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Beale Street Bound

“Would you like to take a look inside?” asks Josh Harper of the Memphis Music Hall of Fame, as I stare at the white and pink letters on a black door, spelling out some of the most revered words in the annals of rock-and-roll fashion: Lansky Bros., Memphis, Since 1946. That’s an offer no inquisitive journalist can refuse, and when Harper turns the key, it’s as if he’s opened a portal into the past. The brick walls of the clothier’s longtime location at 126 Beale Street, now vacated in favor of the newer Lansky at the Peabody boutique, exude an aura of living, breathing history, dating back to the structure’s incarnation as Burke’s Carriages in the early days of Beale.

“The building used to be two buildings that were bricked together,” says John Doyle, executive director of both the Memphis Music Hall of Fame (MMHOF) and the Memphis Rock ‘n’ Soul Museum. “On the second floor, they shoed horses. There was a ramp on the outside of the building where they walked the horses up there. A saloon was on the first floor. And the original hardwood floors are still there; the original beams are still there.”

Doyle has every reason to savor the history of the location, beyond the fact that the MMHOF museum was sandwiched between Lansky’s and the Hard Rock Cafe there for nearly a decade. Helming a museum makes one partial to the legacy of any building, especially when it’s destined to be the home of the very exhibitions you manage. And that’s precisely what’s in store for the Memphis Rock ‘n’ Soul Museum. 


Artists’ renderings of the future J.W. and Kathy Gibson Center for Music  
Photos: (top) Courtesy Memphis Rock ‘n’ Soul Museum; (bottom) Courtesy Mike Curb Family Foundation

A Movable Feast

The move was made public one year ago at a press conference outside the building that featured Doyle, businessman J.W. Gibson, and host Priscilla Presley, where it was announced that Memphis Rock ‘n’ Soul Inc., the nonprofit that operates both the museum and MMHOF, had purchased 126 Beale from Lansky’s for $5 million with funding from Gibson, Mike Curb, and other benefactors. The highlight of the event was the unveiling of a sign marking the address as the new “J.W. and Kathy Gibson Center for Music” that will include MMHOF, Rock ‘n’ Soul, and the Mike & Linda Curb Music Center.

As reported at the time by Bob Mehr in the Commercial Appeal, Gibson, who is chairman of the museum’s foundation board, said, “It’s Memphis music that I’m committed to, and that I think is sorely missing tremendous opportunities year after year. Since I’ve been on the board, I’ve been preaching the notion that we need to take advantage of the talent that Memphis has and the history we have. Memphis music is substantial to the music industry internationally. However, locally, what are we doing to uplift that industry, to support that industry? We saw an opportunity here.”

Naturally, migrating the museum into the space will take some time, but the institution has long had patience on its side. Now in its 25th year, Rock ‘n’ Soul occupies a unique niche in the local museum ecosystem. For one thing, it was launched by the Smithsonian Institution, the first of that venerable organization’s exhibitions to be located outside the Washington, D.C., area. Moreover, Rock ‘n’ Soul was uniquely peripatetic even before it opened, with its origins rooted in a traveling exhibition. 

As Doyle explains, “When the Smithsonian was celebrating their 150th anniversary as a museum system, they decided to get some of their stuff out in the world and did an exhibit that toured the country. It included the ruby slippers from The Wizard of Oz, Abraham Lincoln’s stovepipe hat, and other things, but the centerpiece of it was an exhibit about the origins of America’s music. It featured the quote that ‘In the quest to identify the roots of rock-and-roll, all roads led to Memphis.’ And they actually tapped some Memphians to do some of the research. David Less, here in Memphis, who has been head of the Blues Foundation and is a record producer and author, conducted over 60 oral history interviews with Memphis musicians who were still alive at the time.”

That ultimately led to siting the brick-and-mortar Memphis Rock ‘n’ Soul Museum in the Gibson Guitar Factory, a block south of Beale Street, in 2000. But though Gibson was not destined to keep that facility in operation in perpetuity, the museum had already migrated by the time it closed. As it turned out, Gibson wasn’t the only business interested in having a music museum in its corridors. The Grizzlies were coming.

Doyle explains that the NBA team “wanted a music museum to be part of the FedExForum campus because they were theming the basketball arena with a Memphis music thing. Anyone who’s come to a Grizzlies game recognizes that Memphis music is pretty prevalent through there. It was wise on the Grizzlies’ part to really embrace that aspect of the city’s culture. So they wanted a music museum to be part of the campus, and the Rock ‘n’ Soul board and staff preceding me raised, I think, $1.3 million to convert what was going to be a three story building into a four story building, so that Rock ‘n’ Soul would encompass the first floor.”

And that’s where it has stood since 2004, when the FedExForum opened. “We can never say enough about the Memphis Grizzlies. To have a nonprofit museum developed by the Smithsonian Institution, that pays no lease, is pretty unheard of. We’re the envy of most of the nonprofits in the city, and that’s out of the graciousness of the Grizzlies.” Indeed, the museum has thrived there for 20-odd years, and only last month, USA Today included Rock ‘n’ Soul among the top 10 music museums in the country as part of their 10Best Readers’ Choice Awards series. That puts it in the company of the Johnny Cash Museum, the Patsy Cline Museum, and the Country Music Hall of Fame in Nashville; the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame in Cleveland; the Musical Instrument Museum in Phoenix; the Museum at Bethel Woods in Bethel, NY; the Motown Museum in Detroit; the Birthplace of Country Music Museum in Bristol, Virginia; and the Woody Guthrie Center in Tulsa, Oklahoma. 

A Weird Coincidence

Thriving as it is in its current location, one might well ask why Rock ‘n’ Soul would move at all. And at one time, several of the museum’s board members were asking the same question. But at least one of them was inclined to think big.

“We had a strategic planning session a few years ago,” Doyle says, “and we were talking about things like improvements to the museum exhibits, expanded programming, and starting an endowment for the longevity of the organization. And then one board member threw up their hand and said, ‘What if we dreamed about having our own building, and both museums being under one roof?’ And another board member said, ‘Are you crazy? We pay no lease at FedExForum, thanks to the Memphis Grizzlies. Over at the Memphis Music Hall of Fame, we pay no lease, thanks to the Hard Rock Cafe [the anchor tenant in Lansky’s building, serving as MMHOF’s landlord]. We would be stupid to do something like that!’”

But even as they spoke, events were coalescing to nudge them out of their comfort zone. As Doyle explains, “It wasn’t two months later that Hal Lansky came into the lobby of Rock ‘n’ Soul and said, ‘I need to talk to you about something. The Hard Rock Cafe is leaving Memphis.’ This was in June of 2023. And I said, ‘When are they leaving?’ He said, ‘Thirty days from now.’ And I said, ‘Are y’all going to get another tenant in there who can serve as landlord for the Memphis Music Hall of Fame?’ And he said, ‘No, probably not. We’re probably going to put the building up for sale.’

“So I went to our board and said, ‘Remember that idea that some of us said was the stupidest idea anyone had ever come up with at a strategic planning session? It looks like it’s coming true.’ And so, with a very visionary board of directors, our soon-to-be board chairman J.W. Gibson donated a million dollars towards the purchase of the building. Then we wrote a grant, and the Assisi Foundation of Memphis graciously donated a million dollars. And then Mike Curb with Curb Records, who owns Elvis’ home on Audubon and funded the [Mike Curb Institute for Music] at Rhodes College, stepped up with $2.5 million, and in eight months, we purchased the building.”

That was just the beginning, of course. Expanding and creating new spaces for public engagement will incur costs far beyond the purchase of the building itself. “We then started a capital campaign to raise another $15 million to renovate the building, to do upgrades to both museums’ exhibits, to make them bigger and better, to have a performance space, so that we can assist musicians, to have a studio, so that we can assist students, and grow the gift shop. And now we have that underway. It’s kind of a surreal moment.”

Furthermore, both Rock ‘n’ Soul and MMHOF will live together in a space that’s undeniably, inherently historical. As Doyle points out, that’s something that other Memphis music tourist destinations have that Rock ‘n’ Soul has never possessed. “There’s only one place where you can have Sun Studio. The Stax Museum [of American Soul Music], even though the building was demolished, they rebuilt a replica on the same site. And then obviously, you can’t move Graceland. The fact that we tell the complete Memphis music story separates us somewhat from our other partners in the field of music here, around Memphis.” Yet that has also meant that Rock ‘n’ Soul has lacked any obvious, charmed location. But that’s about to change. 


John Doyle and Priscilla Presley (Photo: Courtesy Memphis Rock ‘n’ Soul Museum)

Keith Richards at 2015 MMHOF Induction Ceremony (Photo: Courtesy Memphis Rock ‘n’ Soul Museum)

Sacred Ground

Although Rock ‘n’ Soul won’t move for another year or two, the upcoming location is already spurring on a new groundswell of support for the museum. As it turns out, there’s nothing like having a Beale Street address. “Priscilla Presley is very engaged about what we’re doing,” says Doyle. “She’s obviously engaged because Elvis was tied to that building. But she also considers Memphis home, despite the fact that she lives in Los Angeles — as she’s said, she lived at Graceland longer than she lived anywhere in her life, being a military brat. And so she’s gone with me twice to the State Capitol to talk to legislators and the governor about how important this is, not just for the Rock ‘n’ Soul Museum, but for Memphis music and for the future of Beale Street, the safety of Beale Street: to have daytime and family-friendly programming, to enhance what the clubs and restaurants are doing. We’re looking forward to working with the Beale Street merchants, to be a good partner there, even though we’re on the other side of Second Street from the Beale Street Historic District.”

Mike Curb, for his part, also sees the move as potentially creating a critical mass around Beale Street. “We’re kind of hoping to do on Beale Street what we did in Nashville’s Music Row, where we bought quite a few buildings. … We’re going to do something really special.”

A whole new world of possibilities is opening up, in part because of a significant increase in square footage, but also because of what the Hard Rock Cafe left in its wake. “Fortunately, when Hard Rock Cafe left town,” says Doyle, “they left every plate, every fork and spoon, the most incredible kitchen equipment you’ve ever seen, and a stage with full sound equipment, full lights. Everything was left for us. I guess it was a housewarming gift. And we have great space in the building, double the space that we currently have for our two museums’ exhibits, so we could make room for a performance space, a larger gift shop, a recording studio to help students with podcasts, and host Beale Street Caravan, that sort of thing. We can have summer camps for kids, music performances, private facility rentals, anything that you want in that space, and still keep the museums running. This building is going to afford that.” 

Naturally, putting the museums at the head of the entertainment district will make them both more visible, and, together under one roof, able to attract more visitors. Most of all, they will be both on and of Beale, the old carriage shop’s brick walls, where a saloon’s rowdy crowd once fought, courted, and raised toasts, exuding the street’s spirit. Within those walls, Rock ‘n’ Soul and MMHOF will embody the very history they celebrate. As Doyle puts it, “Those are the things that make us sacred. We are moving into sacred ground.” 

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Politics Politics Feature

Rumors and Reality

Okay, we are at that stage of political and public developments in which rumors, which have been flying fast and furious, are yielding to reality and tying disparate events together.

To start with what would be newsworthy on its own, the ambitions of various would-be candidates for the office of Shelby County mayor in 2026 are crystallizing into direct action.

As noted here several weeks ago, the list of likely aspirants includes city council member and recent chair JB Smiley Jr., entrepreneur/philanthropist J.W. Gibson, Shelby County commissioner and former chair Mickell Lowery, Assessor Melvin Burgess Jr., Criminal Court Clerk Heidi Kuhn, and county CAO Harold Collins.

Smiley, Gibson, and, reportedly, Lowery are basically declared and actively nibbling at potential donors. Smiley in particular has been soliciting funding and support in a barrage of text requests.

For better or worse, meanwhile, the erstwhile council chair finds himself also at the apex of events stemming from the ongoing showdown between now-deposed schools Superintendent Marie Feagins and the Memphis-Shelby County Schools (MSCS) board.

A suit against the board by Feagins quotes Smiley as having angrily responded to Feagins’ petition last summer for a legal order of protection against influential commodities trader and political donor Dow McVean, with whom Feagins had feuded.

The suit alleges that, in a phone call, Smiley “shouted at Dr. Feagins, ‘Don’t you ever file a f***ing police report in this city again without telling me first. … You don’t know these people. … My funders are on me now telling me she has to go because they know I supported you. … They are telling me to get rid of you.’”  

Smiley was also quoted in the suit as telling a third party, “We are coming after [Feagins].” 

• A bizarre sideline to the Feagins controversy: During a lull in last week’s proceedings of the local Republican Party’s chairmanship convention at New Hope Christian Church, a rumor spread in the church auditorium’s packed balcony that had astonishing implications.

It was that Feagins was the daughter of one of her predecessors and a well-known one at that — none other than Willie Herenton, who served a lengthy tenure as schools superintendent before serving an even longer time as the city’s mayor. 

A tall tale, indeed. As it turned out, the rumor was based on someone’s hasty reading of a line in The Commercial Appeal’s account of the heated school board meeting at which a MSCS board majority voted Feagins out.

The line read as follows: “Prior to reading off her prepared statements, Feagins acknowledged her father and former Memphis Mayor Willie Herenton, who were in the audience.”

The tell-tale word “were” is the key to the misreading. It indicates clearly that Feagins’ citation of the individuals was plural and not at all of the same person. But, coming late in the sentence, the verb seems to have been overpowered by the previous yoking of “her father and former Memphis Mayor Willie Herenton.”

“Were” got read as “was.” And all of a sudden, a short-lived cause célèbre got birthed.

• For that matter, the conflict between schools superintendent and board in Memphis seems to have caused an equally over-excited reaction in the state capital of Nashville, where state House Speaker Cameron Sexton, well-known already for his frequent designs upon what remains of home rule in Shelby County, let loose with brand-new threats against the autonomy of the elected MSCS board.

As noted by various local media, Sexton announced his intention for a state-government takeover of the local schools system. Radio station KWAM, an ultra-conservative outlet, had Sexton on their air as saying, in a guest appearance, that “plans are being drawn up to declare the local school board ‘null and void’” and that “the state will take over the school board.” [Sexton’s emphasis.]

More of all this anon. 

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Politics Politics Feature

Sharing the Spotlight

As was surely to be expected, the next-to-last weekend of the climactic 2024 election campaign was filled with feverish activity of various kinds — with early voting into its second week and candidates trying to get as many of their partisans as possible to the polls.

A case in point was a pair of events involving Gloria Johnson, the Knoxville Democrat who is trying to unseat incumbent Republican Senator Marsha Blackburn. 

Johnson, the state representative who gained national attention last year as a member of the “Tennessee Three” proponents of gun-safety legislation, has raised some $7 million for her bid — almost all of it from in-state sources, she contended proudly.

While that is no match for the incumbent’s $17 million or so, it has been enough to buy Johnson a series of concise and well-produced TV spots pinpointing Blackburn’s alleged shortcomings. And it even gives her some of the kind of influence that politicians call coattails.

Opponents Nordstrom and White at Belly Acres

Johnson was in Shelby County on Saturday, sharing time with two other Democrats, District 83 state House candidate Noah Nordstrom (like Johnson a public schoolteacher) and District 97 House candidate Jesse Huseth. 

The first event was a joint rally with Nordstrom and state Democratic chair Hendrell Remus just outside the perimeter of the New Bethel Missionary Baptist early-voting station. Next, Johnson met up with Huseth at High Point Grocery for some joint canvassing efforts, after which Huseth, who opposes GOP incumbent John Gillespie, set out on some door-to-door calls on residents in that western part of his district.

The most unusual pre-election event on Saturday didn’t involve Johnson, nor was it, in the strictest sense, a partisan event at all. It was a meet-and-greet at the Belly Acres restaurant in East Memphis involving both Nordstrom and his GOP adversary, incumbent Republican state Representative Mark White.

Not a debate between the two, mind you. A joint meet-and-greet, at which both candidates circulated among the members of a sizeable crowd, spending conversational time with the attendees and with each other.

The event was the brainchild of one Philip D. Hicks, impresario of something called the Independent Foundation for Political Effectiveness. Hicks says he hopes the Nordstrom-White encounter, his organization’s maiden effort, can serve as a precedent for other such joint candidate efforts to come — presumably in future election seasons.

Inasmuch as political competition is, by its nature, an adversarial process, it’s somewhat difficult to imagine such events becoming commonplace, but, all things considered, this first one went amazingly well.

It wasn’t the same kind of thing at all, but there were elements of such collegiality between potential election opponents at an earlier event, a meeting of the Germantown Democratic Club at Coletta’s on Appling Road during the previous week.

That event included Memphis City Council Chair JB Smiley as its featured speaker, and Smiley, who is reliably reported to be thinking of a race for Shelby County mayor in 2026, spent a fair amount of time comparing notes on public matters (e.g., MLGW, the future of the erstwhile Sheraton Hotel) with attendee J.W. Gibson, a businessman who has basically already declared for that office.

Take heed, Mr/Hicks.

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Politics Politics Feature

Gibson Opens Up

In opening his headquarters on Quince Road in East Memphis last Saturday, J.W. Gibson — who is variously described as a businessman, as a developer, and as a philanthropist — sought to remedy one of the problems of his mayoral campaign.

The problem has been that, in a field overflowing with candidates of one stripe or another — a lawman, a local government veteran, a former mayor, a school board member, et al. — Gibson has lacked the focus that a single easy-to-digest descriptor might provide to distinguish him from his competitors.

He attempted to deal with that issue last Saturday by presenting a “six-point” plan and characterizing himself as a man of multiple dimensions, experienced in meeting a wide array of challenges.

“I’m a native Memphian, born in Dixie Homes, raised in South Memphis. I’m a Navy veteran, owner of three businesses, a wholesale distributorship, real estate development, and commercial printing.”

He proudly owned up to being the printer of the state’s lottery coupons. “Did y’all know that they were all printed here in Memphis?”

He identified himself with Memphis yet further by the very distinctive nature of his experiences — including, he pointedly noted, a successful, long-term “interracial marriage.” On hand last Saturday and prominently introduced were his wife Kathy and their two daughters, Savannah and Alicia.

Kathy Gibson is the president of Buckman Laboratories, one of the true ornaments of local industry. Buckman is a global specialty chemical company that conducts business in over 90 countries and employs approximately 1,700 associates.

Both the senior Gibsons are well known for the range of their contributions to numerous local arts programs and other causes.

Gibson’s six-point platform was unabashedly multiplicitous, as well. Among the points of it was the crime issue, the resolution of which depended on the coordinated activity of the entire community, he said, promising to invest in new crime-control technology and to hold a massive “crime summit” if elected.

Other platform points were economic and workforce development. Gibson lamented that the city had — some eight years ago, he said — divested itself of a workforce development program as such. (Others maintain that the city’s program was shifted over to the county under state mandate.)

Still another platform point was early childhood and youth development, apropos which Gibson proposed the restoration of direct city aid to Shelby County Schools — though not in the same measure as existed prior to the 2013 merger of city and county systems, followed by the creation of suburban municipal systems.

Gibson pledged to “bring back home” MLGW, which he called a “city division” but has enjoyed a partial autonomy of action. And he promised to create an annual showcase of Memphis music talent.

Last Saturday’s self-introduction was in the wake of a flurry of new yard signs advocating Gibson’s candidacy, and it will be followed up this week by ads on local TV.

Also hitting the tube this week was Sheriff Floyd Bonner with a 30-second biographical ad on all local stations pointing out that Bonner was the first African American to head the Shelby County Sheriff’s Department.

New TV ads were also purportedly imminent from candidates Paul Young and Van Turner, the latter of whom previewed one this week in online form.

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Politics Politics Feature

Who Gets the GOP Vote?

UPDATED: As is generally known, Memphis city elections are not subject to partisan voting. There are no primaries allowing our local Republicans and Democrats to nominate a candidate to carry the party banner.

Nor, in the case of citywide office (mayor or council super districts 8 and 9), does there exist machinery for a runoff election when no candidate for those offices commands a majority of the general election vote.

There are runoff circumstances for districts 1 through 7, each of them a single district contributing to the pastiche of city government, by electing, in effect, a council member to serve a smaller geographical area or neighborhood.

The aforementioned super districts encompass the entire city. Each of them, in theory, represents a half of the city’s population — the western half being predominantly Black, as of 1991, when the first super-district lines were drawn, the eastern half being largely white. (Though population has meanwhile shifted, those distinctions are still more or less accurate.)

Runoffs are prohibited in the super districts as well as in mayoral elections in the city at large because, in the Solomonic judgment of the late U.S. District Judge Jerome Turner, who devised this electoral system in response to citizen litigation, that’s how things should be divided in order to recognize demographic realities while at the same time discouraging efforts to exploit them.

Each citizen of Memphis gets to vote for four council members, one representing the single district of their residence, the other three representing the half of the city in which their race is predominant. Runoffs are permitted in the smaller single districts, where racial factors do not loom either divisive or decisive, while they are prohibited in the larger areas, where, in theory, voters of one race could rather easily league together to elect one of their own (as whites commonly did in the historic past).

Mayoral elections are winner-takes-all, and Willie Herenton’s victory in 1991 as the first elected Black mayor is regarded as having been a vindication of the system.

Got all that?

Yes, it’s a hodgepodge, but it’s what we’ve still got, even though Blacks, a minority then, are a majority now. And, in fact, race is irrelevant in the 2023 mayor’s race, there being no white candidate still participating with even a ghost of a chance of winning.

Political party is the major remaining “it” factor, and the failure of either party to call for primary voting in city elections has more or less nullified it as a direct determinant of the outcome.

But, with the withdrawal last week from the mayoral race of white Republican candidates Frank Colvett and George Flinn, speculation has become rampant as to who, among the nominal Democrats still in the race, might inherit the vote of the city’s Republicans.

Sheriff Floyd Bonner, whose law-and-order posture is expected to appeal to the city’s conservatives?

Downtown Memphis Commission CEO Paul Young, who has several prior Republican primary votes on his record in non-city elections?

Businessman J.W. Gibson, who once was a member of the local Republican steering committee?

Only NAACP president Van Turner and former Mayor Herenton, among serious candidates, are exempt from such speculation, both regarded as being dyed-in-the-wool Democrats.

In a close election, the disposition of the Republican vote, estimated to be 24 percent of the total, could be crucial.

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Politics Politics Feature

POLITICS: Decisions, Decisions …

Businessman J.W. Gibson is reportedly getting ready to retool his mayoral campaign with help from veteran political consultant Susan Adler Thorp. Polls indicate that Gibson’s campaign has never really gotten off the ground. Nor has his initial slogan suggesting that Memphis needs a “new tune.”

And the professional respect Gibson enjoys as a result of his long-term philanthropic and developmental activities has not been general enough to have earned him much name recognition with the public. Despite a distinguished and vaguely mayoral appearance, he has also struggled to stand out at the many collective forums and meet-and-greets he has been a presence at.

With just under four months left before election day, Gibson, who has abundant private resources, could still make an impact, but only if he finds a viable message and can popularize it. Almost uniquely in the crowded mayoral field, he has expressed openness to the idea of a possible property tax increase.

• Among observers who are closely following the mayoral race, there is a difference of opinion as to whether there are three main contenders so far — Sheriff Floyd Bonner, Downtown Memphis Commission CEO Paul Young, and NAACP president and former County Commissioner Van Turner — or four —those three, plus former longtime Mayor Willie Herenton.

Everyone acknowledges that Herenton, who has led at least one unofficial poll, has a dependable voting bloc, based on his long mayoral tenure and, especially, his precedent-establishing 1991 victory as the city’s first elected Black chief executive. Some wonder if his budget, expected to be minimal, will allow for a serious stretch run.

Bonner and Young won’t have such worries. Both have cash-on-hand holdings in the vicinity of half a million dollars. And Turner, whose purse at this point is roughly a third of that amount, has a long-established base of dependable supporters.

• As has long been expected, former City Councilman Berlin Boyd has pulled a petition to run for the open Super District 8, Position 3, seat held for the past two terms by Council Chairman Martavius Jones, who is term-limited.

Boyd’s name had also turned up on the petition list for Super District 8, Position 1 — something the once and possibly future councilman attributes to an error by one of his staff members. Boyd says he never had any intention of running against the 8-1 incumbent, JB Smiley, a friend, and he has done the paperwork to nullify that prospect. (He also denies a previously published report that he might take another crack at District 7, currently occupied by Michalyn Easter-Thomas, who in 2019 ousted then-incumbent Boyd in a runoff.)

Boyd has, however, considered the “back-up” idea of running for Super District 8, Position 2, a seat being eyed by several others, who take seriously a rumor that incumbent Cheyenne Johnson will not end up being a candidate for re-election. But, he says, “I’m 99 percent sure I’ll be running for Position 3.” Eight other people have so far pulled petitions for Position 3.

• The aforementioned Smiley is one of four current holders of super district seats who, as of early this week, did not yet have declared opposition. The other fortunate ones were Chase Carlisle in Super District 9, Position 1, Ford Canale in 9-2, and Jeff Warren in 9-3.

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Politics Politics Beat Blog

2023 Sidney Chism Picnic

Saturday saw the latest installation of longtime political figure Sidney Chism’s annual picnic, a fixture on the election landscape for a generation. The event, held at park grounds off Horn Lake Road, draws candidates, observers, political junkies, and kids of all ages. It’s a can’t-miss.

Here are some of the scenes from this year’s picnic, captured before the rains came in early afternoon. Several late arrivals, including a majority of the candidates running for mayor, came, were seen, and hoped to conquer, but are not pictured.

Host Sidney Chism greets District 3 Council candidate Yolanda Cooper-Sutton from his cart.
Mayoral candidate J.W. Gibson at Chism picnic
Mayoral candidate Paul Young greets employees of register’s office at Chism picnic.
District 3 Council candidate Pearl Walker at Chism picnic
District 3 Council candidate Towanna Murphy at Chism picnic
District 3 Council candidate James Kirkwood at Chism picnic
DA Steve Mulroy schmoozing at Chism picnic
Kevin Carter and David Upton at Chism picnic
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Politics Politics Feature

Of Shows and No-Shows

By now, the much-ballyhooed first of two mayoral forums to be conducted by the Daily Memphian has come and gone. The five billed participants at Monday night’s event at the Halloran Centre were Paul Young, Michelle McKissack, J.W. Gibson, Frank Colvett, and Karen Camper.

The fact is, only one of these participants can be ranked among the leaders at this early pre-petition stage of the mayoral race. That would be Downtown Memphis Commission CEO Young, who is indisputably the most successful fundraiser among all the candidates.

Young reported $432,434.97 on hand in his second-quarter financial disclosure, just outdoing Sheriff Floyd Bonner, who reported $400,139.12. Young is also known to have significant support among the city’s business and civic social elite, who make up a large percentage of the donor class.

At this juncture, the main disadvantage facing Young vis-à-vis rival Bonner is a fairly enormous name-recognition gap favoring the sheriff, who has out-polled every other contestant for whatever position in each of the last two Shelby County elections.

Clearly, the need to narrow this gap is one reason, along with his undoubted public-spiritedness, that impels Young to take part, along with other relatively unknown candidates, in every public forum that comes along.

Keeping their distance from such events so far are Bonner and Willie Herenton, the even better-known former longtime mayor. Almost as hesitant to appear at such affairs has been local NAACP president and former County Commissioner Van Turner, who, like the other two, was absent Monday night, as he had been at a recent mayoral forum at First Congregational Church.

Turner, also, can claim a respectable degree of prior name recognition, and he brought into the mayoral race a fairly well-honed constituency among the city’s center to center-left voters.

The relevance of all this to this week’s forum, and to other such opportunities for exposure that may come along before petitions can be drawn on May 22nd, should be obvious. Those who need to enhance their share of public attention are likely to be attendees; those who feel more secure in their familiarity to the electorate may not be.

To be sure, both Bonner and Turner pleaded the fact of previously scheduled fundraising events as reasons for their absence on Monday night. A reliable rule of thumb in politics is that the existence of “prior commitments” can always be adduced to explain nonparticipation in a particular event.

Still, to win, it is necessary to be an active competitor, and Bonner, Herenton, and Turner, who — not coincidentally — topped the results in the only poll that has been made public so far, can be expected to rev things up in fairly short order. Bonner and Turner have been stalled somewhat by their ongoing litigation against a five-year residency requirement posited by the Election Commission.

That matter may be effectively resolved in Chancellor JoeDae Jenkins’ court at a scheduled May 1st hearing.

Herenton, meanwhile, has habitually stonewalled multi-candidate appearances throughout his long public career — out of apparent pride as much as anything else.

None of the foregoing is meant to suggest that other candidates, including the five involved Monday night, can’t break out of the pack. Politics is notoriously unpredictable.

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Politics Politics Feature

Going the Distance

As noted in this space last week, the current Memphis city election year is seemingly destined to become the most long-distance such event in the city’s history, with several mayoral candidates already declared and notably running months in advance of any actual voting.

To stress the point: No ballots will be cast until September 15th, when early voting begins for the election, which concludes for most purposes on October 5th. Should there be district council races in which there is no majority winner, runoffs will be held for those districts on November 16th.

Contestants for mayor and for city council positions will not even be able to pick up their qualifying petitions from the Election Commission until May 22nd, almost three months from now. And district lines for the 13 council positions are still under review.

All these facts indicate just how far off in time the election really is; though in key races, for city council as well as for mayor, there is a distinct flurry of activity as would-be candidates try to get their campaigns (and their fundraising needs) established and in order.

• Apropos long-distance campaigning, Monday night of this week saw a different application of the term. Memphis mayoral candidate James Harvey, speaking not in Memphis but before an audience in Germantown, held forth for an hour and a half. That’s the length of speaking time that occurs usually only for events like a presidential State of the Union address or an arena speech by Donald Trump to one of his devoted, cult-like audiences.

Harvey, a longtime FedEx administrator who now is proprietor of his own staffing service, is a former member of the Shelby County Commission and served a term as that body’s chairman. An African American, he was a Democrat in those days, but his party affiliation has become somewhat ambiguous. He has involved himself in several Republican races as a sponsor of other people’s events, but on Monday night he downplayed the issue of partisanship (appropriately enough for the Memphis city election, which is formally nonpartisan).

Monday night’s event, at the Perkins Restaurant & Bakery in Germantown, was sponsored by the Shelby County Republican Party’s outreach committee, and chaired by the indefatigable Naser Fazlullah, who advised attendees that Harvey had “the gift of gab.”

That’s one way of putting it. Another was voiced years ago by then County Commissioner Chris Thomas, who commented after one of colleague Harvey’s extended monologues, “I could have gone out and gotten a haircut during all of that.”

James Harvey does indeed love to talk, and, though several members of his audience Monday night had to leave before he finished, the body as a whole seemed to resonate with his remarks, which focused on public safety and crime and the value of strong authority. He declared himself in favor of age 15 as the outer limit for Juvenile Court supervision and fulminated against tinted car windows and the antisocial actions of wayward youths, whom he characterized by the terms “Li’l Billy and Li’l Pookie.” He also at one point singled out “Jay [sic] Morant,” the Grizzlies superstar who has recently been involved in a series of questionable incidents.

As a candidate, Harvey is something of an anomaly and would be well advised to limit his speaking time but, in the best of circumstances, could find appreciative audiences like the one Monday night.

• Businessman J.W. Gibson, who is able to self-fund if need be, formally announced his candidacy for Mayor at an event Monday at the Stax Museum, calling for a “different tune” in city government.

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Politics Politics Beat Blog

Young, Bonner Lead Mayoral Candidates in Cash on Hand

The first financial disclosures from the 2023 candidates for Memphis Mayor are now available.

As of January 15, the two leaders in the vital “Cash on Hand” category are Downtown Memphis president/CEO Paul Young, with a reported $312,699.12, followed closely by Shelby County Sheriff Floyd Bonner, with $310,482.88:

Businessman J.W. Gibson reports the $300,000 he has loaned to himself as a campaign starter. NAACP president and former County Commissioner Van Turner reports cash on hand in the amount of $121,747.29.

State House Democratic Leader Karen Camper reports $33,862. (She has the disadvantage of not being able to raise money during the ongoing legislative session).

School Board chair Michelle McKissick has so far not filed a disclosure statement.