Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Steve Cohen vs. Ricky Wilkins Heats Up

Well, let’s face it: Saturday, June 14th, may go down in contemporary annals as the day that a relatively desultory election season took an uptick, with convincing evidence that the 9th District congressional race between incumbent Democrat Steve Cohen and his primary opponent Ricky Wilkins is the race to watch on the way to August 7th and the one that will drive the vote.

Whatever that turns out to mean for Cohen and Wilkins, it is good news for the other Democratic nominees on the county ballot and for those judicial candidates who are counting on a healthy Democratic turnout to pad their vote totals.

Exhibit #1 on Saturday was Wilkins’ headquarters opening in a Poplar Plaza storefront. The place was jammed, the number of influential attendees was above par, and Wilkins himself gave a standout performance — whether as best actor in the drama or best supporting actor remains to be seen.

(It should be noted that last week Cohen’s organization released the results of an internal campaign poll that gives the incumbent congressman a substantial lead of 73 to 9 percent over Wilkins, findings that correlate, more or less, with those of a Berje Yacoubian poll published in the Flyer last December, showing Cohen at 76 percent and Wilkins a 11 percent. Both polls preceded the actual start of full-scale campaigning.)

Exhibit #2, later on Saturday, was the back-to-back appearance of Wilkins and Cohen at a Shelby County Democrats’ “stump party” in Raleigh/Frayser. Another good crowd gathered in the backyard of party activist Lexie Carter‘s house for an afternoon cookout-cum-speechathon involving numerous candidates for office, but it focused on the cynosure duel of Cohen and Wilkins.

As he had earlier at his headquarters opening, Wilkins took the gloves off and did what a challenger must, took the fight to the champion. Cohen responded with a forceful and proud evocation of his congressional resumé.

In a moment, the rundown on how things went. The specifics, as it were. But first, the upshot: Ricky Wilkins, a mega-lawyer who boasts his local roots, may become the latest casualty of a congressman who has managed to beat his last several primary opponents by running up multiples of their vote — anywhere from 4-to-1 to 8-to-1. But on the evidence of Saturday, Wilkins has more rooted strength, in-depth support, and organizational and financial resources than any of Cohen’s previous challengers — certainly enough to make a fight of it, though it is still hard to find neutral observers who give Wilkins a serious chance of winning.

This is a time of upsets, however, as indicated by the downfall of GOP House Majority Leader Eric Cantor in Virginia and by the distressed predicaments of Senators Thad Cochran in Mississippi and Mitch McConnell in Kentucky.

At his headquarters opening, Wilkins forsook a previous diffidence vis-à-vis his opponent and launched several attacks against Cohen, whom he termed a “career politician.” Some of the charges were indirect, as in Wilkins’ pledge to be a congressman “who’s not going to pander to our community [or] spread around crumbs.” Nor, he said, would he “spend a lot of time doing a lot of international boondoggling travel.”

Other Wilkins barbs were more direct, as in a statement that “my opponent mentioned that his campaign was going to be dirty and vicious, and he’s following through on the promise.” Wilkins provided no examples for that accusation, though in an interview he contended that it was Cohen, not himself, who “interjects race and religion … so as to try to divide the community and marginalize his opponent.”

That was apparently apropos remarks by the Rev. Kenneth Whalum, a Cohen supporter, who, at the congressman’s own headquarters opening earlier this month, spoke of “the red herring that a Jew cannot effectively represent the black community in Memphis,” implying that Wilkins supporters were behind the “mud-slinging … particularly among African-American ministers.”

A parenthesis: Wilkins got some traction last month at a press conference where several African-American ministers announced their support for him. 

Prominent among them was the Rev. Keith Norman, pastor of First Baptist Church on Broad and president of the local NAACP. Norman would later stress that he, a former classmate with Wilkins at Carver High School, was speaking only as an individual and not on behalf of his church or the NAACP. He would repeat that assertion before the Wilkins headquarters opening got started on Saturday, but then inaugurated the affair with a lengthy prayer, invoking the Almighty’s blessings upon Wilkins, while draping an arm around the candidate.

Cohen has issued his own list of more than a score of African-American ministers who support him, including such well-known names as Whalum, Dr. James Netters, and Apostle Bill Adkins.

Another line of attack from Wilkins at the headquarters opening was a claim that Cohen had the support of “special interests.” He said, “Just go to opensecrets.org. It’ll show you who his top financial contributors are. Most of them don’t live in Memphis or give a darn about Memphis. … For whom are you really working?”

A cursory search of various sites, including the Federal Election Commission’s (FEC), indicates that Cohen has, along with support from local donors, significant financial support from union and entertainment sources, as well as organizations connected, from different points of view, with the transportation industry. The list of donors seems consistent with Cohen’s political profile and committee memberships (e.g. the House Transportation Committee).

A not insignificant additional fact to be found on the FEC site is that, as of March 31st, Cohen’s reported cash on hand was $943,149, while Wilkins’ was $112,286.

Yet a third line of attack came from Wilkins at Carter’s stump party, where, in remarks preceding Cohen’s, Wilkins declared, “I won’t be a congressman who will sit on his war-chest and watch fellow Democrats lose their races. …  We saw what happened in 2010. The congressman you elected at that time sat on his money and allowed Democrats to lose elections.”

That reflected a charge by Cohen’s estranged former district director Randy Wade, now a Wilkins supporter. Wade lost a race for sheriff in 2010 and subsequently complained, before leaving the congressman’s employ, of insufficient help from Cohen, who has responded that he fully supported Wade, both in joint appearances that got free media and in paid advertising, including billboards featuring the two of them together.

In his own remarks at the stump party, Cohen did not respond directly to Wilkins’ charges, though his campaign staff would respond to a Wilkins claim that he had always supported Democrats with copies of a 2006 ad, which appeared in the Flyer and elsewhere, listing Wilkins as a member of Democrats supporting then District Attorney General Bill Gibbons, a Republican, against a Democratic opponent.

Cohen emphasized instead his accomplishments on behalf of the district. Some of the recent ones cited were $15 million for the Main Street to Main Street project on the riverfront, $5 million for processing the county’s backlog of rape kits, and $3 million for summer jobs in Memphis.

Cohen attributed his prowess to his close relationship with President Barack Obama, who has endorsed his reelection bid, and with members of the Republican majority, with whom, he said, he had a “good working relationship.”

He told the crowd, “I’d appreciate your vote for this term and the term after and the term after that. I’m not asking you for one more term; I’m asking you to continue representation that’s honest and effective.”

Wilkins’ own tagline at both events Saturday was one he uses frequently: “If you liked Steve Cohen, you’ll love Ricky Wilkins.”

• More problems for beleaguered Juvenile Court clerk candidate Henri Brooks. On Friday she was charged with misdemeanor assault after an altercation with a driver over a parking lot space at Methodist Hospital Central, where Brooks was working. Witnesses say Brooks uttered racial slurs and attacked the woman who drove the other car.

And on Monday, acting on an apparent discovery by a Channel 24 reporter that Brooks does not live at the Midtown address she has claimed, but at a Cordova address outside her district, the County Commission voted to consider a possible ouster of her from the commission at a special called meeting on June 26th.

One note running counter to a mounting chorus of criticism came Tuesday from veteran Democratic operative David Upton, who contended that he had hand-delivered information to Brooks at her claimed Midtown address some two years ago. Meanwhile, Methodist Hospital announced Tuesday that Brooks had “resigned.”

Categories
Letter From The Editor Opinion

Letter From the Editor

A few years back at a party, I found myself in conversation with a young African-American attorney who’d just moved to Memphis from Atlanta. She was charming, chatty, and direct. At one point, I asked her, “What’s the biggest difference between Memphis and Atlanta?”

The young woman shook her head and said, “In Atlanta, the black political leaders are lawyers and professionals. Here in Memphis, it’s still old school — funeral directors and preachers control everything. It drives me crazy.”

Henri Brooks isn’t a funeral director or a preacher, but she’s old school, unable to jettison the angry, race-based politics she grew up with. But there’s plenty of race-based hate to go around, these days. Thinly veiled racial attacks (often disguised as “humor”) on President Obama and the First Lady are a daily occurrence — just check the internet. And don’t kid yourself into thinking that the GOP/Tea Party furor over immigration across our Southern border doesn’t also carry a racial element.

We as a society are nowhere near being “post-racial.” Our polarization on such issues as race, politics, guns, immigration, schools, gay rights, religion, etc. has never been more pronounced, at least not in my lifetime.

Brooks’ public disintegration in recent weeks, culminating with Tuesday’s revelation that she likely doesn’t live in the district she represents, has only stoked the race-baiters, who vent enough ugly, personal remarks on local news websites to keep comment monitors busy night and day. (For some reason, these good citizens never seem nearly as outraged about the law-breaking shenanigans of caucasian politicians such as Representative Curry Todd or former Southaven Mayor Greg Davis.)

But Brooks brought this on herself. Yes, her persistence in spotlighting the injustices at Juvenile Court was a good thing. But the unseemly dressing down of an Hispanic-American citizen in commission chambers, the stupid encounter in a Methodist Hospital parking lot that led to assault charges, and the latest revelation about her possible out-of-district residence make it clear she is no longer fit to hold public office.

Mayor AC Wharton, whose career is untainted by any such imbroglios, and who by all accounts has plans to run for reelection, would be wise to distance himself from Brooks. Unfortunately, his wife, Ruby Wharton, a strong personality in her own right, is Brooks’ campaign manager. It has probably made for some interesting dinner conversation at the Wharton home. But AC should put his foot down on this one.

The bottom line? We need to rid ourselves of prideful, stupid, drunk, addicted, incompetent, gun-sucking, crooked, racist public servants. And any combination thereof. Did I mention stupid? State legislature, I’m talking to you.

You know who they are. So do I. Let’s get rid of them, starting August 7th.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Good News, Bad News for Shelby County Democrats

The week leading up to the Memorial Day weekend highlighted both the hopes and the perils facing Democrats in Shelby County and in Tennessee at large.

Locally, the issue of what to do about Henri Brooks still festers in party ranks but is likely to end indecisively, inasmuch as all the available options regarding the volatile county commissioner who is her party’s nominee for Juvenile Court Clerk seem to be of the no-win variety.

In the immediate aftermath of Brooks’ verbal attack on a Hispanic witness and two of her colleagues at the commission meeting on Monday, May 12th, Commission Chairman James Harvey made some resolute statements about backing a possible censure action against Brooks, but Harvey — long famous, in both speech and action, for a tendency to consider multiple options, tentatively adopting and discarding each in turn — seems to have backed off the idea.

With the Commission preparing to meet this week in committee and next Monday in full session, no action is likely unless pressed by a fellow African-American commission member or called for by a prominent Democratic nominee on the August 7th countywide ballot. “It would take a ‘Sister Souljah’ moment,” said one Democrat, evoking the memory of presidential candidate Bill Clinton‘s venturing to criticize racially abrasive comments by a prominent black activist in 1992.

Such an action might well exacerbate intra-party tensions among Democrats, but the lack of such an action leaves the party open to actual or implied Republican criticism regarding Democratic toleration of bigotry.

When the Shelby County Democratic Party Executive Committee met last Thursday for a “unity” gathering, much lip service was paid to the concept of party loyalty and much suspicion was vented of possible GOP skullduggery, but not a single thing was said about Brooks or the May 12th Commission meeting or community reaction to it.

Statewide, the predicament of Democrats as a minority party at the mercy of Republican officials was underscored by the arrival in Memphis on Thursday of three Democratic appointed state Supreme Court justices — Chief Justice Gary Wade, Cornelia Clark, and Sharon Lee.

The three justices, all up for Yes/No retention votes on August 7th, have been targeted for rejection in a campaign led by Lieutenant Governor Ron Ramsey, the presiding officer of the state Senate. Two other justices, including Janice Holder of Memphis, have already announced their retirement in lieu of standing for retention. State Appeals Court Judge Holly Kirby, also of Memphis, was appointed by Governor Bill Haslam to succeed Holder.

Wade, Clark, and Lee drew a supportive crowd of fellow lawyers and other supporters at a fund-raiser in their behalf at the Racquet Club on Thursday night, and Memphis Mayor A C Wharton held a joint press conference with them on Friday, endorsing them for retention.

Haslam, who would have the responsibility of naming replacements for the three justices, should they not win retention, has kept a discreet and neutral distance from the matter.

On the statewide front, the good news for Democrats is that three candidates in the Democratic primary are vying for the right to oppose incumbent Republican U.S. Senator Lamar Alexander in November. The three are Larry Crim of Nashville, CEO of Christian Counseling Centers of America, Inc., and two Knoxville attorneys, Terry Adams, and Gordon Ball.

Crim ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic nomination in a 2012 race for the Senate seat held (and retained) by Bob Corker. Most party attention has focused on Adams and Ball.

Ball, a respected trial lawyer who has won huge judgments against corporations for malfeasance (and can largely self-finance a campaign) was the guest of a meet-and-greet affair in Memphis co-hosted last Thursday night by Jocelyn Wurzburg and Kemba Ford. Under attack in some party quarters for his past support of Republican candidates in East Tennessee (where, as he pointed out, Republicans are often the only choices on the ballot) and for his espousal of a flat tax, Ball endorsed consensus Democratic positions on social issues like abortion and same-sex marriage.

Adams was in Memphis on Friday for an evening hosted by the Rincon Strategy Group at Bar DKDC at Cooper and Young. Featuring an attack on economic inequality as a major theme (a fact he demonstrates by carrying the text of Thomas Piketty‘s currently modish Capital in the 21st Century on his cell phone), Adams seems to have the support of young Democrats calling themselves progressives.

Again, the good news for Democrats is that both Ball and Adams seemingly represent viable and credentialed alternatives to Alexander. The bad news is that Alexander, who has a well-stocked campaign war chest, is considered to have an enormous, even a prohibitive, lead over any Democrat.

The incumbent senator is now engaged in a primary campaign of his own against challengers including Republican State Representative Joe Carr of Lascasses, who hopes for Tea Party support, and George Flinn of Memphis, whose aim seems mainly that of popularizing his own approach to a national health-care plan to replace the Affordable Care Act.

Another Democrat venturing to run statewide is gubernatorial candidate John McKamey, a retired coach from Kingsport in East Tennessee, who has the formal support of the AFL-CIO. McKamey was headed to Memphis for an appearance before the Germantown Democrats this Wednesday night at Coletta’s on Highway 64.

Categories
Letters To The Editor Opinion

What They Said…

About Jackson Baker’s post, “Putting the Clamps On” …

Excluding the networks from any control over the GOP presidential primary debates is controversial? The networks might actually have to report the news rather than make it.

When the presidential debates were going to finally include a Libertarian candidate, the Democan/Republicrats decided the League of Women Voters would no longer make the rules. The Republicrats decided to make the rules and chose to NOT include the Libertarian candidate. Guess they can’t handle the competition.

FYI, the Libertarians are the only political party that actually believes the national government (we haven’t had a federal government in many decades, but that is another subject) should follow the U.S. Constitution. Harry Taylor

About the Flyer‘s editorial, “The New Politics of Black, White, and Brown” …

If by magic or unbridled lust, we become a perfectly dun society, who are we gonna get to do the shit jobs for sub-poverty wages? People who are in more desperate circumstances than our own huddled masses, that’s who. And if they and we all look alike, then will the liberal guilt be assuaged?

CL Mullins

CL, I think that’s the point. If we could get past the race issue, maybe we could actually focus on the real issues driving things like poverty and not waste so much energy on race debates.

GroveReb84

About Toby Sells’ cover story, “$outh Main”…

I moved downtown two years ago and the front doors of my apartment building open onto South Main.

I have a wonderfully small studio apartment, am within walking distance of Beale Street, The Orpheum, the Redbirds stadium, and just about anything else interesting in Downtown Memphis. The energy level down here is awesome, the people are always friendly, local visitors and tourists have a great time, and I have a good time mingling with them.

I’ve lived in several states and cities, in the suburbs and several apartments and, all in all, Downtown Memphis is the best place I have ever lived. It’s really exciting knowing what is being done and planned for the area. At this point, I can’t even imagine wanting to live anywhere else.

RD

About Toby Sells’ Newsblog post, “Update: Memphis Zoo Apologizes to Mayor for ‘Personal Attack'” …

Where are all of these hippies when Tom Lee Park (Riverside) gets trampled and torn up every Memphis In May? It turns to a mud hole for months, and no one complains. This logically means that if we bring horrible music and lots of hot chicks and BBQ to Overton Park, it will resolve the issue.

Greg Cravens

People who support the zoo and those who support the park should be natural allies. This fight is petty, unnecessary, and probably a great source of amusement to those who support neither the park nor the zoo.

JDM

Why wasn’t extra parking/new parking lot or garage put into the equation when the zoo started expanding, many years ago. Common sense would tell you if you make something bigger and more attractive, more people will come. The zoo is now one of the city’s main attractions. There have been many times that I have skipped going due to the traffic alone and just went to the Pink Palace or the Children’s Museum.

Kimbrlyrut

As long as cars are being left in the middle of our public parks; we should treat them accordingly as public playground equipment.

Count Dracula

Me thinks it’s high time to show the zoo that opposition to parking on the greensward comes from more than just a “small group of protestors.” I’ve been silent on this issue up until now, but no more. When does the Get Off Our Lawn group plan to hold its next meeting? I’ll do my darndest to be there to lend my support. Maybe it’s time to for us to rally, picket, protest or do whatever it takes to get the message across to zoo officials.

Strait Shooter

Categories
Editorial Opinion

Shelby County: The New Politics of Black, White, and Brown

Although it may eventually cool down, the still simmering volcano that was the County Commission at last week’s meeting served to remind us that the society we live in — the one right here in Shelby County, just as much as the macro-universe around us — has become a kaleidoscope of colors and ethnicities and not a simple matter (literally) of black and white.

It has long been a truism that bitterness between ethnic factions — or ad hoc allegiances between them, for that matter — shift with the winds of social history. Leaving personalities aside, it is safe to say that at the root of last week’s commission disturbance were issues reflecting the uneasiness that can exist between one bloc and another. Or, frankly, among the several discrete and co-existing blocs.

One matter, a debate over a county roofing contract that saw Hispanic workers employed in quantity on the project but few, if any, blacks, reflects a good deal of both change and irony, as we noted in last week’s editorial. Consideration of the root issues was quickly overtaken by reaction — on our part as well as by others — to the provocative actions of a single individual, and, while political realities made that shift of attention inevitable and necessary, the root issues still persist, and deserve notice in their own right

One issue is that both our official nomenclatures and our ingrained habits of thought imagine a world that has ceased to be. Although the practice is being phased out of officialdom here and there, most of us still not only think in those antiquated black-and-white terms, but we continue to measure ethnicity that way. This, despite the fact that both “whites” and “blacks” contain multiple shades and colors and ancestries and characteristics and national/regional proclivities. Whether the diehard separatists among us like it or not, the rate of social intercourse and intermarriage is continually increasing to the point that we all encounter mixed relationships often enough to take it for granted. In the coming generations, it shall be even more so.

So, is it meaningful for our codes and regulations and acts of legislation to impose formulas in terms of “minorities” and “majorities,” or have these terms become so fluid that they really don’t mean anyting concrete? As one example, our local governmental dialogues still regard people of African-American descent as belonging to a “minority,” when, in fact, these residents now comprise a majority of the Shelby County population.

Hispanics, however, do comprise a minority population in Shelby County, and the unvarnished fact is that both legal and illegal immigrants from south of the border long ago became the cadres of the home-building industry. Does this fact of social and economic life clash with the necessity for affirmative action programs? Or is it irrelevant to it?

That was the question that never got asked last week, let alone answered. Are we talking apples and oranges or something more diffuse than that when we react to outmoded classifications?

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

More About That Henri Brooks Brouhaha

Last week’s set-to in a County Commission meeting featuring Commissioner Henri Brooks against various comers, including a couple of colleagues and a young Hispanic man, has local Democrats seriously worried about repercussions in the next election period, ending August 7th.

Jackson Baker

Henri Brooks

It is taken for granted that Brooks’ own prospects, as the Democratic nominee for Juvenile Court clerk against Republican incumbent Joy Touliatos, have taken a hit. Latino voters are not likely to forget her public dressing-down of Pablo Pereya, who had intervened on behalf of the minority status of Hispanic workers in a dispute over a roofing contract.

Brooks, who with fellow (African-American) Commissioner Walter Bailey had been making the case that blacks had been short-shrifted in hiring for the project, hit back hard, telling Pereya, among other things, “Your experience does not compare to mine. … Don’t ever let that come out of your mouth again!”

Brooks’ acidic remarks occurred in a context of her apparent knowledge that Pereya would be a principal witness against the side favored by Brooks in another, as yet unheard, commission case on last week’s docket involving the disposition of a tax-delinquent property. 

But the immediate public impression of a hostile black-versus-Latino outburst overpowered such a distinction, and bad became worse in the subsequent debate over the tax-delinquent property, when Brooks, rattled by a side conversation involving Commissioner Chris Thomas, turned toward Thomas and said, “Excuse me, uh, you over there mouthing something? You with the sheet on!”

But Brooks wasn’t done. She responded angrily to Commissioner Mike Ritz‘s attempt to “call for the order of the day,” so as to conclude the meeting during a confused impasse after the vote on the property item.

“Ain’t nobody asked you what the … ” a conspicuous silence, clearly representing an unvoiced but familiar expletive “… you called for!” Brooks raged.

In subsequent interviews, Brooks stood by what she said. But, whether or not there was a context for Brooks’ utterances to Pereya, Thomas, and Ritz became irrelevant.  

In a few brief exchanges, she may have destroyed the good will and respect (however grudging in some quarters) she had managed to build up in leading the charge against alleged abuses at Juvenile Court, and forcing a series of Department of Justice-mandated reforms.

In a trice, the reelection prospects of Touliatos, as low-profile as Brooks is in-your-face, were improved to the same degree that Brooks’ were dashed. And the public focus on her remarks had other consequences.

Several of Brooks’ commission colleagues, long tired of enduring verbal assaults from the outspoken commissioner, which they deemed ideologically hard-edged, self-serving, and personally insulting — not only to themselves but to county employees against whom Brooks had a grievance, began openly venting the idea of censuring their colleague.

County Commission Chairman James Harvey was up front about it. Brooks’ behavior had been “extreme … embarrassing,” and showed “a disrespect to the body and a disregard to the public.” He acknowledged that a censure resolution would likely be considered at the commission’s next meeting and said he personally was inclined to support it.

Meanwhile, Democratic Party leaders, concerned about the contagious effect on the party’s electoral fortunes by voter animus against Brooks, were huddling about the matter and meditating on actions of their own.

Party Chairman Bryan Carson acknowledged the obvious, that he was being inundated with a variety of suggestions for ways of distancing the party and the rest of its candidates from Brooks, some of them radical, but was not yet prepared to speak on the issue.

There was general agreement on one thing — that Brooks could greatly ameliorate the situation and alleviate the lasting damage to herself and others by the simple expedient of an open and heartfelt apology.

But nobody saw that as a likely option for the proud and headstrong Brooks.      
        

• The race between incumbent 9th District Representative Steve Cohen and lawyer Ricky Wilkins, his latest challenger, has been relatively low-key so far, but finally, in the aftermath of the May 6th county primary election, the congressional race may be heating up.

Wilkins, who was highly visible shaking hands at an entrance of last weekend’s World Championship Barbecue Cooking Contest, was on the street again Monday morning, this time at a press conference in front of the National Civil Rights Museum, where he was joined by a contingent of local ministers, including Memphis NAACP President Keith Norman of First Baptist Church on Broad, who offered him their endorsements.

Just as in his formal announcement for the congressional race in March, Wilkins continued to eschew an attack strategy, per se, against the incumbent, who has dusted off every primary challenger since his first win in 2006 with margins ranging from 4 to 1 to 8 to 1. Wilkins, in fact, tried out an intriguing line: “If you like Steve Cohen, you’re going to love Ricky Wilkins.”

Cohen’s formal response to the news conference was equally restrained. His office issued a brief statement, saying, “I feel confident in my knowledge of the people of District 9, as well as polling data, that a vast, vast majority, including ministers, approve of my record and performance and will vote to keep me working with President Barack Obama for the benefit of Memphis and the country. I proudly stand on my record.”

• When Tennessee Democrats met in Nashville on Saturday for the party’s annual Jackson Day Dinner, there were the usual exhortations to the faithful, the mantras to past glory, the paeans to hope. Tennessee Democratic Party Chairman Roy Herron made essentially the same speech as last year — and from the same stage (or a facsimile thereof) in the same venue, the expansive interior concourse of the Musicians Hall of Fame building, fitted with chairs and tables and made out as a ballroom venue.

As was the case last year, Herron boasted the fund-raiser’s gross receipts — the affair should net a half million dollars, he said — and, as before, he insisted to his audience that the Democratic Party’s current low estate in Tennessee was temporary in the same way that a political downturn in the late ’60s and early ’70s had been. That was a time frame when the Republicans had won the state’s two U.S. Senate seats, had captured the governorship for a term, and had even briefly won a majority in the state House of Representatives.

Yet Tennessee Democrats had managed to take it all back, he said, and, as further historical inspiration, he went through the litany of improbable triumphs by the party’s national icons— the “crippled” FDR (using the antiquated adjective for effect), the failed haberdasher Truman, the Catholic JFK, the Southerners LBJ and Carter, the dalliance-prone Clinton (who would spawn “the eight most prosperous years in American history”), and, finally, a president descended not from African Americans but from bona fide Africans.

This year, Herron offered as prime exhibit someone seeking an office not yet won — a youngish woman with the unprepossessing name of Alison Lundergan Grimes, currently serving as Secretary of State of neighboring Kentucky but attempting to unseat one of the symbols of GOP congressional power, Senate Minority Leader and Filibusterer-in-Chief Mitch McConnell.

Memphians in attendance at the state Democratic event had special reason to be curious about Grimes, inasmuch as she is a graduate of Rhodes College. But all Tennesseans were made aware of the fact that, astonishingly, Grimes has, as she noted in her speech, run neck-in-neck with McConnell in all the polls taken so far and had led in the last one by a point or two.

Her challenge to the Republicans’ main man in the Senate had, indeed, as Grimes also pointed out, become the “number one” Senate race in the country this year. In her speech, she hit McConnell on his obstructionism and his apparent statement that it was “not my job” to make a dent in the Bluegrass State’s ominously high unemployment rate.

Grimes spoke in an eloquent and assured manner, and numerous Jackson Day attendees went fishing afterward for an analogue to her. The name most often mentioned: Clement — as in Frank Clement, who won renown for his oratorical skills when first elected the state’s chief executive in 1952 at the tender age of 32.

Categories
Letters To The Editor Opinion

What They Said…

About Jackson Baker’s post, “Henri Brooks Donnybrook: Has the Outspoken County Commissioner Finally Crossed the Line?” 

I am a citizen of Shelby County, and I demand that Henri Brooks resign from her position as Shelby County Commissioner and withdraw her name from the Juvenile Court Clerk ballot due to her racist and prejudicial remarks.

I am a white, middle-aged male who moved to Shelby County four years ago and lives in Collierville. While I will defend Brooks’ freedom of speech rights as a private citizen, as an elected official she must be held to a higher standard. There is no room in any government office for an official who verbalizes racist and bigoted views. She crossed the line and now must be held accountable — by resigning from public service. She can live out the remainder of her days as a private citizen in bitterness and hatred toward other races, but she should not be allowed to represent the citizens of Shelby County any longer.

If Brooks fails to immediately resign, which given her disposition I expect, I ask that Mayors Wharton and Luttrell demand her immediate resignation. I also ask James Harvey, as chairman of the Shelby County Commission, to ask for her immediate resignation. I also call upon all those in a position of leadership to publicly denounce Ms. Brooks and her racist remarks, including the mayors of the municipalities in Shelby County and the other county commissioners.

If a white, brown, yellow or red-colored skin citizen had made remarks similar to Brooks’ but directed toward the black community, the entire black political community would be up for action. Brooks should not be held to a different standard because she is black; a racist is a racist.

Dirk Gardner

I always thought Brooks lived on the other side of the line, so it’s hard for her to cross the line when she’s perpetually there.

GroveReb84

If one cannot keep one’s private feelings and emotions out of public ear/eyeshot, then one should not hold public office. Period. Very unprofessional, insulting, and blatantly racist and divisive. But, as previously noted, this isn’t the first irrational outburst from Ms. Brooks, and won’t be the last.

Mejjep

Many people have a tough time understanding the concept of white privilege. Not Commissioner Brooks, though. When she found out about white privilege, she could not rest until she had invented black privilege.

autoegocrat

About Bruce VanWyngarden’s editor’s column on the RNC’s new debate rules …

If Mitt Romney would have had a spine (an inherent deformity, apparently, that affects establishment Republicans), Candy Crowley would be just a footnote in the annals of presidential debates history.

Nightcrawler

Greg Cravens

About Bruce VanWyngarden’s editor’s column in the May 8th issue …

To say the Flyer only “leans left” is ridiculous. I admit I don’t read your publication every week, but I consider your staff far far left. And for some of you, its a one-issue deal: Gays should be allowed to marry. I am waiting to see any moderate or conservative talk coming from the Flyer. “Commie”? No, not yet. But if you continue to follow the liars on the progressive Democratic front, you will be very close to the “c” word.

John Cole Mitchell

About Bianca Phillips’ article,Memphis Slim Home is Re-Born as a Music Collaboratory” …

Wow! This is just incredible. I am so thankful for those responsible for this project. Not only does it serve a grand purpose, but it’s a great looking building also — sort of Dwell magazine meets classic barn.

BP

About Chris Davis’ review of Gypsy at Playhouse on the Square …

Everything Playhouse on the Square attempts to mount exceeds mediocre theater on a regular basis. And, most of the time way beyond. Gypsy is no exception.

Kenneth Schildt

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Minority Leaders Say “No Room” for Bigotry in Memphis After Brooks’ Comments

Commissioner Henri Brooks

  • Shelby County Government
  • Commissioner Henri Brooks

In a joint press conference Thursday morning at First Baptist Church on Broad Avenue, community leaders from Latino Memphis and the Memphis branch of the NCAAP agreed that Shelby County Commissioner Henri Brooks’ recent comments about Hispanics should lead to an economic conversation rather than a racial one.

During a Shelby County Commission meeting on Monday, Brooks said Hispanics “asked to come” to the United States.

Pablo Pereya, who is Hispanic, was at the meeting where commissioners were discussing whether or not a local roofing company was discriminating against African-Americans because all 25 of its roofers are Hispanic. Though he was there for a different reason, Pereya spoke to the commissioners about the issue but became frustrated.

“I see you guys smirking and laughing like I’m not a minority,” Pereya told commissioners. “I know what it’s like to be a minority. I grew up in Memphis, and you being a Hispanic in Memphis is definitely the minority of a minority.”

Brooks responded, pointing to Pereya.

“You asked to come here,” Brooks said. “You asked to come here. We did not. And when we got here, our condition was so egregious, so barbaric. Don’t ever let that come out of your mouth again because, you know what, that hurts your case. Don’t compare the two. They’re not comparable.”

Mauricio Calvo, the executive director of Latino Memphis, and Rev. Keith Norman, president of the NAACP Memphis branch, spoke about moving forward with the “new” Memphis.

“The new Memphis is a table of brotherhood in my imagination, where all people are equitable and race doesn’t play such a prominent matter,” Norman said. “There’s always concerns and issues and we recognize that — we aren’t blind. We don’t live in a colorblind society. But to take it to this level is regressive.”

Both leaders say they want to look toward the future.

“In our perspective, in the new Memphis we’re trying to build, there is absolutely no room for intolerance and bigotry from anybody. I encourage voters to look closely at the upcoming election for that particular candidate or any candidate,” Calvo said during the press conference.

Norman also said the discussion needs to serve a higher purpose.

“We don’t want to concentrate on the sound bytes being played in the news. We need to talk about making sure that our contracting process has proper oversight, people are being awarded contracts based on merit and that the same standards apply federally, state, and locally,” Norman said. “A fair living wage ought to be included in this conversation to make sure that we’re not pitting groups against one another surrounding a low wage. Oftentimes what’s driving this engine is who will bid for the lowest dollar and that low dollar can be below what we consider to be a living wage.”

As to whether or not Brooks should resign, Norman said he believed the voters would ultimately decide, and Calvo agreed.

“Our community, quite frankly, cannot afford these types of things. We need to be working together to lift up the entire community,” Calvo said to reporters. “We have way too many poor people in Memphis — black, white, Latino, and any other community. We have to make sure our time in the county commission is spent being productive.”

Calvo said Latino Memphis and the NCAAP are trying to push past Brooks’ comments in response.

“How we handle this speaks to our character. We’re moving forward because we don’t want to address [those comments]. We have bigger and better things to address,” he said. “If you have two races fighting against each other for a dollar, what kind of dollar is that?”

Business interests are also at play here, Calvo added: “At the end of the day, we want to attract people to do more business in Shelby County. The people who are already in Shelby County need to have confidence that their elected officials are going to be representing all people in a professional manner. There’s a challenge and an opportunity here.”

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Editorial Opinion

Commission Needs to Address Issues on Equal Opportunity Mandates

A heated discussion at the Shelby County Commission’s Monday meeting this week indicated that, despite all the strides that have been made in race relations locally and in the provisions of equal rights and opportunities, there

remain obstacles — some of them based on adherence to formulas that were previously advanced as solutions to the problems of racial discord.

A case in point was a controversy in the Commission meeting about something that, once upon a time, would have been regarded as a harmless and routine matter. This was the matter of building a new roof over a facility at the county’s Mullins Station complex in East Memphis. It was the second time around for this item on the Commission agenda. When it surfaced at a committee meeting some weeks ago, it drew hostile questioning from two commissioners — Henri Brooks and Walter Bailey — who make it their business to look out for the interests of Shelby County’s African-American population.

Brooks had begun the questioning that time around, asking, as is her wont in dealing with any kind of employment situation involving public funds, how many “minority” members were employed by the company, which had gained the construction contract. She was told that 29 “minority” workers would be employed, a clear majority of the work force. So far, so good, and in compliance with Equal Employment Opportunity Commission guidelines mandated for county hiring. But Brooks probed further: How many of those were blacks? None, she was told. They were all Hispanic. In the hurly-burly of discussion that followed, it was explained by Public Works administrators that Hispanics comprised the brunt of the work force for all three firms that bid for the project.

That is surely no surprise to anyone who has seen a homebuilding project in Shelby County in recent years, and especially not to anyone who remembers the boom years in new home construction leading up to the bursting of the housing bubble by the Great Crash of 2008/9. Whether directly imported or merely exploited once they got here, Mexican migrant workers were the veritable core of the home construction industry. It may or may not be true, as County Commission Chairman James Harvey maintained in the course of that first Commission debate on the matter, that both blacks and whites were less inclined to do hard labor “under the sun.” It is certainly true that homebuilders relied heavily on migrant workers for their construction projects.

They still do, though the drastic decline in home construction since the Crash, leaving a large surplus of unemployed workers, is certifiably one of the exacerbating factors in the debate over illegal immigration.

When the issue came up again on Monday, Brooks and Bailey continued to press their case that the word “minority” was being applied in so literal a context by employers — and equal-opportunity compliance monitors, as well — that blacks, legally still defined as a minority but in fact a majority of the county’s population now, are being excluded from employment opportunities.

After a lot of fuss and bother on Monday, the roofing contract got let, but the two outspoken African-American commissioners have a serious issue on their hands. There may in fact be a need to fix some leaks in the protective structure of equal-opportunity mandates.

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Politics Politics Feature

A Pair of Showdowns

Just what does the term “minority” mean when applied to equal-opportunity provisions of government hiring and contracting in Shelby County? The issue got a workout at Monday’s Shelby County Commission meeting when Commissioners Henri Brooks and Walter Bailey objected to two seemingly routine constructions items listed on the Consent Agenda for the meeting.

Consent Agenda items, as against items specified as Regular Agenda, are items expected to encounter no opposition. Frequently, however, such items are pulled off the agenda at the request of individual members and subjected to discussion before voting on them.

Brooks, in particular, is a watchdog on items involving federal grant money and has them reassigned to the Regular Agenda to make sure they observe the Title VI equal-employment strictures of the 1964 Civil Rights bill.

A similar issue was at stake when she and Bailey interrogated Shelby County Public Works officials about one item, in particular, calling for roof replacement of a county structure on Mullins Station Road. After asking about the distribution of jobs on the construction project, Brooks was told that 29 “minority” workers would be employed, a clear majority of the work force.

Brooks probed further: How many of those were blacks? None, she was told. They were all Hispanic. In the hurly-burly of discussion that followed, it was explained by Public Works administrators, including director Tom Needham, that Hispanics comprised the brunt of the work force for all three firms that bid for the project.

Commission chair James Harvey, an African American like Brooks and Bailey, spoke to what he regarded as the unfortunate truism that both blacks and whites were less inclined these days to do hard labor “under the sun,” a term — and a point of view — swiftly objected to by Bailey, who opined that the bidding companies actively discriminated against African Americans.

In the end, a commission majority, including Harvey, voted to refer the contract matter back to committee and in the meantime to establish an ad hoc committee to reexamine the county’s hiring and contracting policies so as to make sure that the employment of blacks, who now constitute a majority of Shelby County residents but remain a “minority” in Title VI terms, is actively sought.

• The obvious first question about last Thursday’s first extended debate of Democratic county mayor candidates at the Professional Building on Airways is: Who won? And the answer is clear: The sponsoring Shelby County Democratic Party, which is still trying to regain its health after the electoral wipeout of 2010.

All three Democratic candidates vying in the Democratic primary of May 6th for the right to oppose Republican incumbent Mayor Mark Luttrell in August — Shelby County Commissioner Steve Mulroy, former Commissioner Deidre Malone, and former school board member Kenneth Whalum Jr. — gave good accounts of themselves.

They managed to suggest their differences, some in fairly bold shades, but they did so without the kind of unpleasant in-fighting that could foster alienation later on among party factions.

Indeed, there was a moment toward the end of the debate when the three competed to see who could intone variations on the phrase, “We are all nice people,” with the greatest enthusiasm. And all made the obligatory promise that they would support whichever of the three should get the party’s nomination.

But each, as indicated, had their moments of clear self-definition.

Mulroy, who has championed anti-discrimination and living-wage proposals, among numerous other such issues, defined himself, no doubt correctly, as having been the county commission’s “most progressive activist” — able thereby, in a phrase that thrust in both an ethical and an electoral direction, to “heal the racial divide.”

The way for a Democrat to defeat the Republican incumbent county mayor, Mulroy said, was not to parrot the other party’s rhetoric but to “be consistent” and present an “aggressive contrast.” Two cases in point were the commissioner’s advocacy for universal pre-K and for a stepped-up blight-reduction program.

Whalum, pastor of New Olivet Baptist Church in Orange Mound, was equally determined to differentiate himself from the other two, but his way of doing so was to declare himself unabashedly as a partisan of Memphis concerns, rather than as some bridge-building exponent of Shelby County as a whole. He made much of the fact that he, uniquely of the three, had opposed the December 2010 surrender of the Memphis City Schools charter.

Two of his chief issues are basically intramural ones — an insistence that city government make good on its delinquent $57 million maintenance-of-effort debt to Shelby County Schools, soon to be a de facto city system; and that, in order to strengthen city neighborhoods, SCS keep open the nine inner-city schools it has marked for closing.

Malone, a PR executive with a mixed business/governmental résumé, has a longtime record of activism within the Democratic Party, name recognition from two terms as county commissioner and a previous mayoral race, and a history of involvement with a variety of civic causes.

One of the latter is her membership on the EDGE board, the cross-governmental public/private body that establishes local industrial recruitment policy. Opponent Mulroy made an effort to turn that credential into a two-edged sword in Thursday night’s debate by suggesting that the “people who sit on the board right now” had been lax in providing construction opportunities for women and minorities and guilty of promising results “that have just not happened.”

Malone countered that by expressing pride in her membership, noting that the deals struck to attract new Electrolux and Mitsubishi plants, widely suspect as giveaways, had preceded her involvement, and insisting that she had been “adamant” about bringing labor to the table.

Mulroy’s somewhat veiled challenge to Malone on the EDGE issue was one of several thrusts by one candidate against another that might have led to serious controversy but didn’t. In Thursday’s debate these tentative efforts came out of periodic candidate-asking-candidate segments devised by debate host Greg Coy of Fox Channel 13 to conform with the model of the Lincoln-Douglas senatorial debates of 1858.

Malone launched two sallies of that sort that she deigned not to exploit to any real conclusion. She asked Mulroy a direct but vaguely stated question about the Title X credentials offered by Planned Parenthood in 2011 when the commission majority opted instead to shift federal funds for women’s services to Christ Community Health Services.

All that did was give Mulroy — who had joined with the majority back then, as he has said, so as to impose strict monitoring conditions — a springboard for his consistent demand, backed by Planned Parenthood advocates, that the Title X contract be rebid now in light of a weak statistical performance by CCHS.

That was as nothing, however, to Malone’s surprising neglect of Whalum’s potential bombshell answer when she asked if the former school board member, who has made a major campaign issue of the $57 million owned by the city of Memphis to SCS, had not at one point argued that the city should not make such a payment at all.

Whalum, clearly more than a little abashed, admitted that he had, later contending somewhat lamely that at that early point in school board litigation versus the city there had not yet been a court ruling in the board’s favor.

What the candidates basically did was leave small trail markers on paths they might pursue closer to the May 6th primary vote, when the competition will presumably have become more heated.

Future joint appearances by the three candidates may well see them picking up on the aforementioned trail markers and leaving behind some of the comity on display Thursday night.

Early voting for the May 6th primary extends from Thursday of this week through Thursday, May 1st.