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Politics Politics Feature

In Harm’s Way

We hear a lot these days about “bullet trains,” which whisk commuters from place to place with incredible speed. The train which took Memphis Congressman Steve Cohen last week from U.S. ally Poland into Kyiv, the capital of wartime Ukraine, took all of 10 hours. But the ride was surely worth it.

It was Cohen’s privilege, as ranking member of the congressional Helsinki Commission, to ride that slow train (hampered by security precautions) into harm’s way so as to present the gallant Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, with the formal support of the commission for himself and his beleaguered nation.

The Helsinki Commission is an official government body created in 1975 to support compliance with that year’s Helsinki Accords, a nonbinding agreement pledging the nations of Europe and the Americas to the pursuit of peace and detente.

Accompanied by fellow House members Joe Wilson of South Carolina and Victoria Spartz of Indiana, Cohen was ushered into the president’s office as an air raid siren blared, reminding the visitors of the potential dangers involved.

The American delegation spent an hour with Zelenskyy, who, says Cohen, was the affable and resolute figure the world has grown familiar with during Ukraine’s courageous stand against the nonstop attacks of the Russian invader.

According to Cohen, Kyiv itself, relatively unscarred, remains determined to persevere and comports itself like any other busy metropolis. He described seeing workers rebuilding a bridge that was demolished during the war’s early phase to prevent Russian access into the city.

The American group also visited suburban areas — notably Bucha, the site of widespread massacres and other atrocities by occupying Russian troops, who were later forced to withdraw. Aside from that, says Cohen, “Bucha is actually an upscale sort of place, kind of like Germantown,” but one marked by numerous mass graves.

How would the congressman rank his Ukrainian experience? “Inspiring, and right up there with anything I’ve ever done.”

• However the tangled matter of mayoral residency requirements gets resolved, and it likely will get sorted out on a May 18th hearing in the courtroom of Chancellor JoeDae Jenkins, former Mayor Willie Herenton remains unworried, insisting that, as a new online broadside of his puts it, “My residence has never changed.”

He cites an official definition by Tennessee Secretary of State Tre Hargett of a residence as a “place where the person’s habitation is fixed and is where, during periods of absence, the person definitely intends to return.”

In Herenton’s case, that means a house on Barton Street, near LeMoyne-Owen College, an ancestral place of sorts where Herenton’s mother lived, as did the former mayor, despite his subsequent acquisition of other dwellings, including one in Collierville which he later sold.

Herenton contends that would distinguish him from two other mayoral candidates, Sheriff Floyd Bonner and NAACP president Van Turner, both of whom lived just outside Memphis before acquiring dwelling places in the city during the past year.

The issue to be determined by Jenkins is whether, as a vintage city charter maintained, a five-year prior residency is mandated for mayoral candidates or was made moot by a 1996 referendum of Memphis voters that imposed no such pre-election requirement.

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Mayoral Residency: What’s at Stake

Between the 18th of this month, a Thursday, and the 22nd, a Monday, there will fall one business day and a weekend. Within that brief period, the political history of Memphis for at least four years — and maybe longer — could well be determined.

The 22nd is the first date on which candidate petitions for the October 5th city election will be made available by the Shelby County Election Commission. The 18th, four days prior, shapes up as a day of judgment for candidate eligibility. On that date, the long-festering issue of residency requirements for mayor will be resolved, one way or the other, in the courtroom of Shelby County Chancellor JoeDae Jenkins.

So indicated His Honor on Monday. His fateful announcement, made at the close of a hearing on the residency matter, followed an equally eventful one from Memphis city attorney Jennifer Sink, rendered in Jenkins’ courtroom by Michael Fletcher, a lawyer for the city. In essence, Sink said via Fletcher that an opinion she had requested weeks ago from attorney Robert Meyers reflected city policy, reversing a statement she made last month in which she declined to go that far.

The Meyers opinion had cited language in an 1895 city charter mandating a prior residency in Memphis for a period of five years for candidates for mayor. That opinion, published on the Shelby County Commission website, generated significant turmoil, including litigation from two announced candidates — Sheriff Floyd Bonner and NAACP president Van Turner — challenging such a mandate.

Bonner and Turner, whose suits were later combined, insist that Memphis voters approved a superseding referendum in 1996 that did away with a prior-residency requirement for both mayoral candidates and candidates for the city council, and that several city elections had been held since under the new standard. (Indeed, several current members of the council could not have passed a five-year requirement for prior residency.)

As for Sink’s apparent change of mind, lawyers for the litigants point out that the city doesn’t administer elections; the Election Commission does, which had meanwhile dropped Meyers’ opinion from its website.

In danger of invalidation, Bonner and Turner, who until recently lived just outside the city, are joined by former Mayor Willie Herenton, a sometime resident of Collierville in recent years. Ironically, all three were basically tied for the lead in the only mayoral poll made public so far.

One clear beneficiary of their ouster (though he has steered clear of the controversy) would be Downtown Memphis Commission CEO Paul Young, who by a wide margin would lead the rest of the declared field in fundraising. Two other mayoral hopefuls, businessman J.W. Gibson and School Board member Michelle McKissack, have declared themselves in favor of the Meyers opinion.

In the wake of Monday’s events, Bonner issued a ringing statement which said in part: “The voters of Memphis voted in 1996 to do away with a dated residency requirement from the 1800s, and we are fighting to make sure the people’s voice is heard.” Turner also responded: “It is unfortunate that some group of insiders are trying to decide the election instead of letting the will of the voters play out. … [W]e will continue to prepare for our day in Court on May 18, and we will continue to campaign on the issues and not the distractions.”

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Politics Politics Feature

Of Shows and No-Shows

By now, the much-ballyhooed first of two mayoral forums to be conducted by the Daily Memphian has come and gone. The five billed participants at Monday night’s event at the Halloran Centre were Paul Young, Michelle McKissack, J.W. Gibson, Frank Colvett, and Karen Camper.

The fact is, only one of these participants can be ranked among the leaders at this early pre-petition stage of the mayoral race. That would be Downtown Memphis Commission CEO Young, who is indisputably the most successful fundraiser among all the candidates.

Young reported $432,434.97 on hand in his second-quarter financial disclosure, just outdoing Sheriff Floyd Bonner, who reported $400,139.12. Young is also known to have significant support among the city’s business and civic social elite, who make up a large percentage of the donor class.

At this juncture, the main disadvantage facing Young vis-à-vis rival Bonner is a fairly enormous name-recognition gap favoring the sheriff, who has out-polled every other contestant for whatever position in each of the last two Shelby County elections.

Clearly, the need to narrow this gap is one reason, along with his undoubted public-spiritedness, that impels Young to take part, along with other relatively unknown candidates, in every public forum that comes along.

Keeping their distance from such events so far are Bonner and Willie Herenton, the even better-known former longtime mayor. Almost as hesitant to appear at such affairs has been local NAACP president and former County Commissioner Van Turner, who, like the other two, was absent Monday night, as he had been at a recent mayoral forum at First Congregational Church.

Turner, also, can claim a respectable degree of prior name recognition, and he brought into the mayoral race a fairly well-honed constituency among the city’s center to center-left voters.

The relevance of all this to this week’s forum, and to other such opportunities for exposure that may come along before petitions can be drawn on May 22nd, should be obvious. Those who need to enhance their share of public attention are likely to be attendees; those who feel more secure in their familiarity to the electorate may not be.

To be sure, both Bonner and Turner pleaded the fact of previously scheduled fundraising events as reasons for their absence on Monday night. A reliable rule of thumb in politics is that the existence of “prior commitments” can always be adduced to explain nonparticipation in a particular event.

Still, to win, it is necessary to be an active competitor, and Bonner, Herenton, and Turner, who — not coincidentally — topped the results in the only poll that has been made public so far, can be expected to rev things up in fairly short order. Bonner and Turner have been stalled somewhat by their ongoing litigation against a five-year residency requirement posited by the Election Commission.

That matter may be effectively resolved in Chancellor JoeDae Jenkins’ court at a scheduled May 1st hearing.

Herenton, meanwhile, has habitually stonewalled multi-candidate appearances throughout his long public career — out of apparent pride as much as anything else.

None of the foregoing is meant to suggest that other candidates, including the five involved Monday night, can’t break out of the pack. Politics is notoriously unpredictable.

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Bottom Lines

First-quarter deadline for Memphis mayoral candidates’ financial disclosures was March 31st, with reports due at the state Registry of Election Finance by April 10th, Monday of this week. It will take a while for all of them to be collated and made public, but, when available, presumably this week, they will be a useful key to the competitive status of various candidates.

Likely leader in revenues raised and on hand will be Downtown Memphis Commission CEO Paul Young, who has been the beneficiary of several recent big-ticket fundraisers. Two of Young’s main competitors — NAACP president and former Commissioner Van Turner and Shelby County Sheriff Floyd Bonner — will probably show lesser revenues than might ordinarily be expected.

The obvious reason for that is such public doubt as has recently been raised by uncertainties regarding possible residency requirements for Memphis mayor — though the Shelby County Election Commission has, amid litigation by Turner and Bonner, removed a note from its website citing an opinion from former SCEC chair Robert Meyers proclaiming a requirement for a five-year prior residency in the city. Meyers based his opinion on a city-charter provision dating back to 1895.

Turner, Bonner, and former Mayor Willie Herenton, who is not known to have launched a significant fundraising campaign, have all maintained residencies outside the city at some point in the past five years. Herenton is not a party to the ongoing litigation, regarding which separate suits by Bonner and Turner challenging the Meyers opinion and seeking clarification have been combined in the court of Chancellor JoeDae Jenkins.

During a status conference on the suits last week, Jenkins established May 1st as a date for ruling on the litigation. He had previously rejected a motion by attorneys for the SCEC to include the city of Memphis as a codefendant along with the Commission. Jenkins decided that the city had not officially endorsed the Meyers opinion, though city attorney Jennifer Sink had forwarded it to the SCEC. For her part, Sink has said she has no intention of formally claiming the Meyers opinion as the city’s own.

• In calling a special meeting of the County Commission for this Wednesday on the issue of reappointing the expelled state Representative Justin J. Pearson to the House District 86 seat, Commission chair Mickell Lowery made his own sentiments evident.

After noting that he was “required to make decisions as a leader,” Lowery said, inter alia, “I believe the expulsion of state Representative Justin Pearson was conducted in a hasty manner without consideration of other corrective action methods. I also believe that the ramifications for our great state are still yet to be seen. … Coincidentally, this has directly affected me as I too reside in state House District 86. I am amongst the over 68,000 citizens [actually, 78,000] who were stripped of having a representative at the state due to the unfortunate outcome of the state assembly’s vote.”

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Shaking Things Up

A smallish crowd of 166 people showed up last Saturday at First Baptist Church on Broad to take part in the first round of balloting for the biennial Shelby County Democratic Party reorganization. Two delegates from each of the county’s 13 Shelby County Commission districts were selected to form the party’s executive committee.

Norma Lester, who presided over last Saturday’s Democratic event, lamented that fewer members attended than had been expected. She attributed that fact to the lingering effects of the pandemic, during which in-person party events were relatively rare.

The party’s bylaws require that the two committee members representing each district be of different genders, and in one district, that allowed for an unprecedented result. On Saturday, the voters of District 11 elected the first transgender committee member, Brandy Price, to serve.

Some 100-odd members were also named to the party’s grassroots council. Members of both groups will convene via Zoom on Saturday, April 1st, to name a chairman to succeed outgoing chair Gabby Salinas. The three known candidates are businessman Jesse Huseth, longtime activist Lexie Carter, and Alvin Crook, a former Young Democrats chair.

Meanwhile, on this coming Saturday, March 25th, the county’s Republicans will hold their party’s reorganization caucus at the YMCA corporate offices on Goodlett Farms Parkway. Current GOP chairman Cary Vaughn has indicated that he intends to seek a second term as chair in order to continue his ongoing fundraising plan for the party.

• To say that the 2023 Memphis mayor’s race is in something of an uproar is a classic understatement. It is still two full months before the first date (May 22nd) to pick up candidate petitions at the Election Commission, and three of the race’s putative leaders, as identified in a recent poll, may be disqualified from even picking one up. They are Shelby County Sheriff Floyd Bonner, NAACP president and former County Commissioner Van Turner, and longtime former Mayor Willie Herenton.

Bonner and Turner have both raised substantial amounts of cash, and, while less is known about Herenton’s receipts, his background in city government and historical cachet are such as to guarantee him a substantial vote base to begin with.

What makes the position of these three candidates tenuous is that none of them would qualify under residency requirements just posted on the Election Commission website. In its instructions to would-be candidates, the commission links to a legal opinion written by former EC chairman Robert Meyers. That opinion states explicitly that a city-charter provision of 1895 is still in effect and requires candidates to have lived in Memphis for five years “next preceding” an election.

None of the three candidates would fit that precise language, and these happen to be the three contenders who just finished on top in a local poll conducted by the Caissa Public Strategy group. The poll gives Turner a minuscule edge over the other two. Although Caissa normally handles candidates of its own, it so far has no mayoral candidate on its roster, and, though there are skeptics here and there regarding the poll’s reliability, most observers give it a fair degree of credibility.

Candidate Bonner has filed suit against the commission’s published criteria, and Chancellor Jim Kyle will consider the litigation, probably at rush speed. Meanwhile, other candidates, notably Paul Young of the Downtown Memphis Commission and wealthy businessman J.W. Gibson, have to be pinching themselves at their apparent good luck.

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Surprise, Surprise!

The January 15th financial disclosures revealed four declared mayoral candidates as “cash on hand” leaders — Downtown Memphis Commission president/CEO Paul Young, Sheriff Floyd Bonner, businessman J.W. Gibson, and NAACP head and former County Commissioner Van Turner.

With months to go before petitions can even be drawn, though, surprise news last week from two other individuals in the ever-increasing list of mayoral prospects indicated the fluidity of things.

Frank Colvett: When he announced for mayor last week, the city councilman, a white Republican, surprised a lot of people, who wondered how he — as a member of both a racial minority and a political minority — stood a chance of victory. Asked about that kind of skepticism, Colvett cited what he said was his proven record as a conciliator on the council, where he served a recent term as chairman.

“White, Black, Republican, Democrat, none of that matters. This is a nonpartisan race and a nonpartisan job, I intend to represent all the people,” said Colvett, with an unexceptionable answer that will seem so much pure rhetoric to the aforesaid skeptics. He said he intends to focus on the issues — crime, especially — and to demand that each of his opponents “produce a plan,” a detailed blueprint, with no evasions or mere platitudes.

Whatever his own prospects, Colvett has already had an effect on the race. Merely by announcing, he has probably forestalled prospects of a candidacy by lawyer John Bobango or council colleague Chase Carlisle or Carlisle’s developer brother Chance, all of whom had been rumored to be interested in running but who would be dependent in the beginning on the same GOP base as Colvett.

And, however fractional it might be, Colvett’s appeal to that base will drain some support from candidates Bonner and Young, each of whom has been making inroads among conservatives.

Colvett insists he is in the race to stay and won’t get out to accommodate anybody else, nor will he consider brokering a large-campaign exit by himself to affect the ultimate outcome.

Willie Herenton: The former mayor, who officially entered the race on Monday, had created a considerable stir last week among those observers paying attention with a heavily stylized online post that repeated variations of the sentence “Get the hell out of my office!” That was a reminder, the post elaborated, of Herenton’s clash with an impertinent reporter during his 18-year mayoral tenure. Significantly, the post ended with two panels which, together, formed the slogan “Campaign Coming Soon … 2023.”

Herenton lost his last two races for elective office — a somewhat feckless race for Congress in 2010 and a sixth race for mayor in 2019. In the loss to Jim Strickland in the latter race, a three-way affair, Herenton received some 30 percent of the total vote and finished second. Conceding to Strickland on election night, he referred to the 2019 race as being “my last,” though his recent post certainly suggests a change of mind.

Now that he is competing again, his impact could be considerable. Though he never gained traction in his 2010 congressional try, in the 2019 mayoral race he received the endorsement of several public-employee unions and polled well among African-American voters, many of whom still see in Herenton the heroic change-maker who in 1991 had become Memphis’ first elected Black mayor.

As an active candidate Herenton will almost certainly attract votes — perhaps a considerable number — which might ordinarily go to one of the several African-American Democrats now contending. And he remains controversial enough among conservatives — both white and, to some degree, Black — to coalesce in a backlash vote for a specific candidate or two among the other contenders.

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R.I.P. Tyre Nichols: The Mayoral Candidates React

The tragic death of Tyre Nichols at the hands of out-of-control Memphis police has touched the hearts and minds of Memphians and vast numbers of people, for that matter, around the world. How have the announced candidates for Memphis mayor reacted?

Voluminously, it would seem — in public appearances, on social media, and elsewhere. Here is a brief sampling of what they have said.

Shelby County Sheriff Floyd Bonner: “My heartfelt condolences are expressed to the family and friends of Tyre Nichols. I am sad and angry about his tragic death.

“I am a second-generation law enforcement officer, and I am disgusted by what we all saw captured on video. This horrible incident tarnishes the badge that I wear, and many other good officers wear every day. I will do everything in my power to prevent another parent from having to bury their child in such a senseless and tragic way.”

Downtown Memphis Commission CEO Paul Young: “On behalf of our family, I pause today and become fully present with my deepest sympathy and condolences for the family and all who are mourning the tragic loss of Tyre Nichols — a young man with much promise who is gone too soon. Let’s keep the Nichols family in prayer as they enter this uncharted territory.”

Businessman J.W. Gibson: “The police officers responsible for the senseless and fatal beating of Tyre Nichols have been appropriately charged with second-degree murder. … As a lifelong Memphian, I know that the actions of those few [are] absolutely not a reflection of the dedication, heart, or humanity of the overwhelming majority of the men and women of the Memphis Police Department. As these officers await their days in court, we must come together as a community.”

School Board chair Michelle McKissack: “My heart breaks for Tyre’s sweet mother, family, and son. Together, we must honor his life and demand systemic change so this never happens again.”

State House Democratic Leader Karen Camper: “Like so many of my fellow Memphians I watched with horror as five Memphis police officers savagely beat Tyre Nichols. And I am one of the thousands of Memphians and people around the nation and the world who have followed this tragic event who are offering their sincere condolences to the Nichols family. This act of violence and abuse of power has no place in our city nor in our police department.”

Former County Commissioner and NAACP President Van Turner: “We appreciate the city’s quick action and transparency thus far in the case of Tyre Nichols as more officers and first responders are brought to justice. Tyre’s mother has called for a bill named after her son which would seek to emphasize a duty to intervene and render aid which was not done for her son. We must stand with her in this fight for justice and reform. … [W]e must disrupt the culture which allows this to happen. We must not forget Tyre’s death and the way that he died, and as mayor of Memphis, I vow to not allow Tyre Nichols’ death be in vain.”

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Getting the New Year Started

State Senator Raumesh Akbari (D-29), who has had several star turns since her election to the state House in 2013, including prominent speaking roles at two consecutive national Democratic conventions, begins the new year with two fresh accomplishments.

Early in December, Akbari was elected vice president of the National Black Caucus of State Legislators. Later in the month, she was elected minority leader by her fellow Senate Democrats to succeed state Sen. Jeff Yarbro of Nashville.

Other Memphis legislators also advanced in both organizations. State representatives Antonio Parkinson (D-98) and Torrey Harris (D-91) were elected to the National Black Caucus executive committee, and London Lamar of Memphis (D-33), a former state representative, was named the Democrats’ caucus chair in the state Senate.

Akbari’s accession to the Democrats’ top state Senate leadership post complements the re-election of Memphis state Rep. Karen Camper (D-87) as the party’s leader in the House, where another Memphian, state Rep. Larry Miller (D-88), was named leader pro tempore for the Democrats.

• An important deadline is looming for the growing cast of hopefuls who aspire to succeed the term-limited Jim Strickland as mayor of Memphis in this year’s city election. January 15th is the prescribed date for candidates to file their first financial reports, and the results will constitute a true test of who is likely to make the long haul to the October election and who is not.

With this in mind, and with their recognition that the holiday season was making its own financial demands of their possible support bases, several of the candidates made it a point to hold fundraisers in the week or so before Christmas.

On the 11th, Van Turner, the former county commissioner and local NAACP head, was the beneficiary of a $100-a-head fundraiser. On the 15th, one was held for state Rep. Karen Camper, the Democrats’ state House leader. The hosts’ invitation specified that all donations were welcome, but $1,000 was more or less pinpointed as the top dollar.

A more ambitious ask of $1,600, the personal max, was suggested for attendees at an affair for Downtown Memphis Commission CEO/President Paul Young on the 18th, and two days later, on the 20th, Shelby County Sheriff Floyd Bonner was the beneficiary of yet another event, with $1,000 as the recommended donation.

Meanwhile, well-heeled businessman and former County Commissioner J.W. Gibson, who brings a pre-existing bankroll of his own, weighed in with the announcement that he would be a likely candidate.

The aforementioned January date will allow all the foregoing and other possible candidates to make an estimate of where each of them stands in the financial sweepstakes. A lot of money will be raised and spent in the mayoral election, but the supply of funding is ultimately limited, and a strong showing early is a good way to shake more dollars loose later on and to discourage one’s rivals.

For purposes of comparison, on January 15, 2015, then incumbent Mayor AC Wharton reported $201,000, and City Councilman Strickland, who would later triumph in a multi-candidate race, was right on Wharton’s heels with reported receipts of $181,000.

• The so-called “3 Gs” schools — Germantown High School, Germantown Elementary, and Germantown Middle School — saw their status transformed again a decade after they became part of the Memphis Shelby County Schools system. A complicated nine-year timeline, returning the elementary and middle schools to the Germantown system and allowing MSCS the right to sell the high school as part of a plan to build a new high school in Cordova, was approved by the four entities involved — Germantown Schools, MSCS, the city of Germantown, and the Shelby County Commission, with the only real dissension occurring on the latter body, which voted 8-5 to approve the arrangement.

“Shame on us,” declared County Commissioner Britney Thornton, a nay-voter.

The real mover in the deal was the Tennessee General Assembly, whose Republican supermajority, in obvious solidarity with Germantown, had passed a law requiring the re-transfer by year’s end.

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Closing Out an Era

The year just passed saw some decisive developments in the politics of Memphis and Shelby County — the continuing effects of which will be reflected in the course of this year’s city elections. As of this writing, despite many advance rumors to the contrary, there has, as yet, been no sign of a viable white presence in the Memphis mayor’s race — much less of a candidate identifiably Republican.

The outgoing incumbent mayor, the term-limited Jim Strickland, is certainly white but is technically a Democrat, having once chaired the Shelby County Democratic Party, though in his two successful mayoral races of 2015 and 2019, Strickland had virtually unanimous support from the local Republican constituency — as well, to be sure, a healthy share of the city’s African-American vote.

The demographics of the local voting population are such that “Republican” normally equates as white and “Democratic” as Black, though there are certainly limits to this fact of fungibility. In the county election of 2022, for example, the most dramatic and widely followed race was that for district attorney general, won by University of Memphis law professor and former County Commissioner Steve Mulroy, a certifiable white Democrat.

Mulroy’s support base had its bipartisan as well as biracial aspects, and the contest between him and the candidate he dethroned, Republican Amy Weirich, teemed with issues that in theory crossed the frontiers of race and party, but his winning vote totals were remarkably similar to those of County Mayor Lee Harris and the victorious candidate for Juvenile Court Judge, Tarik Sugarmon, two African Americans who defeated prominent whites.

Sugarmon’s victory in the judicial race over incumbent Dan Michael involved no formal party label, but Harris’ mayoral challenger, the well-heeled Worth Morgan, was the official Republican nominee. Mulroy, Sugarmon, and Harris ran more or less as a ticket, and a Venn diagram would show the support for all three to lie substantially within the intersecting bulges of Black votes and Democratic ones.

This year’s Memphis city election is nonpartisan, of course, but the aforementioned absence early on of a white candidate — especially the much-anticipated “white Republican” — owes as much to a decline in the GOP voter base as to any purely demographic factor. Even more revealing than the 2022 outcomes mentioned above is the fact that the Shelby County Republican Party opted not even to offer a candidate for sheriff, instead officially endorsing the popular Democratic incumbent Floyd Bonner.

Bonner, now a candidate for Memphis mayor, may once again have a decent shot at Memphis Republicans’ votes, there being no Caucasian conservative à la Strickland for like-minded white GOP residents of the city to fall back on.

The year 2022 saw the end of a 30-year cycle, which began with an off-year vote in 1992 for two county positions. That was the year after the landmark victory of Willie Herenton, an African American, in the Memphis mayor’s race, and the Shelby County Republican Party, no doubt seeing an opportunity to consolidate what was still a white majority in the county at large, petitioned to conduct the first party primary in the county’s history. Their candidates won, and when the county’s Democrats eventually followed suit, the era of partisan local elections was begun.

Last year’s election transformed the landscape, and, despite remaining challenges and obstacles, the way seemed clear for whatever reforms the victors — especially the triad of Harris, Mulroy, and Sugarmon — might have in mind. Partisanship of a sort will persist, but not in the same way as before. That era is closed.