Categories
Opinion

On Civil War Monuments and Tennis Players

RICHMOND — Behold the monument of the great Civil War general on horseback! And behold the monument of the great tennis player, apparently preparing to thrash some children with a racquet.

Lee monument

By coincidence, I found myself in Richmond, Virginia, the Capital of the Confederacy, last weekend as the controversy over the Nathan Bedford Forrest monument in Memphis simmers. So I took a morning to visit Monument Avenue, with its majestic monuments of Robert E. Lee, Jefferson Davis, J.E.B. Stuart, Stonewall Jackson, and Arthur Ashe.

In case you don’t know, Ashe was an African-American tennis star, a Favorite Son of Richmond, and a late add-on to Monument Avenue. The other four guys were Confederate generals or, in the case of Davis, presidents.

Jarring, at least to this visitor. Very jarring, and also very understandable.

Ashe monument

I am a tennis fan, tennis player, and saw Ashe play in person a few times when he was in college and as a professional and many other times on television. He was unusually stylish, dignified, reflective, and good. He beat bratty Jimmy Connors when Connors was at the top of his game and Ashe looked like he was doing transcendental meditation on every changeover. Sportswriters had a field day with that one. In 1993, Ashe, 49, died of AIDS. He believed he contracted H.I.V., the virus that causes AIDS, through a transfusion of tainted blood during his second round of heart-bypass surgery in 1983.

He learned the game on the public tennis courts of Richmond when he was not allowed into the whites-only clubs. His monument went up in 1996, not without controversy over its appropriateness on Monument Avenue. The Lee monument was unveiled in 1890. The other generals got their due early in the 1900s, when the last of the Civil War veterans were dying. A final salute to the cavaliers who, according to historians, brought their soldiers to tears. At around the same time, the monument to Forrest, who fought mainly in and around Tennessee, went up in Memphis, but Jefferson Davis, notably, didn’t get his Memphis monument until 1964.

Richmond went through some of the monument agonies Memphis is going through now. As a visitor, I found it convenient to see all the monuments on one street. I can see how placing a monument to Ashe somewhere else could have been perceived as a snub. But it also struck me as jarring, if only for a moment, in both its placement and pose, and probably as a journalist as much as a tourist. I have the same feeling about adding more statues to Forrest Park.

Categories
Opinion The Last Word

The Rant

There was a Ku Klux Klan rally in Overton Park during the mid-1960s — I can’t remember the specific date — where they did the night-time cross burning and the whole deal. It was quite the white-robed spectacle, and my teenage friends and I attended in order to heckle the rubes. The Klan no longer appeared frightening in their customary outfits, merely ridiculous. We understood that beneath each hood was just another cracker-ass redneck with a chaw between his teeth and gums and a tin of Red Man in his back pocket. A speech was delivered by Robert Shelton, the Klan Grand Wazoo, who shortly before had granted an extensive interview to Playboy magazine, which I read between the centerfold and naked girly pictures. Even as a teen, I was convinced he was a damn fool. So the clown show that is coming to Memphis in March is way past the day when this bunch intimidated anyone and an embarrassment even to an organization like the Sons of Confederate Veterans. The Klan, however, is riding in defense of General Nathan Bedford Forrest — only the general would not approve.

O Lord, please don’t force me to write about Nathan Bedford Forrest at the end of Black History Month. Let this cup passeth from me. You see, I was born in Memphis, where the very mention of the name Forrest brought either a visceral loathing or a wistful admiration, depending on the individual. There is nothing defensible about an illiterate, bad-tempered, racist slave trader who made a fortune dealing in human bondage, but the Forrest name was such a lightning rod for controversy, I decided to read a couple of books about him.

The more informative was That Devil Forrest by John Allan Wyeth. Although Wyeth was a Confederate soldier and Southern sympathizer, his biography contains eyewitness testimony from the combatants. The book tends to gloss over some of the most glaring accusations of evil toward Forrest. After all, slavery is a crime against humanity, second only to genocide, and for that there can be no recompense. The single thing that historians all agree upon, however, is that Forrest was a born soldier. General William T. Sherman, no friend of the South, said that Forrest was “the most remarkable man the civil war produced on either side.” He was the only soldier who entered the war as a private and emerged as a general, and his fearlessness in battle was legendary. In close combat, Forrest killed 30 foes, had 29 horses shot from beneath him, and was wounded four times. What the Civil War historians admire most about Forrest was his unflinching courage in battle.

Even as a schoolboy, I was also a Southerner, so I was perplexed and had to wonder, “You mean our side lost?” That’s an adjustment for a child who knows nothing of the war’s particulars but only the region in which he lives. Consequently, I was thrilled by stories of Forrest’s raid on Union-occupied Memphis, when he chased General Washburn from the Gayoso Hotel in his nightshirt. There’s still a street called Escape Alley in honor of the event, yet no one has suggested changing that name.

I look as an objective observer at the current controversy over the Memphis City Council’s decision to rename the parks memorializing the Confederacy. I can understand the wounded Southern souls descended from gray uniformed soldiers, as well as the constant irritant Forrest Park is to the citizens of a city that is more than 60 percent African-American. Bedford, as he was called, was an unrepentant white supremacist, and to have his glorified tomb in the center of the city is galling to most of them. But it is history, regardless of how ugly that history may be, and renaming monuments or parks does not change that.

The upcoming Klan rally will eulogize the group’s founder and first grand wizard, although the Klan to which Forrest belonged was created in 1867 and officially disbanded in 1869. Testifying before a congressional hearing, Forrest said the KKK was formed as “a protective political military organization,” primarily to fill a lawless void and oppose the war profiteering of Reconstruction. When its members became night-riders and terrorists against black citizens, Forrest resigned and lobbied for the organization’s dissolution.

I don’t care if they disinter Bedford and the Missus and move them back to Elmwood Cemetery where they were first buried. There’s already a Forrest State Park near Camden. Why call a city park Health Sciences Park with a dead man there? The Memphis location could be used for reflection, especially upon the end of Forrest’s life when, in 1875, he was invited to speak before a group of black Southerners advocating racial reconciliation, and the general espoused an agenda of equality and harmony between the races.. Oh, you say you didn’t know that? Most folks don’t.

Perhaps Forrest’s transformation from a conscience-less slave trader to an advocate of interracial peace is a story of redemption, like Saul of Tarsus on the road to Damascus. Both men were knocked off their horses.

There is no way to temper the sins of N.B. Forrest. He said, “War means fighting, and fighting means killing,” and he was a ruthless killer. When he saw that the Confederate cause was lost, he told his troops, “Humanity demands that no more blood be shed.”

In a farewell address, the “unlettered general” said, “Civil War, such as you have just passed through, naturally engenders feelings of animosity, hatred, and revenge. It is our duty to divest ourselves of all such feelings. Whatever your responsibilities may be to government, society, or to individuals, meet them like men. Obey the laws, preserve your honor, and the government to which we have surrendered can afford to be, and will be, magnanimous.”

Were the Memphis City Council only so generous. If it’s wrong to kick a man when he’s down, what does it say to kick him when he’s dead?

Randy Haspel writes the “Born-Again Hippies” blog, where a version of this column first appeared.

Categories
Opinion Viewpoint

Liberating Forrest Park

There’s been a recognition lately of a troubling trend with regards to the South.

For Salon.com, historian Michael Lind writes of a political shift now marginalizing the South and puts this “demographic demise” and its attendant freakout among white Southern conservatives in a historical context.

For The New York Review of Books, Atlanta-born author Garry Wills laments that “[t]he South defeats its own cause when it cannot discriminate between the good and the evil in its past, or pretends that the latter does not linger on into the present.”

Perhaps starting it all, journalist George Packer, in The New Yorker, appraises a renewed isolation of the once-“New” South, noting that “[e]very demographic and political trend that helped to re-elect Barack Obama runs counter to the region’s self-definition.” Packer ends by imploring Southerners to “[take] up the painful task of refashioning an identity that no longer inspires their countrymen.”

It’s Packer’s plea that I can’t shake in the face of the latest flap surrounding Memphis’ Confederate parks and monuments, because the state legislators in Nashville who forced the Memphis City Council’s hand last week, hastening the inevitable renaming of these parks, are heralds of this isolation. As are the Sons of Confederate Veterans who prompted them. As are the neo-Confederates and more mundane complainants who infest the quagmire of online comment threads on the subject.

The parks issue is essentially a localized proxy war in a larger conflict over the past, present, and future of Southern identity. Memphis’ Confederate parks and monuments, like most remaining emblems of the Confederacy throughout the South, are essentially political. They were not and are not about remembering the Civil War but were and are symbols of resistance to what came after, namely the long, hard slog toward the equality that the Confederacy was organized to deny. Anyone clinging to long-corrupted memories of the Confederacy in 2013 is not doing so out of a respect for history or fealty to ancestors but out of their own present resistance to changing demographics and other impingements of modernity.

The most common and most eye-rolling complaint about the prospect of renaming these parks or removing these monuments is the contention that to do so is to erase or whitewash history. In fact, that’s exactly what the parks and monuments were designed to do.

This suggestion is an affront to the very notion of historical seriousness. As if these inherently political 20th-century monuments to racist defiance are somehow akin to the sacred battlefields of Shiloh or Gettysburg. The monuments are part and parcel with the immediate attempt by the Confederacy and its descendants to rewrite the meaning of the war. And few were so flagrant in this regard as Jefferson Davis, whose three years living in Memphis late in life in no way justify the blight of his visage along Front Street today.

It’s difficult to get past something you’ve been unwilling to go through. But maybe one way to do both is to alter our conception of the war. From a contemporary Southern viewpoint, it’s well past time to finally see the Civil War for what it ultimately was — not a war of loss but of liberation. And not just for the third of the Southern population — the descendants of whom have every bit as much a claim to “Southern heritage” as anyone — who were liberated from literal bondage. But for the white South as well, which was liberated — at a terrible cost and with, it turned out, too deliberate speed — from the dehumanizing bonds of a slave society.

The monuments and parks, as presently constituted, do not reveal history — real history. They mask it. Glorifying the Confederacy is not an affront to African-American sensibility. It’s an affront to modern sensibility. And reclaiming this history and correcting the record about our past is crucial to our present and future. History belongs to us all. And any answer to the parks issue — and with Forrest Park, at least, there are no easy answers — should be rooted in a true, inclusive reckoning with history.

Those who can’t handle this will, in time, be left further behind. But we can’t let the South — the “New” South, the modern South, our South — be left behind with them. 

Chris Herrington is the music and film editor of the Flyer.

Categories
Editorial Opinion

No New Civil War, Please

Normally, we do not make special reference to correspondence received by periodicals other than our own and published in their spaces. (As will have been noted by readers of our letters page and comments posted to our online articles, we have our own three-ring circus going.) We make an exception in the case of a letter that appeared this week in The Commercial Appeal.

After reprising the apparent anguish of many suburbanites over the ongoing clash between proponents of a unitary public-school system and advocates of separate systems for the outer municipalities, the letter concluded thusly: “Please, will the Confederate legislators of our cities help us get out of this madness?” It’s not apparent whether any irony was intended.

Newcomers to our city and county may have to be reminded that it was only some 20-odd years ago that a serious movement to secede from Shelby County erupted among several of the county’s incorporated areas. “Neshoba County,” to be carved out of the body of Shelby County, was talked up as a prospective new entity. Though the particulars were somewhat different, the issue, then as now, was the imminent prospect of consolidation. Eventually, the difficulties of a legal secession process, coupled with a fading away of the perceived threat, resolved the matter.

It is no secret that proposed expenditures for the soon-to-be Unified School District of Shelby County will result in staff reductions for the schools of the former Shelby County Schools system — as, for that matter, for the schools of the former Memphis City Schools system. This circumstance, largely born of economic conditions unrelated to educational or jurisdictional matters per se, has exacerbated the discontent of the suburbanites who willingly voted tax increases for themselves as the cost of providing their own school systems.

The rub, of course, is that those systems are — at least in the short run — not to be, inasmuch as U.S. district judge Hardy Mays ruled fast-track legislation for them unconstitutional on grounds that they didn’t apply statewide. Both proponents and opponents of the municipal school districts regard it as likely that Mays may rule likewise in the case of earlier legislation making Shelby County-only MSDs possible in the long run.

Advocates of the suburban systems are now lobbying furiously in Nashville for another effort to lift the state’s existing ban on new special or municipal school districts statewide. They claim to be making headway, and, somewhat ominously from the point of view of the letter mentioned above, some of them cite as fuel for their effort the current division in Memphis over the identity and function of the erstwhile Forrest Park and the Memphis City Council’s name change for that and two other Confederate-related parks.

All we can say is we hope such is not the case. Whatever one’s feelings about that local matter, the Civil War is over, and, like Nathan Bedford Forrest himself, should remain dead and buried. Refighting it at either the local or the state level benefits no one, not even our “Confederate legislators.”

Categories
Opinion The BruceV Blog

KKK to Rally in Memphis?

WMC Channel 5 is reporting that the Ku Klux Klan is planning “the largest [Klan] rally Memphis, Tennessee, has ever seen.”

The story only cites one source, an anonymous fellow who wanted to be called “Edward,” though his Klan name/title is “Exalted Cyclops.” (And everyone knew him as Nancy?)

“Edward” claims that the rally will feature “thousands of Klansmen from the whole United States …”

Maybe this rally will happen and maybe it’s just one anonymous racist blowing pointy white smoke. I suspect it’s the latter, but time will tell.

The last time the Klan rallied in Memphis was in January, 1998, on the observance of the 30th anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King’s assassination. A few Klansmen showed up downtown and the police had to use tear-gas to disperse the anti-Klan protesters. It was, in short, a mess.

I can’t imagine the scenario would be much different this time around. And getting national media attention and putting a black eye on Memphis would nicely accomplish the KKK’s goals. I recommend reading Flyer reporter Phil Campbell’s detailed story on the 1998 incident.

Categories
News News Blog

Bill Boyd and Janis Fullilove Duke It Out Over Forrest Park Controversy

Bill Boyd

  • Bill Boyd

Janis Fullilove

  • Janis Fullilove

The Memphis City Council’s parks committee voted to revisit councilman Myron Lowery’s proposal to rename Forrest Park in honor of civil rights pioneer Ida B. Wells in two weeks, following a heated exchange between councilwoman Janis Fullilove and councilman Bill Boyd.

Boyd, chairman of the parks committee, began the meeting by extolling the “virtues” of Nathan Bedford Forrest, the namesake of the controversial city park, after first giving a disclaimer about his interest in the Civil War.

“I’m not a Civil War buff. As far as I’m concerned, the South lost. It’s like when the [University of Memphis] Tigers lose, I don’t read the paper,” Boyd said.

Boyd talked about Forrest’s history as a businessman and proclaimed that, with Forrest’s long history of winning war battles, “he must have been a great general.” Then Boyd went on to tell the council that Forrest “promoted progress for black people in this country after the war.” He claimed that Forrest did not found the Klu Klux Klan (KKK) but rather was elected its leader later on. Boyd also claimed that the KKK was “more of a social club” in its early days and didn’t start doing “bad and horrific things” until it reorganized around the time of the modern-day Civil Rights Movement.

Boyd’s statements were peppered with audible scoffs and an exclamation of “Lord, have mercy” from Fullilove. At one point, Boyd looked at the councilwoman and said, “Keep making faces like you do, Ms. Fullilove,” to which she responded, “Oh, I will.”

After Boyd’s history lesson on Forrest, he allowed Lee Millar of the Sons of Confederate Veterans to speak about the city’s removal of a granite “Forrest Park” sign that his club raised more than $10,000 to have made and installed at the park’s Union Avenue entrance. When Miller mentioned that the city had removed the marker, Fullilove clapped loudly. Miller then asked Fullilove to “hold it down.”

Miller had copies of emails from former city parks director Cindy Buchanan that he believed showed proof that the city had approved the marker. But Maura Black Sullivan, deputy CAO for the city, told council members, “I know those emails look like it was approved, but it was not approved by the administration.”

Sullivan told Miller he would have to gain approval from the Downtown Memphis Commission (DMC) under their sign ordinance, but Miller contended that the DMC only approves business signs, not signs for city parks. That issue will also be revisited in two weeks.

Boyd then adjourned the meeting, but Fullilove had apparently been trying to let Boyd know that she wanted to speak.

“Oh, you just ignored me!” Fullilove exclaimed.

“Oh, I’m sorry,” Boyd said, opening the floor to Fullilove.

“I appreciate how you shared your personal opinion on how great Forrest was to black people,” Fullilove said as she addressed Boyd. “But those are lies.”

Boyd asked Fullilove to share her opinion with him in writing. “Oh, I will,” Fullilove said.

Categories
Letters To The Editor Opinion

Letters to the Editor

General Forrest

Clearly, General Forrest’s intention was to lie for eternity in Elmwood Cemetery (“Sign of the Times,” January 10th issue). He was buried there in 1877. In 1904, during a bizarre yet predictable period of yearning for a romanticized past, he and his wife’s remains were moved to Union Avenue. Can’t we just move him, his wife, and the statue to Elmwood? A more fitting memorial on Union Avenue would be to Ida B. Wells. Maybe we could get schoolchildren to donate pennies as they did to fund the doughboy statue in Overton Park. This really needs to end.

Willy Bearden

Memphis

Not “Outside the Box”

Your call to increase the sales tax to fund pre-K education while reducing property taxes in Memphis is not “thinking outside the box” as you suggest in your “Reappraisals” editorial (January 10th issue).

Tennessee residents already pay the highest combined state and local sales taxes in the nation. Do you want to ensure Memphians have the most regressive tax structure in the world as well?

Also, no one really believes this is about funding pre-K. That’s a sop to get support from unwitting voters. No, this is about reducing the property tax rate, because presumably our most upstanding citizens are moving to the suburbs to avoid onerous city property taxes.

Trouble is, they’re not leaving because of taxes. Not really. Anyone who knows Memphis and is honest knows they’re leaving out of fear. This fear has different names: gangs, crime, blacks controlling city government, black people in general, the failed school system, depending on how well-heeled the (usually white) person is with whom you’re speaking. It’s what used to be called “white flight.” It’s been going on for decades. And people would be leaving even if we paid them, so stop with the tax relief nonsense.

You want to save Memphis? All you folks who are running away need to turn your wimpy butts around, stand shoulder to shoulder with us, and help confront the challenges. We don’t need your money, we need you. Want to get rid of blight? Help us plant urban gardens. Want to reduce crime? Help poor people find jobs with the new skills you’ve taught them. Want to get rid of gangs? Let’s build the country’s largest mentoring program. Every child in Memphis is a precious resource; the way we waste this resource is criminally callous.

How about Extreme Makeover — Neighborhood Edition? With donated materials and a volunteer army, we could remake the city’s worst neighborhood, then move on to the next worst, and so on. In a few years, we could transform our city, both physically and spiritually. With innovation and determination, common cause and a lot of sweat, we could build one of America’s most livable cities. I see a Memphis where every single person is valued and everyone has a role to play.

You see a sales tax increase. That’s one tiny little box you’re thinking outside of.

Jim Adams

Memphis

Guns

The only thing worse than Mr. Bialek’s knowledge of history (Letters, December 27th issue) is his knowledge of the Constitution. The purpose of the militia was to defend the country from enemies foreign and domestic. The militia were all citizen soldiers, not the National Guard or Coast Guard. And certainly not a standing army, which the founding fathers did not want to establish.

The main reason for citizens to own firearms is to maintain “the security of a free State.” The Second Amendment is not about hunting or self-defense. It is for this reason that “the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.” These are rights derived from God and natural law, not the government. These rights are unalienable and the government has no right to tell the citizens what guns they can or cannot own, what caliber I should shoot, type of action, or amount of bullets they can put in a magazine.

James Madison said it best: “Oppressors can tyrannize only when they achieve a standing army, an enslaved press, and a disarmed population.” Looks like the government has already gotten two and is working its way into disarming the public, if we the people allow it.

Danny Bowers

Memphis

Categories
Cover Feature News

Sign of the Times?

JB

Now you see it, now you don’t.

At some point in mid-year 2012, a solid granite slab-like marker, 13 feet wide and bearing, in bold, black capital letters, the words “FORREST PARK,” appeared on the Union Avenue side of the park near the edge of downtown Memphis.

At some point in the week before Christmas 2012, that immense slab disappeared, leaving a scar in the earth where it had been, hastily covered up with a blanket of fresh-turned grass and earth.

There are mysteries in the case of the granite-sign affair, but two facts seem clear: One is that the sign was apparently purchased and paid for by members of the N.B. Forrest Camp 215 of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, a group devoted to the memory of controversial Confederate general Nathan Bedford Forrest. Forrest rose from enlisted ranks to become one of the most celebrated military commanders of the Civil War, as well as one of that conflict’s most enduringly controversial figures.

And the other undisputed fact is that George Little, CAO of Memphis city government and the right-hand man of Mayor A C Wharton, ordered the sign uprooted and hauled off to a city storage site, where it now remains.

What remains vague about the affair is how the sign got authorized to be there in the first place. There is no record in city files of such a sign being approved as a marker, said Little, who researched the matter once it was brought to his attention by Shelby County commissioner Walter Bailey, a lawyer who, with his brother D’Army, has long been a leader in local efforts to eradicate all traces of the era in which whites dominated blacks, first by slavery and later by various forms of legal segregation.

On October 12th, Bailey, who had expressed his displeasure to Little about the bold new marker, followed up by sending the CAO a three-part file on the matter.

Part one consisted of the minutes of a July 2005 meeting of the Center City Commission (now the Downtown Memphis Commission), the body charged with making policy recommendations on downtown development. The issue was a proposal, seriously pushed at that meeting by several board members — notably Bailey, then as now a county commissioner, and Barbara Cooper, then as now a state representative — to rename Confederate Park, Jefferson Davis Park, and Forrest Park, and by so doing, purging these downtown public facilities of their connection to the lost cause of the Confederacy.

Justin Fox Burks

Part two was a collection of brief materials from the July 2012 newsletter of N.B. Forrest Camp 215. The key portion was a note from a posting member, Brent Dacus of Collierville — “All, we have a new sign for Forrest Park in Memphis. Man is it sharp … Here is the picture” — underneath which was a photograph of the sign, behind which towered the statue of Forrest on horseback.

Part three was a longish monograph by one Tim Bounds. Entitled “Remembering Nathan Bedford Forrest: White Supremacy and the Memphis Monument,” the paper reviewed the Civil War career of Forrest, who, while generally acknowledged to have been a  brilliant, brave, and innovative cavalry commander, was stigmatized in Bounds’ view by three facts: Forrest was a slave trader in Memphis before the Civil War; he was alleged, during the war, to have presided over the massacre of black Union troops at Fort Pillow in West Tennessee; and, after the war, he was a co-founder of the Ku Klux Klan.

Bounds makes the case, as his title suggests, that present-day veneration of Forrest, whether in the guise of admiration for his military exploits or in a more general sense, amounts to nothing less than a continued devotion to the concept of white supremacy.

Another sign at Forrest Park touts the N.B. Forrest 215 chapter of the Sons of Confederate Veterans.

But Forrest has his defenders, by no means limited to the members of N.B. Forrest Camp 215. One is the late historian Shelby Foote, author of the acclaimed three-volume history, The Civil War: A Narrative, and a central figure in Ken Burns’ TV documentary The Civil War. There are numerous others, and Forrest Park is by no means the only site where there is a monument to the general. Tennessee alone has upwards of 30 historical markers commemorating Forrest, including a bust in the state capitol building in Nashville. Statues and memorials exist elsewhere as well — in Georgia, Alabama, and presumably other states of the old Confederacy, where Forrest waged and won numerous battles, often against superior troop numbers.

In recent years, however, the champions of Forrest’s historical memory have been fighting a rear-guard action against attacks based on the general’s alleged virulent racism and, in particular, on the three points mentioned above — Forrest’s occupation as slave trader, the accusations of massacre at Fort Pillow, and Forrest’s founding of the Klan.

Forrest’s advocates allege that he was relatively benevolent as a slave trader, declining to separate established black families. They cite historical accounts that challenge reports of a massacre at Fort Pillow or that dispute the general’s involvement in such instances as may have taken place. And they stress that Forrest made efforts to dissociate himself from the Klan once cadres within the organization began to practice systematic violence. They also cite, as even some unchallenged historical accounts do, public moments of chivalry shown by Forrest toward African Americans after the war.

“He wasn’t the vicious character that some people make out,” says Frank Trafford, a member of N.B. Forrest Camp 215, who goes on to say, “Anyhow, that was a different time, and what we’re trying to emphasize is heritage, not hate.”

Trafford points out the fact, not well known by most Memphians, that members of N.B. Forrest Camp 215 have performed numerous maintenance services at Forrest Park over the years, taking care of the statue (which is also the gravesite of Forrest and his wife), tending the lawn, and removing debris.

In addition to the group’s recent donation of the Union Avenue granite marker, now removed, camp members had provided at least one other prominent sign on the park site. This one, a standing two-sided bronze marker, attests to the formation of N.B. Forrest Camp 215 and says that the camp “helped raise funds for the Forrest Equestrian Monument dedicated in this park in 1905, and in 2002 it funded replacement of the weathered gravestones of Forrest and his wife at the Monument.”

Touting the camp’s involvement in other preservationist activities at Confederate Park, Jefferson Davis Park, Elmwood Cemetery, and other sites, the marker, erected in 2004, notes that the camp “continues to lead and provide assistance in projects involving preservation of Confederate history and Southern heritage.”

Trafford recalls being present at that 2005 Center City Commission meeting, at which numerous city and civic officials in addition to Bailey were calling for change in the name and status of Forrest Park, including the commission’s board chairman at the time, Rickey Peete, then still serving on the city council, and Paul Morris, a board member then and now director of the Downtown Memphis Commission, successor to the Center City Commission.

Though it did not become part of the official resolution presented by Walter Bailey, proposals were floating at the time calling for exhuming the remains of Forrest and his wife and transferring them to another location.

“I thought we were done for,” says Trafford, who took heart when resistance to the resolution surfaced from, among others, then state senator Steve Cohen, now congressman from the 9th District. The minutes of the meeting record Cohen’s position, in part: “There have been things that have offended him as a minority, but he has learned to overcome those personal offenses and see things in a bigger light. … He asked for the board to reconsider this issue and not pass it forward, for it will do no good and will only do harm.”

The resolution passed and was transmitted to the city council as a recommendation and to the Chamber of Commerce, the Landmarks Commission, and the Convention & Visitors Bureau for “consultation,” but its momentum had been blunted, and ultimately nothing came of it.

There has been an uneasy quiet on the issue of Forrest Park since, and efforts ebbed to have the bodies of Forrest and his wife removed or to change the park’s name and function, especially after the park was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 2009, over opposition by Bailey, state representative G.A. Hardaway, and others.

That nomination to the National Register had been submitted by N.B. Forrest Camp 215, solidifying the camp’s role in helping tend the site. The various issues regarding the park subsided somewhat, a fact acknowledged by Bailey, who told The Commercial Appeal at the time, “I think we’re at a point where until such time as we see some concern by our city leaders, we have to continue to pause,” though he took a shot at “our city leaders” for “being so passive about it.”

But then came the bold new sign on Union Avenue, which Bailey says he regards as “a foot in the water” disturbing the uneasy equilibrium.

Cindy Buchanan, a longtime city employee, served as parks director until her retirement in 2012, and she acknowledges that she had a relationship with members of N.B. Forrest Camp 215 and that camp representatives had asked her permission to allow the new sign.

“I honestly don’t recall what I said to them about that,” Buchanan says.

City CAO George Little

Little, who says he researched the matter “for weeks” at the time of Bailey’s complaint, could find no evidence of any kind, either documentary or anecdotal, that Buchanan or anyone else in city government, including the mayor or the city council, had signed off on the request from N.B. Forrest Camp 215. And, when first contacted by the Flyer about the matter in the week before Christmas, Little said he was undecided concerning two different courses of action: to accept the fact of the sign in place and make the best of things or to remove it as an unauthorized intrusion on the park space.

Little was at pains at that time to dissociate the matter from the past controversies concerning Forrest Park: “To me, it’s a matter of process. We do have processes in city government, and there’s a way to go about making changes in city property. We can’t just allow citizens to put their own signs and monuments up without some kind of official approval.” Moreover, said Little, he had concerns about the “scale” of the sign, which seemed inappropriate. “If we were to approve a new sign, it ought at least to be appropriately sized and designed.”

So it was, he said this week, that “when we had a crew available around Christmastime, I just decided to go ahead and have the sign removed.”

At press time, efforts by the Flyer to reach a spokesperson for N.B. Forrest Camp 215 were unavailing (Trafford. having disclaimed that role for himself), but it is not hard to imagine their reaction to Little’s action, given camp members’ past involvement with the park and their strenuous efforts to maintain its status and condition — not to mention whatever expense they had gone to in purchasing and preparing the vanished sign.

Having contacted various city officials, we also drew a blank, as Little had, in finding someone to own up to having approved the location of the sign. Indeed, efforts to find the responsible party resulted in something of a daisy chain that led back, for purposes of comment, to Little himself.

At one point, city councilman Shea Flinn said he thought approval for the sign might have come from the University of Tennessee Health Science Center, the facility whose campus and buildings adjoin Forrest Park and which, since 2008, has been under contract to the city to manage the property.

“Yes,” Little acknowledges. “We do have contracts with various agencies to manage this or that city property.” But, he says, Forrest Park continued to be owned by the city, and fundamental changes to the property required approval by someone in city government.

Spokespersons for UT confirmed that the university had a contract with the city for upkeep and management of Forrest Park but said the university did not authorize the sign and, in any event, could not make such changes without authorization from city officials.

In any case, it is there no longer, and it remains to be seen whether and to what extent its removal might shake the local firmament.

UPDATE:

A possible solution to the mystery of the Forrest Park granite sign that was recently removed by city CAO George Little was received, quite literally, at our press time. Lee Millar, an officer of N.B. Forrest Camp 215, sent the Flyer a copy of a letter received by him from Cindy Buchanan, then city parks director.

Dated March 21, 2011, and addressed to Millar, not in his role as a camp officer but to “Lee Millar, Chairman, Shelby County Historical Commission,” the letter from Buchanan says, “We appreciate the commission’s offer to provide this important signage for one of the city’s historic parks.”

Buchanan’s letter further says, “The proposal to create a low monument style sign of Tennessee granite with the park name carved in the front was reviewed by park design staff and found to be appropriate in concept … similar to the monument style signage placed by the city at Overton Park.”

The letter directed Millar to meet with Mike Flowers, administrator of park planning and development to follow through on the construction and installation of the sign. Copies of Buchanan’s letter were apparently sent to both Flowers and Little.

Referring to Little’s recent action in removing the sign as “unauthorized,” Millar said that, upon getting Buchanan’s approval, N.B. Forrest Camp 215 raised funds for the marker and spent some $9,000 for it, plus the cost of installing it.

Buchanan’s 2011 authorizing letter to Millar (addressed to him as a representative of the Tennessee Historical Association).

Categories
Opinion

On Statues: Paterno, Elvis, Martin Luther King Jr.

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Among the punishments under consideration for Penn State University in light of the Jerry Sandusky scandal is removing the statue of the late football coach Joe Paterno.

The greater and more fitting punishment, it seems to me, is to leave the statue alone. Let it stand as a reminder, background for thousands of news photos and television stand-ups, and campus landmark. Yes, that’s beloved Joe, and Penn State fans will never forget him or the way his legend came undone. And every time someone looks at it they’ll think of Jerry Sandusky. There could come a time when Paterno’s fans want it removed just as much as some of his detractors do now.

There have been several calls for terminating football at Penn State. In other words, punish every player, fan, and coach who was ignorant of the scandal in addition to the university leaders who did know the score. That’s too harsh. So is the reaction of ESPN’s Rick Reilly, who regrets writing a flattering profile of Paterno for Sports Illustrated 25 years ago.

Tearing down statues inevitably recalls the dictator Saddam Hussein. That turned out to be a less-than-spontaneous demonstration of popular outrage. A dictator who killed his own people is not the same as a football coach who covered up child sexual abuse. Removing Paterno’s statue would be the media event of the year. Better to leave it alone as a reminder.

As far as Penn State being a starting point for reforming the power culture of college football, good luck with that. Americans love college football, and the crowds and contracts will just keep getting bigger. Alabama opens the season against Michigan on September 1st in Dallas. Standing room space is going for $149 on eBay. And Alabama Coach Nick Saban already has his own statue, along with Alabama’s other national championship coaches.

In Memphis and the Mid-South, we have some controversial statues, along with some that are widely admired. Elvis next to MLGW’s headquarters, E. H. Crump in Overton Park, and W. C. Handy on Beale Street fall into the latter category. Even Ramesses the Great has a statue, recently moved from The Pyramid to the University of Memphis. Oddly enough, there is no statue in Memphis of Martin Luther King, Jr., although there is in other cities including Charlotte, Albany, and Omaha.

The most controversial statue in Memphis is the Nathan Bedford Forrest monument on Union Avenue near downtown. In 2005 there was some pressure to remove the monument, relocate the gravesite and rename the park, but it faded after then-mayor Willie Herenton and others said it was not such a good idea. A statue of Jefferson Davis has a prominent place in Confederate Park on Front Street downtown. The president of the Confederacy lived in Memphis from 1875 to 1878 and ran an insurance agency. As my colleague Michael Finger (“Ask Vance”) has written, the statue was not erected until 1964, nearly a century after the end of the war.

In Jackson, Mississippi, there is a statue of former segregationist governor and Ku Klux Klan member Theodore BIlbo. It was originally in the Capitol rotunda but was moved to a committee room used by, among others, the Legislative Black Caucus.

Where statues are concerned, with the wisdom of hindsight, sometimes the best course is to not build them at all. But once they are built, the best course is usually to leave them alone. That’s what Penn State should do, for better and for worse.