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Dream Denied: Corporations Buying Up Memphis Homes, Destabilizing Neighborhoods

More and more Memphians are missing out on the American Dream, especially if you consider homeownership a centerpiece of that dream. Wall Street corporations are sucking up homes in struggling neighborhoods, spitting them back out as rentals, and — in doing so — sucking out wealth and access to upward mobility, particularly in African-American communities.

Some experts on this crisis call these corporations “vultures,” saying they use tactics comparable to the mafia. Across the country, they’re scooping up houses in low-income neighborhoods — sometimes by the hundreds — wringing what profits they can from them, leaving the empty shells, and moving on. The experts call this a “pump and dump” strategy. These companies sometimes use evictions as a way to get back rent, as well as levying fines and fees on tenants, a strategy designed to push profits even higher.

It’s a national problem, but Memphis is the poster child for it. Last year, 65 percent of Memphis’ single-family homes were rented, not owned. The figure was enough for Zillow, the real estate website, to list Memphis as the country’s fastest-growing rental market in 2018.

That rental rate is a massive statistic, given that more than three-quarters of the city’s housing stock is comprised of single-family homes. Investor groups and large corporations own 95,604 of those properties; more than 40 percent of those owners are from outside of Tennessee. It’s probably fair to say they don’t have the city’s — or their own tenants’ — best interests at heart.

“All these guys want to do is to maximize the short-term gain,” says Austin Harrison, a researcher from Georgia State University and a housing consultant, during a recent event in Memphis. “They don’t inspect the properties. You’ll hear stories about mold, or the plumbing or the electricity not working. They don’t fix anything.”

Those who’ve studied the issue say the problem runs deeper than real estate. It gets down to poverty, often cited as the city’s greatest scourge. How can we beat poverty here, experts ask, if African Americans can’t build wealth through homeownership in a majority-African-American city?

“As if the Great Recession’s foreclosure crisis of 2007-2008 was not bad enough, more than a decade later, instead of a phoenix rising from the wake of the burst housing bubble, the vultures have descended upon the housing market in Memphis,” reads a policy paper released recently from the University of Memphis’ Benjamin L. Hooks Institute for Change. “The result is a policy crisis and the exacerbation of the wealth and racial division in the city.”

Photographs by Justin Fox Burks

Robert Holden, who is currently experiencing homelessness, very generously allowed himself to be photographed as he looked through a “picker pile” — the de facto symbol of Memphis’ eviction crisis.

Frayser: “Prime Feeding Ground”

Steve Lockwood sees outside corporate involvement in Frayser housing every day. He’s the director of the Frayser Community Development Corporation (FCDC), and as he drives in his silver pickup around the community of about 45,000, it seems he knows just about every house.

He thinks outside investment in neighborhoods like Frayser is, simply put, “bad.” Local brokers and developers sell the community’s homes to big firms all over the world, from California to New Zealand, he says. But at least two real estate players in Frayser do good work, Lockwood says, and are “good actors.” So he tries to work with them.

“Our objective all along has been to work on market forces, rather than pretend we could do it all ourselves because we can’t, and we know that,” he says.

One of them, a local broker, buys up homes, cleans them up, and does “perfectly good work,” Lockwood says. He paints his renovated houses in a signature red, gray, or green. Lockwood says even if the developer’s houses result in more renters, rather than creating new homeowners, the homes at least help revitalize the rest of the neighborhood.

On a recent tour of Frayser, Lockwood points to four concrete slabs, PVC tubing still stuck out of the ground where plumbing was planned. The development failed — 25 years ago — but the slabs and pipes remain. It’s part of the “funk” that still pervades parts of Frayser, he says.

Less than a mile from the slabs, siding was going up on one of several new homes by a builder Lockwood likes, another “good actor” making real estate money in Frayser, he says. Lockwood and the FCDC connect potential homeowners to that builder. The group helps people get approved for loans and sends them to the builder, with no commission or any money changing hands. “We’re just trying to affect the neighborhood,” Lockwood says. If the FCDC doesn’t help the builder find local buyers, he may sell to out-of-town investors.

“I’m still trying to tip the ratios here, or figure out at what point is this no longer prime feeding ground for investors,” Lockwood says. “I’m afraid it’s prime feeding ground for quite a while yet, and there’s not much I can do about that.”

Remember the Recession?

It’s hard to know if Frayser is a prime target for Wall Street investors. But Frayser certainly was one of the the hardest hit by Wall Street in the wake of the Great Recession.

Frayser was the foreclosure capital of Tennessee, according to the FCDC. The 38127 ZIP code saw the most foreclosures in the Memphis area every year from 2000 to 2015. Those foreclosures gutted Frayser, leaving vacant houses all over the community.

But it wasn’t only low-income communities like Frayser that were hit. Foreclosure rates all over Memphis shot up 13 percent in the first half of 2008, compared to the same time the year before, according to a Memphis Daily News story by Eric Smith, published in September 2008.

“Foreclosure’s reach knows no bounds, no race, no limit on home value, no restriction on loan product,” Smith wrote. “Its reputation as being constrained to only the poorest parts of town dissipated long ago, and while it’s true that foreclosures historically have occurred in marginal neighborhoods where minority borrowers were targets of bad mortgages, foreclosure is happening frequently and with ferocity in suburbs such as Cordova, Arlington, and Collierville.”

As we know now, the national economy — and Memphis — has rebounded. The “Memphis has momentum” slogan helped Memphis Mayor Jim Strickland win another four years in office this year. Much of that momentum was pushed ahead by payment-in-lieu-of-taxes (PILOT) deals given to real estate developers, principally designed to help spur the economy out of the recession.

A 2018 study by Community Lift, a group working to accelerate the revival of the city’s disinvested neighborhoods, says the incentives have worked, for some. While shiny, new roofs sprout in abundance throughout the fertile, PILOT-charged Poplar corridor, many neighborhoods outside that verdant valley haven’t yet been lifted by the rising tide.

“Memphis has been experiencing unequal economic development,” reads a summary of the “Searching for Economic Development Equity” study. “Some neighborhoods are growing while others are stagnating or even declining.”

Lockwood says in the 1970s (when the median household incomes in Frayser were 110 percent of those in Shelby County), many Frayser residents worked at International Harvester or at the nearby Firestone tire plant. When the plants closed, many people left.

He describes much of what happened to Frayser’s population as “middle-class flight,” not necessarily “while flight.” But whatever the reason, when the people left, hundreds of homes were left vacant. According to a May 2018 report by the Frayser CDC, 1,500 homes — 11 percent of all homes in Frayser — were empty.

A research study by Community Lift says buildings in older neighborhoods often don’t meet current standards for warehouses. Therefore, most industries that the city manages to attract or retain choose to locate in industrial zones that have more suitable buildings or available land or new construction options. Blue-collar jobs concentrate in those areas, and white-collar jobs concentrate in the Poplar/I-240 corridor and Downtown, where the Downtown Memphis Commission has led efforts to attract and retain businesses and corporate headquarters.

“Not surprisingly, the neighborhoods experiencing the strongest job growth are the ones near jobs centers, or those that have good transit access to those jobs (Downtown, East Memphis, the Medical District, Midtown, and the University District),” reads the Community Lift study. “Neighborhoods farther away from those job centers have experienced decline or stagnation. Many of the job centers on the fringes of the city are very poorly served by transit connections to places with the highest unemployment.”

But there is a ray of hope in Frayser. In August, plans became public for a “colossal” (according to a Commercial Appeal headline) warehouse planned for 99 acres in Frayser, just north of the Nike distribution center. While no ground has broken on the project yet, Mayor Strickland tweeted at the time that the project was proof that “Memphis — all of Memphis — has momentum!”

The Vultures Return

It’s not really clear just how or why out-of-town investors began taking interest in Memphis’ lower-income neighborhoods. Whatever their motives, the “vultures” are back, according to that U of M Institute for Change study, and they’ve come again from Wall Street.

Wade Rathke is a founder of the nonprofit ACORN International and one of the authors of the U of M policy paper. He says in the “pump-and-dump” strategy, vulture firms will buy homes, slap a couple of coats of paint on them, line up some renters, then maybe evict them if the timing works out. They repeat this process for years, until the money dries up. When it does, the company walks away, leaving a vacant home and big question marks on who to call when the grass needs to be cut or when it becomes blighted.

“These Wall Street guys — if you think of them in the same mindset as the mafiosos — they are predatory landlords,” said Ben Sissman, a Memphis-based foreclosure prevention attorney, during the recent State of Memphis Housing summit. “They’re selling high and doing no work. They deny responsibility for what they’re doing. All they want is the rent money and nothing else.”

A 2018 Washington Post story reported that out-of-town investors bought 20 percent of all homes on the Memphis market last year. Cerberus, a Wall Street private equity firm, was the largest owner of single-family homes in Memphis in 2018, according to the Post.

So how does that affect Memphis? For one thing, such huge holdings could allow companies like Cerberus to have dominance, with the power to drive the Memphis housing market, according to Rathke.

This trend toward corporate housing ownership takes hundreds of homes off the home-buying market that might have been accessible to low- to moderate-income families — including the same families that may have been pushed out of similar homes in the foreclosure crisis, he says.

“Families [moving] in to some of these houses are paying pretty high rent and maybe have a hard time sustaining that,” Rathke says. “So, it’s basically frozen people back to where they were a decade ago. It hasn’t allowed some families in Memphis to get past the Great Recession.”

The Memphis families affected are largely African-American, according to Rathke’s research. “Renter household increases are highest among African Americans, with the total number of African-American renters double the number of white renters,” reads the paper, called “A Memphis Mirage.”   

Overall, homeownership in Memphis declined from 66 percent to 59 percent from 2010 to 2017. Since the 2008 financial crisis, no major city has had a bigger percentage drop in owner-occupied single-family housing than Memphis, according to the Washington Post. The percentage of renters rose from 34 percent to 41 percent. Black homeownership fell by 1.2 percent from 2009 to 2017. African-American rental rates increased 26.1 percent during those years. In comparison, white rental rates grew three percent.

Wealth gets sucked from neighborhoods into corporate coffers, as renters replace homeowners. Residents aren’t building equity in a home. When their lease expires, they walk away with nothing to show for it. Building home equity is considered a fundamental building block to creating wealth and financial stability in America. Amy Schaftlein, executive director of United Housing in Memphis, says renters “not only lose equity in their house and the wealth they could have built through homeownership, they also lose trust in ownership as a wealth-building tool.

“We’ve seen so much wealth stripped out of, particularly, minority neighborhoods and neighborhoods with high African-American populations because those neighborhoods were, frankly, targeted,” Schaftlein adds. “That’s just awful because you see so much wealth built and then it goes tumbling. It goes back to the old days of redlining, and you just see it happening again and again.”

Consider the Picker Pile

Yellow hazard lights blink on a Salvation Army box truck as it idles in front of a home on East Parkway. Two men haul a few valuables from the vacant home, but they largely ignore a mini-landfill by the curb. In the picker pile, tube televisions with darkened screens lie helter-skelter with faded furniture, colanders, ice trays, empty dish soap containers, sweaters, jeans, and dozens of VHS tapes. The scene has a front-row view of Tiger Lane and Liberty Bowl stadium across the way.

It has all the hallmarks of an eviction, but it’s hard to know for sure. Maybe the tenant ghosted. Maybe someone died. One thing’s for sure, Memphis is seeing a lot of evictions these days, and the picker pile has come to symbolize their plight. And if you’re seeing more of them than you used to, consider that they may now be the results of investment policies of a Wall Street firm or other out-of-town “vulture capitalist” whose investors have never heard of Liberty Bowl stadium — and care nothing about what happens to the Memphians they’ve put on the street.

Evictions are profit centers for them. Once an eviction is filed in court, says ACORN’s Rathke, the corporations can collect all kinds of fines and fees. “They’re collecting not only their back rent and whatever penalties that were laid out in a lease, but they’re also collecting court fees and filing fees,” he says. “There are some landlords, particularly in lower-income communities in Memphis and other cities, who are basically running this as an income cycle. Often they don’t follow through on the eviction because they’ve made, potentially, the rent plus the penalties.”

From 2016 to April 2019, 105,338 eviction notices were filed in Shelby County General Sessions Civil Court, according to Harrison’s research.

In 2016, 4,593 evictions were filed in New Orleans, 5,909 were filed in Birmingham, and 17,169 were filed in Richmond. In that same year, 31,633 eviction notices were filed in Memphis. Notices here went out to nearly 21 percent of all Memphis renters. Renters who got eviction notices were predominantly African-American, Harrison says.

FirstKey Homes, the property management firm owned by Cerberus, files for eviction at twice the rate of other property managers in Memphis, according to that Washington Post story. FirstKey went to court here more than 400 times in 2018, the story said.

Fighting the Tide

John Paul Shaffer says the members of his neighborhood advocacy group, BLDG Memphis, get uneasy when they see signs that read “I Buy Houses” pop up on their streets. There’s likely an out-of-town investor behind the sign, one with cash readily at hand.

This housing issue would be easier to manage, he says, if it were some thought-out policy. Instead, he, Lockwood, Schaftlein, and the many others working on housing in Memphis are fighting market forces, mostly against anonymous competitors with Scrooge McDuckian piles of capital.

Lockwood’s FCDC has bought, renovated, rented, and sold dozens of homes in Frayser, each with a signature brass plate with the FCDC logo. The group, with the help of some local developers, has almost completely revitalized one neighborhood with targeted, intensive investment and are working on rebuilding another.

Schaftlein’s United Housing is dedicated to sustainable homeownership throughout the Mid-South. The group sells homes, rents homes, offers down payment assistance, offers mortgages, and has funds for home improvement, whether the tenant owns the home or rents it.

Shaffer’s BLDG Memphis is a hub for all Memphis-area community development corporations such as the FCDC. BLDG Memphis helps those organizations fight for better housing in their neighborhoods.

All of them are witnessing the corporate rental-conversion issue first-hand. “This is part of the national narrative, and Memphis has come up as a hotspot,” Shaffer says. “We have a few instances where maybe over 1,000 properties are owned by one particular entity. That creates a lot of issues to provide service if these properties do become nuisances and code enforcement gets involved, and, then, the environmental courts get involved.”

Schaftlein says some renter agreements won’t allow tenants to make repairs to the home, and a run-down house has a ripple effect. A bad house lowers property values, and that can make other homeowners move away, destabilizing entire neighborhoods. 

“You see a lack of pride,” she says. “You see a lack of investment. Those who can leave, do. That’s what’s happened in a lot of our neighborhoods.”

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Memphis 3.0: The City Makes Plans for Its Third Century

“Is this just another study?!”

The question brought a hush to the proceedings. Everyone realized that the woman asking it had cut to the quick of the matter. I was attending one of the public outreach sessions sponsored by Memphis 3.0, a new initiative to develop a comprehensive plan for the city’s third century, which begins in 2019. Such public meetings tend to attract the same few citizens who have the mindset and the time to get involved, and this woman was clearly a veteran of many such gatherings. Her question immediately conjured up the ghosts of past bureaucrats and academics, however well intentioned, that raised hopes for change, only to offer more business as usual after the data was collected.

But Ashley Cash, a veteran of neighborhood planning herself, and head administrator at the city’s Office of Comprehensive Planning (OCP), was confident and quick with her response: “Whatever is written in this plan gets transferred to the policy and code of the city.” This was, she insisted, going to be a plan with follow-through.

And it was perhaps the first time that one could honestly say this about such a document.

While municipal planning is nothing new, it has only evolved in fits and starts in Memphis. A comprehensive plan like Memphis 3.0 aims to coordinate various project-specific plans with a holistic vision of how to best grow the entire city. If our growth and wealth tend to concentrate around a “cone” expanding from downtown to the east along Poplar, how do we spread it out? How do we encourage businesses in underdeveloped neighborhoods. How do we improve transit to serve them better? How can we make all neighborhoods more livable and more sustainable?

Justin Fox Burks

Meet the architects of Memphis 3.0: (from l to r) Lauren Kennedy, John Paul Shaffer, and Ashley Cash are pooling city resources to design a plan for a better Memphis.

John Paul Shaffer, executive director of BLDG Memphis (a nonprofit that facilitates community development corporations and projects), says, “You can look at our peer cities and model cities, and there’s not a single one of them that doesn’t have some sort of guiding document for how they’re doing business. And how they’re making development decisions.”

The only such plan Memphis has is nearly 40 years old.

Community input has become de rigueur for such plans. “Of course, public meetings are the tried and true method to reach people,” says Cash. “But we’ve also tried to partner with a lot of agencies who have existing networks.” That includes the two chief nonprofit partners in the Memphis 3.0 initiative: BLDG Memphis and the UrbanArt Commission.

If that third partner strikes you as unconventional, you’re correct. Only a few cities have pioneered the tactic of having planners work with artists. (In fact — full disclosure — that’s how I came to be involved with Memphis 3.0, as a consulting musician.) But that’s not all that’s innovative about the project. The biggest leap forward has been to simply take the idea of a comprehensive plan seriously, initiating community involvement across the vast area that Memphis has become, from Presidents Island to Cordova.

Shaffer sums up the city’s history this way: “The city has grown by this cycle of flight and annexation. And that goes all the way back to people getting out of downtown to the streetcar suburbs, and then it continued through the civil rights era, through white flight, and bussing and all these kinds of things that played into it. And it’s all been facilitated by government policy — how government spent money on programs that were accessible mainly to middle-class white families. Then they built highways and all these things that spurred this development and encouraged it. Memphis ate it up to some extent, and that’s how we grew in the entire 20th century.”

Coping with the sheer sprawl of Memphis is the key challenge to planners. City limits that encompassed only 51 square miles in 1945 have grown more than six-fold today. In the 1960s, plenty of federal money was available to subsidize municipal planning departments, but soon after they had to function independently, at the mercy of the economy. This wasn’t always a bad thing, given that one of the major planning goals of the 1970s was to demolish Beale Street. That initiative foundered, but by the late 1970s, there were still enough resources to begin work on the city’s most recent comprehensive plan — completed in 1981 and updated the year after.

“Bringing artists into the equation” helps keep Memphis 3.0 planners thinking outside the box: Yancy Villa-Calvo, the artist behind GEMS (short for Go Explore Memphis Soul), works with Memphis youth to design a stylized map of the city.

The city’s commitment to this plan was rarely resolute, possibly because widespread public input was not a priority. And without citizen involvement, there was no accountability. “If you look at our last comprehensive plan,” says Cash, “there really wasn’t a lot of community engagement in that. That’s just the way the profession was at the time.”

As Shaffer sees it, “It’s not like community engagement didn’t exist back then. I just don’t know that locally it was highly valued the way this project values it. I’m sure there were probably constituent groups that were at the table, and maybe that’s because they’d always been at the table.” What makes Memphis 3.0 different, he says, is “thinking about new approaches and bringing artists into the equation and doing pop-up meetings and bus tours. Even serving meals at community meetings is new. Some of these new approaches are exciting to see at the local level. These approaches have been around for a while; it’s just nice to see them come home.”

“Bringing artists into the equation” is the ideal way to express the process by which aesthetics are brought to bear on a discipline that has traditionally been the realm of number-crunchers. And it brings us to the third primary player in Memphis 3.0, the UrbanArt Commission (UAC). Executive director Lauren Kennedy recalls the evolution of her thinking: “Several years ago, the UAC budgeted for a public art master plan. When I came on board, I didn’t know exactly what to do with that money, because at that point — this was 2015 — there wasn’t really a planning department. There wasn’t some comprehensive city plan to tie it to, and I didn’t want to produce a public art master plan that just lived in a vacuum. So I didn’t move on it that year. Then we got a new mayor, a new administration. Jim Strickland came in and basically rebuilt the Planning Department and the Office of Comprehensive Planning. Also, when I was thinking about how to use that funding, I was starting to follow work in Calgary and Minneapolis, where artists and designers had been plugged into city departments to think about things differently, to come at things from a different approach and perspective, and to consider some of the aesthetics of the way the cities were operating.”

The work in Minneapolis’ Creative CityMaking program that inspired Kennedy ranged from street theater to a “rolling foot cam” video project that recorded pavement-level images. The public interest in such projects was so impressive that Kennedy and John Zeanah (who had recently helmed the Mid-South Regional Greenprint and Sustainability Plan) made a trip to Minneapolis to see it firsthand. What they saw was enough to convince them that artists could take public engagement to a new level. At the same time, Zeanah’s Greenprint project was making a new comprehensive plan for the city seem doable.

“I feel like that was kind of a turning point,” says Shaffer. While his BLDG Memphis had been calling for a comprehensive plan for years, “the Greenprint showed a lot of people who had never seen that comprehensive approach or hadn’t seen it in three decades, and kinda put that back on the table for folks. Where we’re looking at this through the lens of green spaces, but we’re looking at housing, transportation, and workforce and education and health and equity and these kinds of things that make a comprehensive view.”

Roger Eckstrom works with local students at Promise Academy to practice making a plan for the city.

Thus, with some additional encouragement from Paul Young, director of the city’s Division of Housing and Community Development, a perfect storm of influences led to the founding of Memphis 3.0. And in an innovative move, the UAC was at the heart of the operation.

“I’m grateful to the city for being open to this experience and the journey with us,” Kennedy says. She wasted no time in putting out a call for artists. Out of more than 50 applicants in March of last year, three were selected, and bless my soul if I wasn’t one of them. And while we artists are just beginning our engagement events, we’ve worked out some interesting ways to re-imagine our city in creative ways. I am in very good company. Yancy Villa-Calvo, a native of Mexico City, has done public art installations for some time, the most recent being her “Barrier Free” project, which used a movable wall and mirrored silhouettes of families to urge participants to empathize with the immigrant experience. For Memphis 3.0, she has devised an installation called GEMS (Go Explore Memphis Soul). She’ll be visiting neighborhoods with the GEMS mobile, a crystalline-like art piece superimposed on a map of the city, using eye-catching images that encourage people to draw or write what they love, dislike, and hope for in their neighborhood.

Neili Jones, a Raleigh/Frayser native, has studied design, fashion, and brand management, but her real interest is stories. “My goal is to ensure that as many voices get involved as possible,” says Jones. “I meet the people where they are — community meetings, rallies, groceries stores, or at bus stops. My art is about utilizing space and collecting the visual story.” Having most recently done activist art in Atlanta, her work for Memphis 3.0 uses creative set pieces to elicit narratives from residents concerning the history and development (or lack thereof) of their neighborhoods.

As for me, a native of Memphis, Nebraska, my public art (aside from performing in rock or jazz bands) has always centered on sound design for independent movies, modern dance pieces, or gallery installations. My engagement project for Memphis 3.0 focuses on the environmental sounds that surround us. “ReMix Memphis” is a traveling audio experience, using field recordings of Memphis in a user-friendly app that allows participants to mix together the sounds they’d like to hear (or not hear) around them. A way of thinking aurally, not visually, it encourages people to re-imagine the livability of their community. The best part? I’m crowd-sourcing my field recordings. Use your phone to record things like trains, planes, automobiles, playgrounds, or what have you, then email them to remix.memphis@gmail.com.

As one of the artists for Memphis 3.0, I’ve had a front row seat to its implementation. A particularly inspiring moment came during a retreat by the entire team of Memphis planners and artists in St. Louis. One community organizer there, based in Chuck Berry’s old neighborhood, told us: “Every community has a heartbeat. Find it!” And we have followed that counsel. Divvying up the city into 14 districts, three planning teams, each one armed with an artist, are setting up local headquarters as the year unfolds.

The teams also benefit from a small army of expert planners, aside from the professionals already working for the OCP, including local design firms brg3s, Ray Brown, and Self+Tucker, the University of Memphis School of Urban Affairs and Public Policy, and the Berkeley, California-based firm Opticos. The latter have consulted with many cities, based on the key insight that “walkable places are critical for healthy, resilient, and equitable communities.” And, in a departure from old-school urban planning that would have sacrificed whole neighborhoods at the altar of progress, Opticos operates with a “focus on social, environmental, and economic responsibility — a triple bottom line.”

Noble goals indeed, but as I joined the first tour of neighborhoods in the North District (a sprawling administrative fiction stretching from Harbor Town to Hyde Park and Douglass), I wondered how we could bring such values to bear on what we saw. Ray Brown and local residents spoke about significant places on our route (and I spoke about significant musical sites, such as Manassas High School, what was once Johnny Curry’s Club, and the former American Sound Studios, now a Family Dollar). What struck me most was the tragedy of what North Memphis has endured at the hands of collapsed or departed industries. All that’s left of Firestone, one-time employer of thousands, are the ruins of a factory and the brownfields around it, too polluted for cost-effective remediation. Its looming smokestack made me wonder: Could any amount of planning remedy this history?

And yet the mood was upbeat as we tooled up and down Chelsea. When I spoke to community members who attended, they felt their concerns were falling on sympathetic ears, by and large. Quincey Morris, of the Klondike-Smokey City Community Development Corporation  felt that the Memphis 3.0 workshops could have been scheduled better, so as to include seniors who don’t go out in the evenings, or single parents. “Other than that,” she said, “I think that they did listen, especially in my one-on-one interview with [OCP planner] Trey Wilburn. And as 3.0 moves forward, we do intend to stay involved and participate. We have an opportunity to have input and hold people accountable. And I think that’s the only way that you can do it.”

Indeed, as Cash notes, accountability is key: “We can continue the conversation. The process ends in 2019, on the tail end of 2018, but, really, what we wanna be able to say is, ‘Okay, it’s 2020, and we’re still engaged in the community.'” Shaffer adds, “If we adopt a plan that citizens and communities don’t feel like they have any ownership in, it’s not something that’s easily implementable. It’s an uphill battle. Bringing people in for the whole process and the whole ride, it helps get it adopted and makes sure that decision makers are following this guiding document, because it’s something the entire community has come together and said: ‘This is our vision for our city and for our neighborhoods.'”

Visit www.memphis3point0.com to learn more and see when workshops and artists’ events are scheduled near you.

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News The Fly-By

Bicycle Crossing Light Planned for Hampline

Earlier this month, a bicyclist was killed after being hit by a vehicle just a block west of Sam Cooper and Tillman, the same intersection that, in about a year, will boast the city’s first bicycle-only traffic light.

The special traffic signal for cyclists is part of the planned Hampline bicycle path stretching from Overton Park to the Shelby Farms Greenline.

Zachary Walls, 40, was hit and killed by a vehicle driven by 50-year-old Solomon Johnson. Johnson stayed on the scene but was arrested for driving on a suspended, revoked, or canceled license. The scene of the accident was closer to Lipford, about a block from the traffic light at Tillman, so it’s hard to know whether the completed Hampline and its planned bike traffic signal could have made his route safer.

But Livable Memphis Program Director John Paul Shaffer believes the planned bike path will improve bicycle and pedestrian safety overall.

Artist rendering of the Hampline along Tillman

“Sam Cooper right now screams ‘You’re not safe no matter what happens,'” Shaffer said. “Getting across Sam Cooper is terrifying sometimes.”

Once complete, cyclists will approach the Sam Cooper and Tillman traffic signal, and a sensor in the street will detect the bike. An extra traffic signal with red, yellow, and green lights projected through a cutout of a bicycle will tell cyclists when it’s safe to cross.

Part of the Hampline is already constructed. It begins at Overton Park and crosses East Parkway onto an existing sidewalk along Sam Cooper that leads to Broad Avenue. From there, the path travels down Broad’s existing bicycle lanes.

In the past few months, city crews have erected flexible bollards along Broad between Hollywood and Collins to separate the lane from the parking area. Before those were installed, drivers would often park cars partially inside the bike lane. City Bicycle and Pedestrian Coordinator Kyle Wagenschutz said crews are still putting the finishing touches on that stretch of the Hampline project.

“They’re about 85 percent done. They can only operate on days when it’s warm enough to put the paint down,” Wagenschutz said.

But for now, the Hampline ends at Collins. That’s because that first stretch of the Hampline was paid for through city funds, but the rest of the project — the lane from Collins to Tillman, the bicycle traffic signal at Sam Cooper and Tillman, and the north-south stretch of lane from Tillman to the Greenline — will be funded using federal money.

The designs must be approved by the Tennessee Department of Transportation and the federal government before that part of the project can move forward.

“If the design approval process goes smoothly, we’ll be able to bid the construction for those [final] phases sometime in 2015, but whether or not the physical construction begins before next winter, I don’t know at this point,” Wagenschutz said.

From Collins west to Tillman and from Tillman south to the Greenline, the lane will be buffered from traffic with a concrete median, some of which will be planted.

“I think there’s even a rain garden in one spot. It just depends on how wide they are as to whether or not the curbs have plantings,” said Shaffer, whose organization raised $72,000 for the Hampline’s design through the crowd-funding website, ioby.org.

Despite the recent bicycle fatality near the Hampline’s path, Wagenschutz said bicycle accidents have actually decreased since 2008. Most years, the city only has one or two accidents. So far this year, there have been two, both within the past month. The city doubled the miles of bicycle infrastructure by 2010, and that number is projected to double again by 2016.