this year when the Tennessee Department of Health and the Shelby County Health Department jointly issued a news alert. “Shelby County is experiencing a peak in a six-year trend of increasing HIV and syphilis infections,” Tennessee Department of Health Chief Medical Officer Dr. Tim Jones said in the new release. “Testing is critical in reducing these rates.”

The release noted a 36 percent increase in HIV rates in Shelby County since 2018 and a 40 percent increase among those 15- to 19-years old between 2018 and 2023.

The news has prompted renewed action among nonprofit advocates to stem the growing rates of HIV.

Conflicting disease data

But in his August 23rd letter to lawmakers, Dr. Alvarado said the number of newly diagnosed HIV infections have decreased in the past 14 months – a message at direct odds with previous public statements from his department.

Dr. Alvarado noted there had been a two-year backlog in investigating HIV cases at the Shelby County Health Department. Once the backlog was resolved, he noted, “there was not a significant, acute spike or ‘outbreak’ indicated, as reported by the press.”

Tennessee public clinics resume offering birth control, sexual disease tests to unaccompanied teens

The letter does not make clear how resolving the backlog in investigations resulted in fewer reported cases. Investigations, which include contact tracing to identify and test intimate partners, may result in more positive cases rather than fewer. The state health department did not respond to questions about the investigations.

Dr. Alvarado provided lawmakers with charts showing the number of HIV infections in Shelby County decreased from 358 in 2022 to 329 in 2023. Among teens in the county, the number of new infections increased from 22 to 37 during the same time period.

The data provided uses infection numbers, not rates of infections – a typical public health metric previously cited in health department press releases about HIV prevalence in Shelby County that measures the number of infections compared to population size.

The department did not respond to numerous requests seeking clarity on HIV infections in Shelby County.

Dr. Alvarado noted that the decrease in the number of HIV infections coincided with the rejection of federal HIV funding from the CDC by the Lee administration. Last year, Lee announced he would forgo all future CDC HIV prevention funding in a move widely seen as a politically-motivated effort to block the federal dollars from also going to Planned Parenthood clinics in Tennessee.

The state has since allocated its own funding for HIV prevention efforts. Shelby County this year received $1.7 million in state dollars and has thus far spent $885,000 on prevention efforts.

Tennessee Lookout is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Tennessee Lookout maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Holly McCall for questions: info@tennesseelookout.com. Follow Tennessee Lookout on Facebook and X.

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State GOP Members Want to Add Firing Squad, “Hanging By A Tree” to Execution Methods

Death row inmates prefer a firing squad as a means of execution, according to one Tennessee lawmaker, and his bill “just simply gives them that option.” 

Rep. Dennis Powers (Credit: State of Tennessee)

Tennessee GOP lawmakers are looking for alternative methods to kill inmates in the state should officials here not be able to adhere to lethal injection protocols. On Tuesday, Rep. Dennis Powers (R-Jacksboro) advanced a bill to include firing squads to the state’s methods. Rep. Paul Sherrell (R-Sparta) wanted to add “hanging by a tree” to the bill but the motion was not formalized by other lawmakers. 

Tennessee Governor Bill Lee halted all executions here in May. Officials discovered lethal-injection chemicals had not been screened for toxins before the scheduled execution of Oscar Franklin Smith, one hour before his scheduled execution.

The toxins could cause respiratory and other distressing issues. ACLU of Tennessee Executive Director Kathy Sinback said they can “create the sensation of drowning or burning alive.” Screening for the toxins is mandatory under Tennessee’s execution protocols. 

In January, Lee appointed Frank Strada as the new commissioner of the Tennessee Department of Corrections (TDOC), an official who oversaw the renewal of executions as deputy director of the Arizona Department of Corrections. Strada oversaw three executions in 2022, all of which were marked by problems delivering lethal chemicals, according to Tennessee Lookout’s Sam Stockard.

On Tuesday, Powers told the House Criminal Justice Committee that TDOC is not “philosophically opposed” to his legislation. His original bill listed only electrocution as an alternative to lethal injection. But a new amendment introduced Tuesday (not yet available on the legislature’s website) rewrote the proposal and Powers only mentioned firing squads in his presentation. 

In his presentation, Powers said “having done a survey of people on death row,” the firing squad method is preferred. He did not cite a source of the survey. 

He said capital punishment is “not unconstitutional” in Tennessee and said neither was his bill. He said, “[W]e need to make sure they get these executions done more quickly,” noting that one of his constituents died before the execution of a man convicted of raping and killing the constituent’s wife and daughter. 

“This is the most humane way,” Powers said. “If you want to look at the most humane way and the most effective way to do it is by firing squad.”

Powers explained that the method is “not like the old Westerns when they stand up and put … a blindfold on and they’re standing there and they give them a cigarette or something.” 

In a special facility, Powers said the inmate would sit in a chair and would be immobilized by some kind of apparatus. Officials would put a target over the inmate’s heart. Families would be invited to watch, as is the case with all executions in the state.

One marksman on the firing squad would shoot a blank so no one would really know who fired the fatal shots. He said other states have had more volunteer help to carry these out than they needed. 

Rep. G.A. Hardaway (Credit: State of Tennessee)

Rep. G.A. Hardaway (D-Memphis) read depositions from other states that said “death by firing squad would not significantly reduce the risk of severe pain,” the same reason Tennessee’s lethal injection executions were put on hold. 

“Any type of death … it’s going to be painful,” Powers said. “The death that they promoted and carried out for another subject was painful, too. So, I don’t have a whole lot of empathy for people that suffer pain during an execution.”

Arguments for a similar law in South Carolina were heard by that state’s highest court in January but a decision is still pending. Idaho lawmakers are now also considering death by firing squad.  

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Politics Politics Feature

Moving the Goalposts

Among the several factors that may change the political map, in Tennessee as elsewhere, are the numbers from the 2020 census. As a result of them, the dimensions of numerous governmental districts are due to change — with effects highly noticeable in Shelby County and West Tennessee.

Both the 9th Congressional District, which includes most of Memphis and is currently represented by Democrat Steve Cohen, and the 8th Congressional District, which contains a key sliver of East Memphis and is represented by Republican David Kustoff, will have to expand their boundaries to approximate the average district population in Tennessee, which the Census Bureau found to be 767,871.

Inasmuch as the 2020 population of the 9th District was certified as 690,749, and that of the 8th District as 716,347, both West Tennessee districts will need to stretch their limits. The 9th District actually lost 14,376 people from its 2010 population of 705,125, a diminishment of 2 percent. The 8th, by contrast, grew by 11,227 people from 705,120, a gain of 1.6 percent. But, since both districts fell below the stage growth average of 8.49 percent, their boundaries will expand.

New configurations will occur elsewhere in the state, as well — particularly in Middle Tennessee, where several districts that experienced population booms in the last decade will have to shrink. The state’s population as a whole is now reckoned at 6.91 million, representing an increase of something like 564,000 people in a decade. But Tennessee’s growth pattern still lagged behind the national average, so Tennessee will continue with its current lineup of nine congressional seats with no additional seats added.

Again, both the 8th and 9th Districts in Tennessee will have to grow geographically to catch up with the state average of population per district. That will undoubtedly cause some tension and horse-trading as state lawmakers, who must make the determination of new district lines for congressional and state offices, set to the task, which has a deadline of April 7, 2022. (In the case of local government districts, for commission, council, and school districts, the deadline is January 1, 2022.)

The situation recalls a previous significant change in the boundaries of Districts 8 and 9 that occurred in 2011 after the 2010 census. That reapportionment process was the first overseen by a Republican legislative majority, and it resulted in the surrender of a prize hunk of donor-rich East Memphis turf from Cohen’s 9th District to the 8th. Cohen was compensated by territory to the north of Shelby County in Millington.

Given the fact of continued GOP dominance of the General Assembly, the valuable East Memphis salient is liable to stay in Kustoff’s 8th District. The 9th will have to expand somewhere else in the 8th District, which surrounds it — a fact that creates a whack-a-mole situation for Kustoff, who’ll have to compensate, possibly from the adjoining 7th District.

Meanwhile, several legislative districts in Shelby County are seriously under-strength in relation to average statewide population figures. These include state Senate districts 29, 30, and 33 — now held by Democrats Raumesh Akbari, Sara Kyle, and Katrina Robinson, respectively — and state House Districts 86, 90, 91, and 93 — represented currently by Democrats Barbara Cooper, Torrey Harris, London Lamar, and G.A. Hardaway, respectively.

Significant changes are likely to occur also in legislative reapportionment, possibly in the loss of a seat or two in Shelby County.

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Opinion

Schools Case in Federal Court: Day Two

Daniel Kiel

  • Daniel Kiel

Mega-data gave way to mini-drama for a little while in the second day of the municipal schools case in federal court Wednesday.

The first day was dominated by dueling demographers and some thrilling testimony about the cohort component method of forecasting. The apparent relevance: small Tennessee towns and school districts could theoretically if not actually become bigger towns with municipal school systems, thereby showing that the state enabling legislation was constitutional.

On Day Two, the plaintiffs (Memphis City Council and Shelby County Commission) called law school professor and Transition Planning Commission member Daniel Kiel to the stand. He reviewed the work of the TPC from October 2011 until August 2012 in the context of two things that happened in Nashville during that time: the General Assembly’s passage of legislation allowing municipal school districts before unification of the Memphis and Shelby County school systems at the start of the 2013-2014 school year and the state attorney general’s opinion that muni’s couldn’t jump the gun.

The TPC plan mentions the possibility of municipal school systems in Shelby County but doesn’t specifically account for them in its calculations.

“It was too hypothetical to incorporate into the plan,” Kiel said. But when Tom Cates, attorney for the suburbs, asked if “it was always there and always considered something that might happen, is that correct?”, Kiel agreed with him and later said “It is accurate that the TPC anticipated the possibility of municipal school systems, yes.”

Kiel said the TPC was charged with planning for unification in 2013 and that he personally put in 8-14 hours a week of donated time. Cates said the suburbs were likewise planning for their future by holding referenda in August and school board elections in November.

“What’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander, right?” he said.

Colorful, and certainly more interesting than the cohort component method and the bona fides of expert witnesses, but the relevance of this examination to the constitutionality of the law in question was not clear. One thing it seemed likely to do was make citizens less comfortable in court than Kiel think twice about serving on school panels that might get them called as witnesses in federal court hearings and subjected to questions from lawyers.

At the lunch break, attorneys for the suburbs were entering into evidence stacks of facts about small towns in Tennessee such as Milan, apparently in preparation for showing how the law of muni’s could apply to them as well as Shelby County.

Spectators again included lawmakers Mark Norris and G.A. Hardaway, among others. Hardaway told me he plans to work on fostering better communications in Nashville next session so decisions are not subject to instant judicial review. Norris said he was willing to testify in the hearing but wasn’t asked to.

It’s a great case for lawyers. I conservatively calculate the daily expenditure for ten attorneys at $2500 an hour, the daily fee for expert witnesses at $4000, and the ballpark total at $25,000 a day. Maybe we should go back to the days of settling disputes by expense account dinners and meetings in smoke-filled rooms.