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Politics Politics Beat Blog

General Assembly to Tackle Megasite, Codify Covid Matters

The special session of the Tennessee General Assembly opened Monday, October 18th, to undertake to formulate and expedite the requirements for the eventual establishment of the Ford Motor Company enterprise, aka Blue Oval City, at the Memphis Regional Megasite.

Several bills have been introduced in this regard:

— HB8001, (William Lamberth, R-Portland) and SB8001 (Jack Johnson, R-Franklin): This bill amends the prior definition of the Megasite.

— HB8002, (Lamberth) and SB8002 (Johnson): The bill will secure funding for the site’s first-year startup.

— HB8003, (Rusty Grills, R-Newbern): The bill attempts to guarantee that workers at the site be protected from work penalties relating to their vaccination history, or lack of it.

The Senate is keeping its regular committees in place for the special session, but House Speaker Cameron Sexton (R-Crossville) is appointing special panels to hear the Ford incentive bills and other legislation. Here are the special House committees: Commerce Chair: Nathan Vaughan (R-Memphis); Health and Safety Chair: Brian Terry (R-Murfreesboro); Finance, Ways, and Means Chair: Patsy Hazelwood (R-Signal Mountain); Calendar and Rules Chair: Jason Zachary (R-Knoxville). 

Sexton also announced that legislation will be taken up that will, among other things, “establish uniform standards regarding facial coverings, vaccinations, and other restrictions relative to COVID-19; to address the enforcement and use of state funds by public and private entities for restrictions relative to COVID-19; to address adverse actions against an employee based on an employee’s vaccination status; to address the federal government’s commandeering of public and private resources relative to COVID-19; and to address the federal government’s penalizing, or taxation of, citizens of this state through enforcement of restrictions relative to COVID-19 …”

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News Blog News Feature

Megasite Board Secrecy Allowances Criticized

As lawmakers descend on Nashville for an $883 million incentive package for Ford Motor Co., a government transparency group is concerned about the secrecy that could be allowed the board that will oversee the project. 

State of Tennessee

Tennessee Governor Bill Lee called a special session of the Tennessee General Assembly last week to review and approve a state-funded incentive package for Ford that includes:

• $500 million in grants   

• $138.2 million for construction and demolition

• $40 million to build a Tennessee College of Applied Technology (TCAT) school on the site

• $200 million to build roads for the project

• $5 million in consulting fees

Another bill before lawmakers Monday afternoon would establish the Megasite Authority of West Tennessee (MAWT). That group will serve as a sort of city council for the megasite project with wide-ranging powers to buy real estate and personal property, build roads, grant mortgages, administer the properties, give grants, offer water and wastewater services, condemn land, and more. 

This group will be governed by a volunteer group of board of directors, only being compensated for travel expenses incurred in carrying out board duties. 

Members of the group include: 

• Two appointed by the governor

• One appointed by the Speaker of the House

• One appointed by the Speaker of the Senate

• The Commissioner of the Department of Economic Development (or a designee)

• The Commissioner of the Department of General Services (or a designee)

• The Commissioner of the Department of Finance and Administration

State of Tennessee

The group has broad powers and broad access to government secrecy, according to the Tennessee Coalition for Open Government (TCOG). The bill establishing the group adopts the “principle of open records” as its official policy. Then, the bill immediately outlines a laundry list of exceptions to the principle of open records. 

For example, a contract signed by the authority “that obligates public funds” is “not a public record” until the contract has been signed. Records containing “proprietary information” will be kept secret from the public for five years. 

Anything containing “trade secrets” will be sealed. Capital plans and marketing information will also be kept secret by the group, as the law is now written. 

These exemptions are anathema to those who support open government…

TCOG executive director Deborah Fisher

“These exemptions are anathema to those who support open government and public oversight that open government brings to government actions,” wrote TCOG executive director Deborah Fisher in a Monday-afternoon blog post. ”This oversight is especially important when large amounts of taxpayer money are involved.

“While bringing Ford Motor Co. to Tennessee may be a game-changer for economic stimulus in the western part of our state, we don’t need it to be a game-changer for transparency in government. We don’t need a whole new branch of government that can operate without public scrutiny.” 

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Politics Politics Feature

Gov. Bill Lee’s Shaggy Dog Story

At the beginning of 2019, as a newly elected governor, Nashville Republican Bill Lee, an industrialist of sorts, prepared to inaugurate his first four-year term, it became my task — both self-assumed and officially assigned — to write as authoritative a take as I could possibly make on what this ascendant Tennessee executive-in-chief had in mind to do.

As the Flyer’s chief politics writer, my job at the onset of a new state administration would be to chronicle the opening of a new session of state government, focusing significantly on the early actions and intentions of the General Assembly. The problem was that the issue allocated (or, as we say, budgeted) for just after New Year would be on the streets before the first gavel was destined to fall on the opening of the 2019 General Assembly.

The solution was to shift gears and write instead about the mind of the Governor-elect, and, if we could get to him beforehand, to dilate upon his plans and his intentions as against the actions of the General Assembly. The calendar permitted me to take in his formal inauguration (and with it access to the rhetoric of his acceptance address and the theater of the state ceremony).

To accomplish my end, however, I needed to flesh things out with the kind of detailed explanations from him on his plans that would be unlikely to turn up in a formal acceptance address. Accordingly, I made overtures through what was then but a thin group of gubernatorial retainers and got his assent to take part in a remotely conducted interview on the eve of his installment. The result was done partly via phone calls and partly through his answers to a questionnaire I sent to him. I had covered his election campaign fairly extensively as well and had that to go on, along with one of those superficial and polite relationships writers have (ideally) with their sources.

The piece, a Flyer cover story, begun on Memphis turf and completed in Nashville during inauguration week, turned out more or less successfully.

Dated January 31, 2019, it was entitled “Fresh Start in Nashville” and focused mainly on Lee’s expressed support for criminal justice reform, one of the few planks in his inaugural platform that could be called remotely “progressive.” (His views on that issue were actually praised by Tennessee ACLU head Hedy Weinberg!)

Most of his positions on other issues — education, public safety, government spending, what have you — were antiseptic Republican generalities. All in all, the profile probably suggested the same thing that Lee’s campaign had: Here was a man who had a pleasant exterior and was something of an enigma, enough of one to allow such benefit of the doubt as one might have toward a political figure.

Curiously, in the collection of bromides and generalities that constituted his answers to my questionnaire, there was one glaring omission. I had asked what he might do regarding the dormant industrial megasite that for more than a decade had been out there in Haywood County, a stone’s throw from both the needy cities of Memphis and Jackson, a bane to his several gubernatorial predecessors’ efforts to find a big-time industrial proprietor to make it more than a jumbo-sized vacant lot.

Lee shied away from answering that part of the questionnaire, saying he’d have to think about it. And think about it he presumably did for the next couple of years, even as the more straightforward positions he claimed for other issues dissolved into his version of a bully pulpit, one in which the adjective “bully” predominated. Attacks upon “socialism”; idealization of guns and school vouchers; restrictions on LGBTQ+ people, immigrants, and other non-insiders; clampdowns on efforts to minimize the spread of Covid-19 — all this was his legacy.

Until, lo and behold, it is Lee, after the failures of all his immediate gubernatorial predecessors, who has actually succeeded in getting somebody big-time — the Ford Motor Company, for crying out loud — to commit to a $5.6 billion factory at the megasite, to make electric-powered vehicles (read: environmentally friendly ones) and to open up economic prospects for the beleaguered backwaters of West Tennessee.

A nice pre-election move, that, and maybe enough to justify a new look at Lee’s developing legacy.

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Letter From The Editor Opinion

Electric Dream Machine

My dad used to sing backup for Robert Johnson. No, not that Robert Johnson. I don’t mean the famed blues guitarist who allegedly sold his soul to the devil for unmatchable guitar chops. The Robert Johnson I mean was a local cat. He collected guitars and had a real love of ’50s-style rock-and-roll. He auditioned for the Rolling Stones, played lead guitar for John Entwistle, and ran with some of the guys who formed Black Oak Arkansas, but if listeners know his music, they probably know him as the skinny guy wielding a Les Paul and smiling from under Coke-bottle glasses on the cover of his solo album Close Personal Friend.

Anyway, my dad carried gear and sang backup for Johnson. He’s told me stories about playing The Fillmore, and true to fashion for my pops, he was more interested in talking about nailing the drummer’s kit to the stage — “I mean, he whacked those drums real hard” — than about basking in memories of his glory days.

All this to say, my dad didn’t really plan on a career. I know that seems naive to the point of being unbelievable in this day and age, but it’s the truth. He’s told me that he thought he’d get a decent factory job and that would be enough to live a modest but comfortable life. I think he just wanted to sing in bands, read his Bible, and play with his kids. Clock out, go home, and leave work at work. Of course, that was around the time most U.S. factories were moving overseas, chasing low wages and more relaxed environmental regulations. Poor timing, but who can predict the future? I’m sure there were plenty of people who invested in commercial real estate in 2019. People will always need office space, right? Right?

This all brings me to the news that Ford Motor Company, along with SK Innovation, has announced plans to build an electric vehicle and battery manufacturing plant at the Memphis Regional Megasite. It’s exactly the kind of factory job my dad wished he could have had. Construction won’t begin until January and the plant isn’t projected to open until 2024, so I don’t want to count my chickens before they hatch, but this sounds like good news to me. Kudos to the folks at the Greater Memphis Chamber and everyone else here who has paved the way for this investment. The project is expected to bring 6,000 new jobs and $5.4 billion to West Tennessee.

There will be hurdles, of course, and I’m sure I’ll be critical of some components of the plan in the future. (I’m not crazy about the proposed $500 million in state incentives, but even a humanities guy like me can do the math between million and billion.) For now I can’t help but think of 6,000 people with access to jobs, hopefully with good benefits. And getting in on electric vehicles is thematically appropriate for West Tennessee. Why shouldn’t we lead the nation in this arena? After all, we’re the home of refusing to build oil pipelines through residential areas or highways through parks.

And no, I’m not so hopeful as to think that electric cars alone will avert a climate crisis. Nor do I believe that one solution can fix any of the problems that we face. Climate change, poverty, public health, the resurgence of white supremacy — these issues demand a multifaceted approach. My hope is that more electric cars means fewer carbon emissions, greater investment in green technology. Also, it’s a hell of a lot easier to do the work to advocate for change if you’ve got a full stomach and rent is paid. I hope 6,000 more people will have more food security, more time to spend on things they enjoy.

When we talk about numbers like this, it’s so easy to forget that we’re talking about people. But if 6,000 more Tennesseans, some of them Memphians, have work that affords them a decent wage, some dignity, and time to spend on themselves, I count that as a good thing.

It’s probably a better gig than backup singer/drum kit positioner, anyway.

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News News Blog

“Pork Report” Judges Bluff City Law, Megasite, and More

Beacon Center

Corporate welfare, Bluff City Law, and lax government spending topped the Beacon Center’s 2020 Pork Report for Memphis and Shelby County this year.

The center is a non-partisan, free-market think tank in Nashville. Its new Pork Report marks the 15th year the agency has taken aim at wasteful government spending in Tennessee. This year, the report featured 12 examples of “pork” from this year and three of the group’s “favorite” examples of government waste from the last 15 years.

“Beacon has long fought corporate welfare, where governments lavish some big businesses with massive handouts that other small businesses aren’t fortunate enough to receive, all at the expense of taxpayers,” reads the report. “And we’ll continue that quest until the government stops picking winners and losers.”

FastTrack

AutoZone HQ in Memphis

The report reviewed the state’s FastTrack program. It’s similar to the Memphis and Shelby County Economic Development Growth Engine (EDGE) program as it also gives grants and tax breaks to companies to locate, expand, or stay in Tennessee.

The Beacon report said, “Tennessee taxpayers are asked to give up millions of dollars to private companies through the state’s main corporate welfare program: FastTrack.”

In the last year, the program has given $39.6 million to big companies like Pringles and Accenture. Last year, AutoZone got $2.3 million in a grant from the program for an expansion and new location project here worth $191.3 million and 130 new jobs.

”The overwhelming evidence shows that these types of programs make little difference in company relocation and expansion decisions,” reads the report. “Estimates indicate these handouts sway companies as little as 2 percent of the time. Do we really think when Pringles is investing over $200 million to expand its factory that giving it $400,000 is really necessary?”

Bluff City Law
Jake Giles Netter/NBC

Going straight — Caitlin McGee (left) and Jimmy Smits play father-daughter attorney duo at the Strait Law Firm.

Beacon said Shelby County taxpayers are still on the hook in 2020 for a courtroom drama that was canceled in 2019.  Beacon Center

EDGE delivered Bluff City Law $1.4 million in tax breaks back in August 2019. That was part of a larger incentive package worth $4.2 million.

After the show was canceled, Shelby County Assessor Melvin Burgess took aim at the incentive here, according to The Commercial Appeal.

“My team and I strongly believe that there is absolutely no public benefit that would justify Comcast and NBC receiving $1 million per year of taxpayers’ money that I can recognize,” Burgess said at the time. “Accordingly, I believe that Shelby County government should challenge the approval of the PILOT and the loss of tax revenue.”

They didn’t.

“Because of the incompetence of the Memphis EDGE board, Memphis taxpayers are left holding the bag while politicians try to explain away the bad decision and talk about all the ‘unseen benefits’ that the short-lived show created for the city,” Beacon said in the report. “Film incentives are always problematic and should be eliminated entirely.”

However, Charles Vance, director of marketing and communications for EDGE, said the future years of the PILOT ended when the show cancelled. The show did positive things for the city’s image and economy, he said.

“As the show was canceled, future years of the PILOT are now canceled, and Comcast will only see benefits from the first year,” Vance said in a statement. “That provision was always built into the PILOT agreement.

“The PILOT benefit started on December 31st, 2019 and expires December 31st, 2020. The show’s promotional value was significant. On top of the great [public relations] exposure for our city, the show created jobs, and spent more than $31 million here.”  

Shelby County hiring freeze

After a warning about the county’s dire financial situation by Mayor Lee Harris, the Shelby County Commissioner agreed to a freeze on hiring and promotions earlier this year. The freeze lasted about a month.

“This is the problem with government finances,” reads the report. “When times are tough, families have to dig deep and make tough decisions.  Beacon Center

“But for governments, tough times are merely an inconvenience. Governments at all levels are able to kick the can down the road (like the federal government) or ask struggling taxpayers to bail them out (like Nashville). Our leaders need to remember that they are charged to be stewards of taxpayer money, not treat it like monopoly money.”

For this, Beacon suggested that Shelby County government should cut unessential services and enact a spending cap tied to economic growth to curb excessive government growth.

Memphis Regional Megasite

TNECD

A view of the megasite looking north from I-40.

The Memphis Regional Megasite won a spot in Beacon’s top three worst “porks” of the last 15 years.

No company is showing interest in the 4,100-acre piece of land east of Memphis that Beacon calls “the field of empty promises.” This is after more than a decade and $200 million in state investment.

”Yet, after numerous major companies have begged off, all they can do now is watch the grass grow,” reads the report. “It’s high time to flush this boondoggle down the drain once and for all.”

See the full report here:

[pdf-1]

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News News Blog

VIDEO: Pipe Dream Road Trip

VIDEO: Pipe Dream Road Trip

Memphis Flyer reporter Toby Sells and photographer Justin Fox Burks road-tripped to Ed Duvall Landing last week, working on this week’s cover story: Pipe Dream.

The landing is close to where state officials hope to run a wastewater line across Tipton County and into the Mississippi River with the potential to pour 3.5 million gallons of waste every day. State officials say they need that line to lure a potential tenant to the Memphis Regional Megasite in Haywood County. 

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Cover Feature News

Pipe Dream: Megasite Sewer Line into the Mississippi River Causes Strife

Only human waste and sludge stand between the Memphis Regional Megasite (MRM) in Haywood County and a possible economic development grand slam nearly two decades in the making.

Really. That’s it. At least, that’s the story according to Bob Rolfe, Tennessee’s Commissioner of Economic and Community Development (ECD). “The greatest challenge to the Memphis Regional Megasite is the lack of a wastewater discharge plan,” Rolfe told a committee of state lawmakers last year. “That is the pacing item. That is what all the site consultants tell us.”

But Rolfe has a two-pronged plan to fix that problem.

The first part: He has to get a permit. If the Tennessee Department of Environment and Conservation (TDEC) gives it to him, Rolfe will be able to build a 35-mile pipeline that will carry human waste and industrial waste from the site in Haywood County to the Mississippi River.

Bob Rolfe

The second part: He has to acquire land. Rolfe calls them “easements across land,” meaning, he needs to run that pipeline across property belonging to private land owners. Many along the path have already accepted money from the state to allow it to dig up their land and run an 18-inch pipeline three feet below the surface.

But some land-owners say they won’t take the money; they don’t want a sewage line running through their property. To deal with those folks, Rolfe has teamed up with Tennessee Attorney General Herbert Slatery to take their land by eminent domain. And Rolfe assured those lawmakers that Slatery has “developed a very good game plan.” Get the permit. Get the land. Bada-boom. Bada-bing. A brighter economic future for West Tennessee. 

“This project would be a game-changer for West Tennessee, every county in West Tennessee,” state Senator Ed Jackson (R-Jackson) told the committee last year. “It’s so important that we get this thing, and get it right.”

We still don’t have the thing Jackson was talking about. Not yet. The long, windy road to the MRM’s success now leads to the end of that pipeline, puking waste and sludge into the Mississippi at a rate of up to 3.5 million gallons per day. If that sounds gross, remember: Folks pushing this project hope it happens really soon — the sooner the better.

The goal of the ongoing megasite saga — employing Tennesseans and bringing economic benefits to the area — still lies at least three years away, ECD officials said recently. The series is a slow burn. But important episodes in that series are happening right now.

Since the beginning of the process, much of the cast has changed — including three governors, four ECD Commissioners, and hosts of state lawmakers — but much of the rebellion remains. Environmentalists, Haywood County residents and land owners, and free-market advocates have pressed back against the whole project, the sewage line, and the eminent domain process, some of them for more than a decade, and they’re still on the show.           

But the primary tension remains: Should we continue to pour taxpayer money ($143 million appropriated, $87 million spent, and $80 million more needed) into a project that offers no guarantee of financial return? And secondarily: What are the environmental impacts of the megasite to West Tennessee if the megasite dream is realized?  

Since you wouldn’t start watching Game of Thrones on season three, let’s go back to Memphis Regional Megasite season one to catch you up. 

Previously on Megasite

Then-Governor Phil Bredesen birthed the megasite in 2006, when it was pitched as a center for solar panel production. In 2009, state officials purchased the six square-mile plot for $40 million. At the time, similar megasite deals had brought Volkswagen to Chattanooga (East Tennessee) and Hemlock Semiconductor (Middle Tennessee) to Clarksville in billion-dollar deals. State officials had not brought anything even remotely as big to West Tennessee. 

In 2009, Bredesen said he wanted to take federal stimulus funding and build a $30 million solar farm on the megasite plot, again in hopes of making Tennessee a hot-bed of the solar industry. Haywood County Mayor Franklin Smith told WMC Channel 5 at the time that, with the solar farm, “the governor is making a statement that he’s serious about helping West Tennessee by developing our megasite.” 

The solar farm opened in 2012. It now produces enough energy to power 500 homes for a year. 

Governor Bill Haslam was elected in 2011. By 2014, he asked for and was awarded $27 million to reroute State Highway 222 from the site and connect it to the interstate. Haslam said the site would need a total of $150 million in taxpayer investment before it could attract a major automaker to the site.  

At the time, the Haslam adminstration was also fighting with environmentalists on a plan to dump megasite wastewater into the Hatchie River, considered one of the state’s most pristine waterways. Haslam lost that fight. 

In 2015, the Haslam administration launched a new marketing campaign for the megasite. Later that year, Haslam’s ECD Commissioner Randy Boyd fretted to Nashville Public Radio’s Chas Sisk that the site’s massive size may be standing in its own way. 

“Nissan, Volkswagen, Hankook, and Boeing could all fit on half that space,” Boyd told WPLN. “There was a time when people thought we could put one factory in 4,100 acres. But as it turns out today, there’s nobody that needs 4,100 acres.”

Boyd’s idea was to possibly split up the site, making it more attractive for smaller manufacturers and reducing the need to pump out so much wastewater. 

By 2016, environmentalists had beaten a plan to dump the site’s wastewater into the Forked Deer River. Haslam said his team was slowly building the infrastructure needed to lure an investor to the site. His team was also exploring ways to dump that wastewater into the Mississippi River. That year, Haslam and Boyd headed to Asia on a 10-day trip to meet with manufacturers about the megasite but came home empty-handed. 

Megasite dreams were dealt another blow in 2017, when Toyota and Mazda picked a megasite in Huntsville, Alabama, for a $1.6 billion plant. That facility employs 4,000 and makes an estimated 300,000 cars each year. 

Rolfe, then the state’s new ECD commissioner, said the MRM was passed over because it was not “shovel ready.” But that wasn’t the first prospect to pass on Haywood County. 

“Last year [2017], we had a candidate for large, international project of about 1,100 jobs and  $800 million in investment,” Rolfe told lawmakers in 2018. “The major reason they decided to build in an adjacent state was that their megasite was further along with infrastructure — closer to shovel ready — with a lower cost of development.”

Rolfe said another prospect in 2016 would have brought 1,000 jobs and $450 million in investment. They built in an adjacent state because of that state’s tax structure, Rolfe said. Later in 2017, Rolfe said he would ask state lawmakers for an additional $72 million to make the site “shovel ready.” He kept his promise but later upped the total to $80 million. 

That year, 2018, was a gubernatorial election year, and the megasite was a hot topic. Then-candidate Boyd said the site was already shovel ready and proposed doubling down on it. Almost every candidate — Boyd, Craig Fitzhugh, Karl Dean, Beth Harwell, and Bill Lee — told The Jackson Sun the megasite was a good project and they’d push to make it happen. Only Diane Black proposed something different. She said she wanted the 4,100 acres to be part of an agricultural hub, one that would work with the University of Tennessee in a new Agricultural Research Center.

As he left office earlier this year, Haslam told The Daily Memphian that not landing a tenant for the megasite was one of the biggest disappointments in his eight-year term. But he also kept high hopes for the megasite’s future. In that story, Haslam said the site is a big one, designed for the “big catch.”

New Governor Bill Lee told The Daily Memphian in January that he was committed to finishing the project. Later that month, Rolfe told The Daily Memphian that the project wasn’t finished but that the Lee adminstration would not seek any new money for the megasite unless they landed a tenant. 

To date, $143 million has been given to the megasite project. As of October 2018, $87 million had been spent on it. While some lawmakers seemed surprised at the figure, Rolfe said $220 million has been the “consistent” number always needed to “have this campus shovel ready.”

At that joint committee of lawmakers last year, then-state-Senator (now U.S. Congressman) Mark Greene asked about ROI — return on investment. How many jobs, he asked Rolfe, would it take for the state to break even if lawmakers gave the project another $80 million? He didn’t get a direct answer from Rolfe at the time but did his own math, instead. 

“If I look at an average income [of workers at the site] as $60,000 and workers spend money on things we get sales tax from,” Greene began, “it comes out to be that 5,000 jobs are necessary to get us a 20-year payout.”

By Greene’s math, the hit from the megasite wouldn’t need to just be a home run. It’d need to be an economic grand slam in the state, surpassing Volkswagen and weathering 20 years of economic booms and busts before Tennessee taxpayers ever made back their first nickel.

Competition?

Many of those interviewed for this story worried that focus on the megasite for all of these years has left neglected existing-yet-abandoned manufacturing sites such as the International Harvester plant or the Firestone plant in Memphis.   

“One adminstration after another is saying, ‘This is what we’re going to do for West Tennessee,'” said Nick Crafton, who owns land in Haywood County close to the megasite. “But it’s sucking all the oxygen out of every other project across the region. 

“Now, they’re talking about busting up [the megasite] and that’ll be in direct competition with the local industrial parks that these companies might otherwise be looking at.”

However, the Greater Memphis Chamber said it is “100 percent supportive” of the continued development of the megasite. Shelby County has a “serious lack of ‘development ready’ sites to begin with. Further, given the megasite’s size, it is not competition with other sites here. It’s in competition with other ‘sites of its ilk across the Southeast.'”

All of this is according to Eric Miller, the Chamber senior vice president of economic development, and a Haslam-appointed member of the Memphis Regional Megasite Authority Board. 

“Our efforts as a region and state should be to make that site the premier available site in its category to help our region compete for much-needed tax dollars from new investment and jobs,” Miller said.  

Plans for the proposed Memphis Regional Megasite pipeline

Down by the Water

The Mississippi River sloshes gently against a concrete boat ramp. The ramp angles into the muddy water from a wide, flat spot called Duvall Landing in Tipton County, about 45 minutes north of Memphis. A mud-splattered truck with a boat trailer sits in the chilly breeze, the only tenant of a parking lot big enough to swallow an airplane hangar. The lot is covered by a half-inch of mud, and a look at the detritus on the bank makes it clear that the river crested and receded here not long ago. 

A kayak-and-canoe blog called RiverGator (www.rivergator.org) says the parking lot is a “notorious hell-raising party place amongst locals.” The description matched the evidence of discarded Bud Lite bottles, spent shotgun shells, and lighters that littered the ground, and an enormous bonfire circle.

Just north of that scene, state officials hope to snake a wastewater pipeline the width of a large pizza (18 inches) out into the main channel of the Mississippi. If the stars align, and they win that large manufacturer to the megasite 35 miles away, that pipe could send up to 3.5 million gallons a day of human feces and industrial waste into the river.

Party at Duvall Landing with the pipe going full blast, and you could clock about 145,800 gallons of shit and sludge sliding right by your bonfire every hour.

“People out here have to actually get in the water to launch their boats,” said Jo Cris Blair, administrator of the Say No to the Richardson Landing Poopline group. “Will they get sick? We have no way of knowing. Will the fish start glowing in the dark? We have no way of knowing.”

But Blair said the wastewater will destroy farmland, settling into soils after floods. It’ll also impact the local wildlife — fish, birds, and deer — and “it will really hurt the fishing and boating community.”

The Pipe and the River

Blair said the Environmental Protection Agency and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers are turning a “blind eye to the situation.” As for politicos, only Millington Chamber of Commerce executive director Terry Roland and state Representative Debra Moody (R-Covington) have shown any concern for it.

Another spot — about a mile north of Duvall Landing — was the original site for the pipeline’s outfall. But it was moved due to the concerns of locals who felt the waste would harm the environment. 

Blair said she thinks the new Tipton County spot was picked because Memphis can’t take any more waste and Shelby Forest is protected.

Rolfe told lawmakers that TDEC helped his office pinpoint the new location and suggested they run it into the “deep channel” of the river. Standing at Duvall Landing, the Arkansas side of the river seems a mile away. Each second you stand there, more than 8.5 million gallons of muddy water slides by. If the pipeline was running at full capacity — up to that 3.5 million gallons per day — it would add an average of 40 gallons of sewage from the megasite each second. 

Feed the phrase “dilution is the pollution solution” into Google, and you’ll find environmental groups telling you that it is not. There’s a loophole in the federal Clean Water Act that allows for dumping waste into certain bodies of water if they can provide specific “mixing channels.” Deep water with lots of volume can dilute the pollution and limit its effects; that’s the idea. 

Does it work? It’s hard to say with the Mississippi. It’s so wild and so big that it’s been tough to make and maintain a water-quality tracking system. 

In a previous story on this topic, Renee Hoyos, the executive director of the Tennessee Clean Water Network (TCWN), said that the river drains one third of the United States and has “been used as the nation’s toilet.” It was her sense that “by the time [the river water] gets to Memphis, it is in pretty bad shape.”

In 2017, she told the Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) Office of Water that the TCWN and nine other agencies like it had formed the Mississippi River Collaborative to track and fight pollution in the river. 

“Right now, states in the Mississippi River basin pollute the river with so much nitrogen and phosphorus, that beaches are regularly closed, dogs are dying, and drinking water is under constant threat. We want a numeric standard for [nutrient pollution] nationwide. EPA has battled this problem for decades to no avail.”

The beaches Hoyos mentioned are likely those along the “dead zone” in the Gulf of Mexico. Pollution in Mississippi River water plumes out when it hits the gulf. The pollution helps algae grow. That algae sucks the oxygen out of the water and kills everything living there. In 2017, the dead zone was the size of New Jersey. It’s forecast to be larger this year, thanks to heavy rains. 

What’s in a River?

The Mississippi River water at Memphis is already polluted. It contains chlordane, a now-banned pesticide, that — taken in high doses — “can cause convulsions and death,” according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. It also contains polychlorinated biphenyls (or PCBs), a now-banned substance used to make capacitors, adhesives, floor finish, and more. Doses of PCBs can cause cancer and much more, according to the EPA.

As for human waste, the megasite actually has to have it. Crafton, a chemical engineer, explains that human waste naturally treats industrial waste. But Crafton says the only human waste so far is coming from the city of Stanton. It’s only 452 people, he says, not enough to treat the volume of waste from the proposed megasite. But the concern doesn’t just lie at the end of the pipeline. From end to end, the pipeline will cross rivers and streams 54 times, according to TDEC, and they could all be affected by pollution, should the pipe burst or leak. 

It’s still unknown exactly what kind of pollution the megasite pipeline would add to the Mississippi River. That’s because no one knows what kind of company will eventually be on the site or what kind of manufacturing will take place there. Blair said ECD’s application does include heavy metals and “an unknown amount of hexavalent chromium.” If that sounds weirdly familiar, the same compound was the center of the Erin Brockovich case. 

“We know what this particular contaminate can do to people,” Blair says. “And for them to literally say ‘an untold amount’ is beyond terrifying.”

Residents along the proposed pipeline are fighting back. Motions are ongoing in a lawsuit led by attorney Jeff Ward against TDEC. Ward is working pro bono, but the group has a GoFundMe page to help pay for other legal expenses. 

The Next Step

The next episode in the megasite saga is a public hearing set for Thursday, April 25th, at Dyersburg Community College. TDEC’s early opinion of the pipeline is that it will “result in no more than de minimis [meaning trivial, or minor] degradation to water quality.” But the division will take public comments into account and the final decision will come down to “the lost value of the resource compared to the value of any proposed mitigation.”

Should TDEC grant Rolfe and his team the pipeline permit, he’s told lawmakers he’ll begin the process of taking lands (easements) from those who don’t want to sell. The process is expected to wrap up in six to nine months. If they get all those, pipeline construction can begin and is expected to take 18 to 24 months to complete.

“In the meantime, if [ECD] successfully recruits a company to the megasite, construction of the tenant’s facility on site can occur parallel to the wastewater pipeline buildout,” reads a statement from Rolfe’s office. “Under such a scenario, we could have a tenant open and operating on the Megasite within three years.”