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Tag: Rev. Earle Fisher

Categories
Cover Feature News

Black and Proud

  • Post author By Maya Smith
  • Post date July 8, 2020
CREDIT: Photographs by Maya Smith

Beyond police brutality and systemic racism, Black people, because of their hairstyles, music of choice, sexual orientation, and culture, often face discrimination, microaggressions, and prejudice in everyday life. Still, a tenacious pride abounds in the Black community. This is the story of five Memphians’ experiences as Black people in America. — Maya Smith

Black and Trans

Five years ago, Kayla Gore was robbed and stabbed in the shoulder with a butcher knife outside of her home in Memphis. With two bloody bath towels wrapped around her hands, which had been ripped open from attempting to grab the knife from her attacker, Gore waited for the police to show up. When they did, the first question the officers asked Gore is if the incident had been related to sex work.

Photographs by Maya Smith

Kayla Gore

“They acted as if I was a suspect instead of the victim,” she says. A week later, Gore found out that the District Attorney would not be pressing charges on the individual who attacked her.

“That was the end of that,” Gore says. “And I know that decision was solely based on me being Black and trans. If I were white and trans, or even just white, they would have prosecuted the case to the fullest extent of the law.”

Gore says this is not an isolated incident for Black trans women in America. “Even when we call the police for protection, the tables can easily turn from us being a victim to a suspect.”

That is just one example of the ways in which trans women of color are treated differently, especially in the South, Gore says. “Being a trans Black woman in the South feels like living in a desert where I don’t have access to a lot of things. It’s a resource desert, a safety desert, a housing desert. This is all because of how I show up with my transness and my Blackness.”

This is the “lived reality” for trans women in the South, Gore says. “I could literally walk out of my house and be killed because I’m Black and because I’m trans. People have their own personal biases about trans folks in the South, so it makes it even more dangerous for us.”

To make matters worse, Gore says there is no trans representation in elected or appointed officials on the local or state level, which makes her community “feel like we don’t have a space or a voice. When we elevate our voices, they’re erased.”

Feeling left out of spaces isn’t new for Gore, who recalls her first adverse experience because of her Blackness and queerness occuring when she was 8 years old. “I went to a very diverse church, but it was predominantly white. That’s when I noticed there was a difference in the way I was treated versus my white counterparts. I would get excluded from summer camps or sleepovers. It could have been because I’m Black or because I was queer, as I was definitely a very queer child.”

After that experience, Gore says her mother had “the talk” with her and she realized “I’m Black, therefore things will be different for me.” But different didn’t have a negative connotation for Gore: “I’ve always been proud of my Blackness because of how I was raised by my mother. I’ve always been super proud of how I show up in the world.” Much of that, she says, is the ability to connect to other people’s Blackness. “I’m fascinated with Black history. It fortified my love for my Blackness.”

It took a little longer for Gore to embrace her queerness though. She says for years she tried to be “stealthy, identifying as a Black gay man.”

But when she transitioned 10 years ago, Gore says she felt “like a whole new person. Pride became more than a day or a month, but a 365-day thing. I’m out and proud every day now. When I show up, people can’t help but see my transness, and I don’t think there’s a better way to show my pride than that.”

That pride led Gore to activism. For 10 years, she’s been advocating for better access and equality for trans women of color. Fully committed to the cause, she’s now the executive director of My Sister’s House, which provides emergency shelter and other resources for trans women of color in Memphis.

Gore’s hope is to make life better for “people like myself,” continuing the work of Black trans women who have come before her. “We have to pick up the baton and keep the marathon going until we reach liberation.”

Black and Preaching

Rev. Earle Fisher has always been going against the grain. When his first grade teacher in Michigan threatened to paddle all of the Black students, Fisher recalls protesting and walking out of the classroom. “I wasn’t going for it then, and I’m not going for it now. I’ve always been critical of racial injustice,” says Fisher, now the senior pastor at Abyssinian Missionary Baptist Church in Whitehaven.

Rev. Earle Fisher

As a Black pastor, Fisher says he’s in a “beautiful and complicated position. It’s beautiful because the Black faith has always been something that sustains Black people throughout history, even in Africa. In the United States, it was the impetus for resistance work that led to abolition, the Black Power movement, and the civil rights movement.”

Fisher says his role is also “complicated,” explaining that religion has historically “been co-opted and used as a tool of manipulation, especially in the white Evangelical strand of Christianity. It’s not always easy to embrace a Black pastor in America and especially in the South.”

This concern was at the forefront of Fisher’s mind one Sunday in 2015 when a white couple showed up to attend his predominantly Black church. Nervously reading over his notes, he questioned whether his prepared message would offend the couple and if he needed to change it for their sake.

“I immediately began to skim over my preaching manuscript in my mind, asking myself, ‘Am I going to say anything offensive to them?’ I know I can be a little edgy and unorthodox in my attempts to articulate the gospel on a grassroots and socially conscious level. I had to think about if I needed to dial it back. Do I need to assimilate to a more moderate conservative theology in my own church?”

Ultimately, Fisher says he stuck with his original manuscript and delivered a message with “unadulterated and unapologetic commitment to Black liberation theology, and they actually loved it. But the point is, how many times do you think a white pastor would question his sermon because of Black visitors?”

Fisher says when you grow up Black in America, “the air you breathe informs you of these social constructs that are a part of our reality. But it’s not a reality I was ever ashamed of.”

Fisher says he’s always been proud to be Black. He shows that on the pulpit, as well as on the streets through activism and grassroots involvement.

“I don’t have to apologize for my heritage or my ethnicity,” he says. “I don’t see it as a negative attribute. I thank God I’m Black. I don’t need to be ashamed about it. There are so many times where my Blackness is affirmed. How can you watch Serena Williams and not be Black and proud? How can you listen to Malcolm or Martin speak? Or how can I be in my house with my family playing spades, listening to the newest album, and not be proud? Just thinking about these moments gets me excited. It’s a beautiful thing.”

Black and in Business

As a college student in the Chicago area, Bartholomew Jones frequented many coffee shops. One thing he noticed about the shops was the lack of people who looked like him in the room.

Bartholomew Jones

“I never had a negative encounter,” he says, “but the whole experience was just white, from the people to the music playing over the speakers. So I just assumed coffee was a white people’s thing.”

That began Jones’ multi-year journey to learn about the history of coffee, which culminated last year when he started CxffeeBlack, a coffee company that seeks to “make coffee Black again.”

In his research, he learned that coffee originated in Ethiopia and was later brought to Europe.

“Black people in America don’t understand our cultural ties to coffee,” he says. “So the question was ‘What’s a way for us to provide more education on the history of coffee and also try to provide a way for more Black people to experience coffee?’ That was the inspiration for starting the company. I wanted Black people to feel like coffee was for them.”

Jones’ years in college opened his eyes to more than the lack of diversity in coffee shops. He also saw firsthand “the reality of how unequal society is.”

At Wheaton College, Jones says there were few other Black students on campus — so much so that he knew most by name. Growing up in Whitehaven, a majority-Black neighborhood, for most of his childhood, he says that was a culture shock.

“I noticed how much the white guys would drink and do drugs and there were never any police around. Meanwhile, I grew up in an overpoliced neighborhood. I got to see how the other side was living and what they could get away with.”

That wasn’t the first time Jones says he was made aware of the difference in the way he and his Black peers were treated. He remembers taking a ride with his mentor, who was white, during his senior year in high school. Jones asked if he could play one of his favorite CDs, a Christian hip-hop album by Lecrae.

“I put the CD in and he was immediately like ‘I have to show you something.’ He took me to the school basement where they keep old tracts and handed me a red pamphlet about types of demonic music, which of course included rap and hip-hop. But the reasoning was because they come from the ‘dark continent of Africa.’ I was speechless.”

Jones says he was aware of racism in a historical context, but not in the form of present-day prejudices. “It didn’t matter how many people were kind to me, they still hated my culture,” he says. “It didn’t matter how smart or nice I was, I was still Black in their eyes. Only if I conform and assimilate to their culture and listen to their type of music, am I then okay.”

Today, Jones fully embraces his Blackness, in part by “providing quality coffee for the ‘hood” and also by protecting and uplifting other Black people.

Jones says the most important part of that role is being the father of two young boys. He and his wife want to ensure their sons are prepared for what they might face as Black men in America, he says.

“We want to give them a new narrative, though. We don’t want our boys to think they are destined to be killed by police officers. We have to give them the tools to protect themselves and overcome obstacles they will encounter as Black men. Most importantly, we teach our kids that they are Black and they should be proud of it.”

Black and Non-Binary

When Mia Saine was in preschool, they were bullied because their skin was darker than their classmates’ and their hair was a different texture.

Mia Saine

“This was the first time I remember any form of discrimination,” they say. “I mean, imagine being a 4-year-old and someone pointing out your features that make you different or implying those features make you not desirable to befriend. It was hard.”

Later, Saine remembers seeing Michael Jackson’s “Thriller” on TV for the first time and recalls that being the earliest moment they were proud of their Blackness.

“I got to see Michael Jackson playing this role as a zombie. He was on TV. It was just so magical. My parents introduced me to a lot of Black music, and I started to feel a sense of pride for our culture.”

Saine, born and raised in Arlington, is an illustrator and graphic designer in Memphis. They are also Black and non-binary, which they say “is a protest itself. Every day I’m going against the so-called normal lifestyle and American Dream. But that just doesn’t represent who I am as a person.”

As a high school student in Arlington and then a college student at Memphis College of Arts, Saine says they had to learn how to navigate predominantly white spaces, but there were times “when I was uncomfortable and just couldn’t relate because I didn’t have certain privileges and opportunities.”

Now, a full-time professional artist, Saine says that discomfort continues. Often in meetings, “I’m the token Black person. There have been times where I’ve been like ‘Oh yeah, this conversation is happening because I’m Black.’ It’s infuriating. However, having been on both sides of the coin, I know how to adapt and code switch.”

As an artist of color, Saine says “every time I present something, it’s over 100 percent, to surpass the expectations for that of a Black person. I feel responsible to represent a whole group of people. Being a non-binary Black artist is an empowering thing for me.”

However, Saine says they “feel obligated to go above and beyond to prove myself worthy in a way I shouldn’t have to. I have to overcompensate so often. But at the same time, I’m the type of person who won’t stand for any kind of discrimination. I don’t want to be seen as the angry Black woman, so I have to figure out how to be diplomatic but still stern.”

Despite the challenges over the years, Saine says they’ve come to love their queerness and Blackness, realizing “I should just love myself for me and advocate for all of my qualities instead of trying to seek approval and forgiveness. I can’t wait around for people to understand me. I have to live my life.”

Saine says they’ve felt more hopeful about the future for Black Americans in the past few weeks, seeing more people “accept the reality of people who are like me, my friends, family, and loved ones. Because we matter so much. We just want to be valued. That’s all.”

Black and Elected

Antonio Parkinson’s dreadlocks were below his ears when he had to cut them in order to keep his job at the Shelby County Fire Department.

Antonio Parkinson

“I started to grow dreadlocks,” he says. “There was no policy in place at the time, but they wrote me up, and when I wouldn’t sign the write-up, they were ready to suspend me. They told me I had to cut them or I’d be fired. So I did, and it made me feel terrible. I felt singled out. They didn’t understand my culture and weren’t trying to at the time.”

Parkinson says hair discrimination is just a drop in the bucket of what he experienced during his 25 years working for the fire department. From racial slurs to attempts to thwart the promotion of him and other Black firefighters, Parkinson says the culture was one of “suppression for people that look like me.”

He thought about walking away several times “when it got ugly, but I’m a fighter so I stayed. I simply looked at it as ‘Why not me?’ Why should your child and family have opportunities and not mine? Why can’t I do something that will create generational wealth for my family?”

Now, in his ninth year as a Tennessee state representative, Parkinson says his experiences over the years have only added fuel to the fire, motivating him to create legislation, such as healthy workplace laws to prevent discrimination on jobs and the Tennessee CROWN Act, which would make it illegal to discriminate against natural hair in the workplace.

“I just wanted to get some stuff done,” he says of his decision to run for office in 2011. “I wanted to level the playing field for everyone.” But discrimination and racism is still a reality for Parkinson.

“The Tennessee legislature is rampant with racism,” he says. “There’s overt racism. There’s covert racism. It’s in the racist jokes and slurs to the policies. And if you say something about their racism or racist statues, then they want to kill all of your bills.”

For example, Parkinson says no people of color had any input that made it into the state’s budget this year. “Not one single person of color had something in the budget. What does that say? The budget is a moral document that determined the priorities for the state.”

“Sometimes it gets discouraging,” he says of his role as a legislator in the majority-white General Assembly. “Sometimes they’re practicing discrimination and don’t even realize what they’re doing is racism. They say things that are not necessarily from a place of malice, but a place of ignorance. So part of my job is educating them.”

Despite the discrimination over the years, Parkinson says he has always been proud of being Black.

“I knew I was Black early on. My mother wouldn’t not let me know. She taught me who I was and how proud I should be. I loved and still love being Black. There’s nothing like the culture and everything that comes with it.”

Because of that, Parkinson says he is an “unapologetic, uncut version of myself. We shouldn’t have to compromise who we are, at all. I don’t care if you have gold teeth or weave down your back. We don’t have to compromise our culture. This culture is dynamic with everything from natural hair to 26-inch rims to bass in the music. We should not be ashamed or dumb down who we are for someone else’s comfort.”

  • Tags African American experience in Memphis, Antonio Parkinson, Bartholomew Jones, Being Black in America, Being Black in Memphis, Black and Proud, Kayla Gore, Mia Saine, Rev. Earle Fisher

Categories
Politics Politics Beat Blog

Done Deal! 2019 People’s Convention Makes New History

  • Post author By Jackson Baker
  • Post date June 9, 2019

Stare Rep. London Lamar presents a citation (from Tenn. House Speaker Glen Casada, no less) honoring 1991 Peple’s Convention vets Shep Wilbun and state Rep. Barbar Cooper as Rev. Earle Fisher looks on

How did the People’s Convention of 2019, held at the Paradise Entertainment Center on Saturday, compare with the seminal People’s Convention of 1991 that launched the successful campaign of Willie Herenton, Memphis’ first elected black mayor? As an apple to an orange, though both were undertaken with the aim of expressing the will of what one of this year’s convention participants called a “marginalized” population.

The 1991 event drew roughly 2,000 participants to Cook Convention Center; this new one drew a smaller number. Estimates range from 200 to 600, depending on the extent of the estimator’s involvement with the event. The actual number of attendees at Paradise probably closer to the low end, but Internet logs of the event, which was streamed online, suggest a far larger cybernetic audience, maybe in the thousands.

Under the umbrella of the ad hoc group, Up the Vote 901, numerous organizations associated themselves with the 2019 event: AFSCME, Black Lives Matter, MiCAH, etc., an extensive land impressive list, and preliminary statements by spokespersons for these groups took up almost two hours of the five hours-plus that the event lasted. Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris was there to add his exhortation as was Mayor Frank Scott Jr. of Little Rock.

There was something of a collective organizing group, though two of the major figures were the Rev. Earle Fisher and Sijuwola Crawford. Unmistakably, Shelby County Commissioner Tami Sawyer was a booster of the convention and was boosted by it in return, to the point that other major candidates — notably Mayor Jim Strickland and former Mayor Herenton — kept their distance.

To note the more sectarian and limited nature of the 2019 convention, as compared to the 1991 original, which arguably spoke to Memphis’ aspiring black population per se, is not to downgrade it, however. This year’s convention drew inspiration and cadres from such earlier grassroots expressions as the Bridge confrontation of 2016 and the Take “em Down 901 campaign against the city’s Confederate statuaries.

The agenda for the People’s Convention of 2019 included attention to a diverse set of issues — including housing, education, public health job creation, justice reform, and voting equity — but its overtly political aims were to endorse candidates willing to “align” themselves with those aims.  Candidate response was somewhat uneven and it remains to be seen how well those who responded to the convention call do in October, and what sort of groundswell can be generated between now and then.

Municipal Court Judge Jayne Chandler, the one candidate present who was enjoined by the Judicial Canon of Ethics to avoid overtly political statements, managed to circumvent that prohibition with some appropriately forceful — and clearly permissible — rally cries:

“‘Wait’ almost always translates to Never!” “They used to feed you chicken and watermelon. Now they feed you crawfish!” (That was a reference to the crawfish fest held by opponent David Pool on the previous weekend.) “I’m not going in reverse anymore.” (That was a reference to Chandler’s response for circumventing a transmission issue, and it made a nifty metaphor.)

The judge was the second of several candidates who appeared as the only participating representatives from their particular election contest (or who, in the jargon of the event, were there to “align” their candidacies with the convention agenda). And she was the first to be acknowledged as a “consensus” choice of those voting.

At that stage of things, the number of people voting electronically (including those present as well as those streaming the event online) had to reach a ceiling of 200 to achieve viability for the outcome. Chandler made the cut, whereas the first hopeful appearing solo, city court clerk candidate Demeatree Givens, had apparently not.

It was hard to tell whether Givens had been adjudged to have fallen short of approval or had been victimized by gremlins in the electronics of voting, carried out via the prescribed website, Menti.com. In any case, the threshold of 200 votes cast was adhered to through the first several candidate rounds but was allowed to dip to 120 by the end of the event, which was in its sixth hour by the time of a culminating vote for a mayoral candidate.

In any event, several candidates would meanwhile get the convention nod — two of whom, Orange Mound activist Britney Thornton for the District 4 seat; Theryn Bond in District 6 — were the sole candidates appearing, but both of whom gave good accounts of themselves.

There were actual contests for successive positions. The District 7 contest would see several aspirants on stage: Michahalyn Easter Thomas, Thurston Smith, Will “the Underdog” Richardson, and Larry Springfield. This was a spirited colloquy, with Thomas and Smith sounding notes of populism and Smith boasting his entrepreneurial know-how and Springfield stressing his personality. Thomas would get the nod.

At this point, heading into the consideration of candidates for super-district city council seats and mayoral hopefuls, time was made for a segment honoring two veterans of the original People’s Convention of 1991, the one that would nominate Willie Herenton as the consensus black candidate for mayor.

As it happens, Herenton, who went on to defeat then-incumbent Dick Hackett and serve 17 years as the city’s chief executive, is once again a candidate for mayor, but he was conspicuously absent from this year’s event. His name was invoked, however, by former Councilman, County Commissioner, and Juvenile Court Clerk Shep Wilbun, one of the two first Peoples’ Convention vets being honored. Besides being one of the original organizers of the 1991 event, Wilbun had been an aspirant for the mayoral role himself back then, and he would cite Herenton’s victory at that convention as proof of the objectivity of that event and as a precedent for that of the current one, which, as Wilbun knew, had been widely rumored to be a “setup” for mayoral candidate Tami Sawyer.

The other honoree from 1991, 90-year-old state Representative Barbara Cooper, recalled for the audience her lifetime of “40 years of segregation and 40 years of integration” and drew implicit parallels between the two conventions. In one particular, though, Cooper was at variance with the spirit of the current convention.

Several convention participants, including members of collaborating organizations and some of the candidates for office, had made a point of extolling Ranked Choice Voting (also known as Instant Runoff Voting), a method of balloting that allowed voters to rank candidates for office in order of preference, creating thereby a means for re-assigning the secondary preferences to reach a majority verdict in cases where, on first balloting, none had existed.

RCV has been approved by Shelby County voters twice but has been resisted by incumbents on the current city council, who, along with state election officials, have been able to delay its planned implementation in the forthcoming city election.The method was implicitly regarded as akin to the other progressive elements of the 2019 People’s Convention agenda and in addition to the other testifiers, a figure in the RCV movement, Aaron Fowles, had been included in the original lineup of co-sponsors allowed to address the convention.

But Cooper, in her somewhat rambling remarks to the crowd, made it clear that she had bought into a contrary theory advanced by RCV opponents that the method would run averse to the interests of the city’s current black voting majority. “IRV may be good for a minority but I’m not a minority,” Cooper said.

It was a break in the texture of things — a generational one, as clear and obvious as was Herenton’s absence from this would-be re-do of his 1991 triumph, and a deviation from populist idealism in the direction of imagined self-interest — whether a confirmation or rejection of Wilbun’s claim that the two conventions shared “the same agenda,” it was hard to say.

This moment for the elders was followed by a trio of contenders for the Super-District 8, Position 1 seat — educator Nicole Clayburn, lawyer J.B. Smiley, and Whitehaven activist Pearl Eva Walker, the ultimate endorsee. Each was asked to opine on RCV, and each responded without ambiguity: The people had spoken for the process in two referenda, and it — and they — needed to be heeded.

The convention was back on message and would stay that way — through effective solo presentations by Frank Johnson, candidate for Super District 8, Position 2, and Erika Sugarmon, candidate for Super District 9, Position 1.

The stage was set for the two mayoral candidates present — the aforementioned Sawyer and LeMichael Wilson, an unsung but hard-working mayoral entry who in his turn would cover the waterfront of social issues and inner-city concerns.

But it was Sawyer’s day, though she had to wait for hours to claim her moment before a somewhat diminished crowd. In the five minutes allotted to her, Sawyer noted that in the 200 years of its history, Memphis had never had a woman as mayor. Sensing that she was well enough known to avoid having to recount all her activist deeds of the last few years, notably including her spearheading of community efforts to dispose of Memphis’ Confederate monuments, she talked about the need to redistribute the city’s resources “to all neighborhoods” and scorned Strickland for what she said were inadequate efforts on behalf of the whole Memphis population.

She promised to do something concrete about the “school-to-prison pipeline” and to up the percentage of blacks and women benefited by the city’s ongoing MWBE (Minority and Women’s Business Enterprise) efforts.

As expected, Sawyer was named the consensus nominee for mayor by the convention, and by Sunday morning, an icon announcing her as the “winner” was a posted link on Facebook.

There is no disputing Sawyer’s determination, but neither is there any gainsaying the enormity of the task before her — a far greater one than confronted Herenton in 1991. The odds of her accomplishing the miracle of election in 2019 are beyond enormous, but at the very least she has established a head start in community consciousness that could pay dividends in 2023, when Strickland would be term-limited and such other likely candidates as current Shelby County Commission Chairman Van Turner will be making their move.

  • Tags Memphis City Election, People's Convention 2019, Ranked Choice Voting, Rev. Earle Fisher, Tami Sawyer, Up the Vote 901

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Doing It Again: The People’s Convention; Casada Goes National

  • Post author By Jackson Baker
  • Post date June 6, 2019
CREDIT: Jackson Baker

As petitions for city offices continue to be pulled at the offices of the Shelby County Election Commission, attention this week focuses on the forthcoming People’s Convention, scheduled for Saturday at the Paradise Entertainment Center. The affair is intended as a redo of sorts of the 1991 People’s Convention that endorsed Willie Herenton as a consensus black candidate for that year’s Memphis mayoral race.

While this convention, scheduled for an 11 a.m. kickoff, is also rooted to a large degree in concerns of black Memphians, it may be both wider and more constricted in its scope than the original — wider, in that it may also draw white Midtown supporters of mayoral candidate Tami Sawyer, narrower in that backers of Sawyer would seem to be more involved in the affair than those of the two other prominent candidates, current Mayor Jim Strickland and Herenton, who retired from the office of mayor in 2009 after serving 17-plus years and is making another bid for the office.

Jackson Baker

Host David Pool (l) welcomes former Judge Robert L. “Butch” Childers to his weekend event.

Whatever the case, the Rev. Earle Fisher, a prominent ally of Sawyer, has been a major figure in organizing the convention, though numerous community organizations, including the AFSCME union and Black Lives Matter, are taking part, and the stated agenda includes such overriding issues as education, economic justice, and public safety.

• An annual event to which political candidates and pol-watchers are invited was held on Sunday at the site of a burned-out former residence on a high bluff in North Memphis overlooking the Mississippi River.

The residence was that of the late Charlie Pool, an eminent lawyer and longtime eminent member of the local Democratic Party establishment. More accurately, the house was to have been Pool’s residence. Moved plank by plank from Downtown, where it had once belonged to former Congressman Frederick Stanton, it was destroyed in 1981 by a fire, presumably set by an arsonist, before it could be inhabited in its new location.

But the concrete base of the house remains, and it serves today as a stage for the annual summer crawfish feed and jamboree put on for all and sundry by the former owner’s son David Pool, a guitarist and singer who has turned to the law as a career. The younger Pool is now serving as a Judicial Commissioner for Shelby County and is running this year for the Position 3 Memphis city judgeship now held by incumbent Jayne Chandler.

Chandler didn’t make it to the crawfish feed, though she was invited to the event by Pool, who described her to attendees as a “wonderful lady.” He added, “Of course, I’m wonderfuller.”

Several other members of the county’s judicial community were on hand, along with a smattering of candidates for the city election, for the opportunity on a fine summer day to schmooze, enjoy food and drink, and hear music performed by Pool and his informal band, the Risky Whiskey Boys.

• If Glen Casada, the presumably soon-to-be ex-speaker of the Tennessee House of Representatives, has kept to the schedule he announced in the wake of the scandal that forced his announced intention to resign, he is back in the state as of Monday after completing a long-planned post-session trip to Europe.

Before Casada left the country, he had announced his intent to get together on June 3rd and thereafter with members of the House Republican caucus, a majority of whom had given him a no-confidence vote, so as to map out plans for his resignation and replacement. The reasons for Casada’s downfall were many — including public exposure of  an exchange of racist and misogynist emails between Casada and his youthful aide, Cade Cothren, suspicions that Casada and his aide had conducted electronic spying on members, and evidence that they may have forged the date of an email so as to make it appear that an anti-Casada protestor had defaulted on a court order.

So who is to succeed Casada as speaker? There are several candidates among House Republicans, including Speaker Pro Tem Bill Dunn (R-Knoxville), who is next in the line of succession.

But state Representative Dwayne Thompson (D-Memphis) has an unorthodox proposal. Noting that all the hopefuls mentioned so far are members of the Republican supermajority that voted to make Casada speaker, either in a preliminary GOP caucus last November or on the floor of the House in January, Thompson suggests that, to ensure a genuine break with that now-tarnished outcome, the new speaker should be someone who did not participate in such voting.

Thompson further points out that nothing in the state Constitution mandates that the House speaker be an actual member of that body, only that the members of the House have the power to choose a qualified Tennessean to preside over their business as speaker. Conceding that the Republicans are now the majority party and should ideally have first dibs on the speakership, Thompson has a candidate in mind.

That would be Gerald McCormick, who was the GOP’s House Majority Leader for several terms while a member representing a Chattanooga district, but who moved his residence to Nashville before the 2018 election and consequently did not run for reelection.

In the process, argues Thompson, McCormick became the ideal successor to represent Tennesseans as speaker of the House. As a native of Shelby County, where he attended Germantown High School, McCormick has familiarity with all three of Tennessee’s grand districts — West Tennessee, Middle Tennessee, and East Tennessee. And his reputation, while serving in the House, was that of a fair-minded arbiter who, while representing the Republican majority, maintained good relations with the Democratic minority.

Thompson said on Monday that he has not yet discussed his proposal with McCormick himself but intends to.

Meanwhile, Casada’s ignominy, which has dominated so much of the state’s political news in the month since the legislative session ended, has now been broadcast, literally, from a national platform. The speaker’s foibles became the subject this week of a segment of Last Week Tonight, the HBO satirical review of the news hosted by British-born comedian John Oliver. Focusing on such aspects of the scandal as the sexual peccadilloes of Cothren and that aide’s admitted use of cocaine in a state office, Oliver said of the scandal, “While it may not be the most important thing in the world, every detail is spectacular.”

  • Tags Cade Cothren, David Pool, Glen Casada, Rev. Earle Fisher, Tami Sawyer

Categories
Cover Feature News

Memphis Burning

  • Post author By Martha Park
  • Post date February 4, 2016
CREDIT: Photographs by Andrea Morales

Last winter, with a scrawled list of the streets and landmarks mentioned in 100-year-old newspaper articles, I drove east through Memphis, past Shelby Farms, to what I believed might have been the place where a black woodchopper named Ell Persons was burned alive before thousands of spectators. I walked along the edge of the Wolf River, unsure whether this was the place. The river was narrower than I expected, and the bridge was newer than I thought it should have been. There were no markers, no wooden crosses or makeshift memorials like I see so often marking the site of a murder or a deadly car crash. There was nothing but the wind and the winter sun warming the cool air.

The lynching of Persons is a story no one told me about my home. I never heard Persons’ name in a history class or read about the lynching in a textbook. I first encountered Persons’ story in my own reading, years after I finished high school in Memphis and moved away for college. When I went looking for the site where Persons was lynched, there was nothing to suggest whether I was in the right place.

A group of local Memphians is looking to change that. In the year since I first went looking for the site of Persons’ lynching, an as-of-yet unnamed group of ministers, professors, scholars, and churchgoers, inspired by Equal Justice Initiative founder Bryan Stevenson’s speech at the Facing History and Ourselves annual fund-raising dinner, found their mission: to identify and place historical markers at all lynching sites in Shelby County.

Though Persons was not the only victim of lynching in Shelby County, his murder is unique for its surviving details — the case was breathlessly reported in local news leading up to the lynching — and for its spectacle. Thousands of people attended Persons’ lynching, which was, according to some newspaper accounts, the first to be carried out in broad daylight.

In the spring of 1917, a 16-year-old white girl named Antoinette Rappel was found raped and murdered in Memphis, near the Macon Road Bridge. Rappel had been decapitated, her body left under a bridge along the Wolf River. Suspicion fell quickly on Persons, who lived near the site of the murder. Persons was arrested twice, interrogated twice, and released twice before being captured a third time and reportedly beaten into a confession.

In anticipation of a trial — and, ostensibly, to keep him from being lynched — local law enforcement moved Persons to a Nashville jail. As it came time for his arraignment, two police officers accompanied Persons on a train bound for Memphis. An organized mob had set up roadblocks and staked out railroad stations, looking to intercept Persons as he headed back into town. A local paper reported that passenger trains entering Shelby County were being searched by the armed mob. Persons was handed over to the mob when they discovered him on a Memphis-bound train.

Some speculate that the police gave up Persons in an attempt to avoid the riot that would form in Memphis if he was legally protected and granted a fair trial. But even if Persons had avoided the mob and made it to court, almost all local attorneys had refused to serve in his defense. Upon his capture, local papers announced he would be burned the next morning.

By eight o’clock on the morning of the lynching, reporters estimated that 3,000 people had gathered to watch. Some people had been camped out at the bridge for over 24 hours. By nine o’clock that morning, the road leading to the bridge was blocked by traffic for a mile and a half. A teacher at Central High School in downtown Memphis came to class that morning to find 50 boys absent, missing class to attend the lynching with their families. Some children brought notes from home asking that they be excused early from school in order to go to the lynching. The Memphis Press reported an old man on crutches “hobbled and bemoaned the fate that might keep him from arriving on time.” Vendors set up stands among the crowds and sold sandwiches and snacks.

Photographs by Andrea Morales

Clipping from a 1917 newspaper article about Persons’ lynching

Though Rappel’s mother requested that Persons be burned on the spot where they found her daughter, the mob cleared a different space, on the other side of the levee, which they argued would allow the crowd a better view. Persons was hauled to the cleared space, where containers of gasoline were poured over his body. As the fire started burning at his feet, two men ran up from the crowd and sliced off his ears. Other people rushed forward to claim souvenirs but were held back. Some spectators complained too much gasoline had been used and Persons would burn too quickly.

Once Persons’ charred corpse had cooled, he was dismembered. Members of the crowd took Persons’ head and drove with it to Beale Street in downtown Memphis, where they threw the head at a group of black pedestrians. The severed head was photographed and printed on postcards.

Though all accounts of lynchings are horrific, there is something particularly, intimately painful about a lynching in one’s own hometown. Newspaper accounts reported that none of the mob wore masks or attempted to conceal their identities. Among those thousands of witnesses and the few who’d actively captured a man, taken him from police custody, and burned him alive in public, no one feared punishment.

The Chicago Defender printed a photo of the charred head above a description of the horror following Persons’ lynching: “This head was taken and thrown in Beale Street, the district occupied by the business of the Race, by men who make their money off the earnings of the Race. It is the same of all America.”

Randall Mullins of Responding to Racism

• • •

“I hope that our work will move even beyond historical markers to create spaces where we practice reverence for the victims of racial violence as well as learn and stay in touch with the facts,” Reverend Randall Mullins, retired United Church of Christ minister, said of the group’s work to memorialize lynching sites.

The project is inspired by the work of the Equal Justice Initiative, based in Montgomery, Alabama, which has identified nearly 4,000 lynchings across the South between 1877 and 1950. The Equal Justice Initiative hopes to collect samples of soil from each lynching site to be placed in a memorial to honor all victims of lynching. Twenty-one of these lynchings took place in Shelby County, but only three of the sites have been identified so far. Only one — the 1892 lynching of People’s Grocery co-owners Thomas Moss, Will Stewart, and Calvin McDowell — has been recognized with a historical marker.

Steve Masler, an anthropologist and the manager of exhibits at the Pink Palace Museum, heard about the group and contributed his research, as well as a space for biweekly meetings to research and locate the remaining lynching sites. The group will appeal to county or state historical commissions for the markers to be put in place.

Steve Masler, historian and manager of exhibits at the Pink Palace Museum

“Some people think historical markers are just throwing this up in their faces,” Masler said, “but lynching is just as much a part of our history as everything else.”

The project is in its early stages. It will take time to comb through old, often unreliable, newspaper sources and locate the places these terrible events took place. Once markers are in place, the group hopes these sites will be incorporated into local education through organizations like Facing History and Ourselves. The group is also interested in creating meditative spaces at the sites, which would include sculpture or other artwork, in addition to the historical markers.

Margaret Vandiver, a retired professor of criminal justice and the author of Lethal Punishment: Lynchings and Legal Executions in the South, got involved with the project through research for her book. She is interested in the legacy of lynching in the present day. “Until white people look at this and look at it hard,” she said, “we’re going to be stuck where we are.”

For Reverend Mullins, it comes down to telling the truth about our history. “I am angry,” he said, pounding his hand on the arm of his chair, “I am angry that my history teachers didn’t tell me enough of the truth.” Mullins added that he hopes this project “will reveal the tragic connections between our history and the ways systemic racism and white supremacy continue to be present in most of the institutions of our society.”

Tom Carlson and Randall Mullins address the Responding to Racism group at the New Olivet Baptist Church

• • •

These tragic connections should be clear to anyone paying attention. To point to just a couple of examples, in 2015, United States police officers killed 1,138 people, and a disproportionately high number of them were black. The NAACP reports that African Americans represent nearly 1 million of a total 2.3 million incarcerated people. Reverend Earle Fisher, senior pastor at Abyssinian Missionary Baptist Church, compared efforts to memorialize lynching sites to the removal of the Confederate flag from government buildings. Both gestures, he said, are mostly symbolic. “And symbols are important,” he said, “but they are not the end-all, be-all.”

In addition to working for more honest representations of our history, Fisher urges people to also support those who are working for the city’s present and future — organizations like the Mid-South Peace and Justice Center, Manna House, Stand for Children, Grassroots Coalition, REACH, and Room in the Inn.

Dr. Marilyn Taylor’s Facing History students Zoëy Parker and Alexis Sledge discover the story of Persons’ lynching. These Facing History and Ourselves students are hoping to raise $4,500 in order to create a meditation garden at the site of Persons’ lynching.

“As much as I applaud the efforts of the group and stand in solidarity with them, we have to move beyond the symbolic to the more substantial.” This, he said, “requires courage and commitment beyond conversation.”

Some of Memphis’ history is still hot to the touch, impossible to conceal. Downtown, the sight of the Lorraine Motel, where Martin Luther King Jr. was shot, still stings like a new burn. The public parks named after Confederate generals are populated by Civil War heroes on horseback, their bronze coattails waving in a preserved gust of wind, while other parts of Memphis’ history seem to be hidden.

• • •

A year after I first went looking for the site of Persons’ lynching, I realized I had not found the right place. So I tried again, with the help of directions provided by Steve Masler. I drove east on Summer, to the Putt-Putt golf course, and parked near a Twice-the-Ice machine. I grew up out here, just down Summer, at a little Methodist church parsonage nestled in scant woods. For the four years I lived there, I passed the site every day on the way to school, and I never knew it.

I walked along the driving range behind the Putt-Putt golf course, following an impression in the grass which marks the location of the old Macon Road. I walked through brambles and thorny bushes, listening to the dry grass whispering against my legs and the traffic streaming past on Summer. As I walked along the banks, I caught a glimpse of sun-bleached concrete behind me — a pair of bridge abutments, remnants of the old Macon Road bridge where Persons was killed.

I gained and lost sight of the abutments as I climbed and descended the low hills running along the riverside. When I reached the abutments, I could see they were streaked with years of rain and covered in patchy moss, with pieces of rebar sticking out at odd angles. Those worn abutments resembled old, oversized headstones, but there on the banks of the river where Persons was murdered, there are no monuments or markers. Only a silence.

So little is known about the life Persons lived on this land, near this river — how quiet it must have been at night, how he must have known the Wolf River’s cycles by heart. I wondered if Persons ever came to the river to cool off, cupping cool water in his palms on hot summer days. I imagined the crowds gathered there, the heat of their bodies as they jostled each other, everyone straining to catch a glimpse of a man on fire.

Standing on the banks of the Wolf River, I was struck by the disappearance of the past’s land in today’s terrain. The river has been rerouted, the old Macon Road has long been destroyed. In the decades since Persons’ lynching, it’s as if the earth has been physically recoiling from what happened here, erasing and reshaping the land and water, obscuring the story.

• • •

I don’t think it’s possible to claim a place selectively, to cherry-pick its history. We have a responsibility to reckon with the whole history of our home places, even the stories deliberately left out of the history books, even the places left unmarked, the names we no longer know. May of 2017 will mark 100 years since Persons was killed. By then, hopefully there will be some sign for those looking to learn the stories of this particular place.

Vandiver said that the lynching of Persons “did have national repercussions,” but “in local memory, it almost disappeared.” The fact that Persons’ name is known at all, that he did not become one of many lynching victims whose names have been lost or willfully forgotten, might be thanks in part to the fact that the NAACP sent James Weldon Johnson, the writer, educator, lawyer, and civil rights activist, to Memphis as a field secretary to investigate Persons’ death. After spending 10 days in the city, talking with reporters, law enforcement officials, and locals, Johnson found there was no evidence suggesting Persons was guilty of Antoinette Rappel’s murder.

When Johnson visited the land where Persons had been lynched, the grass was still blackened and charred. An American flag had been planted there, to mark the spot. In the years since Johnson visited Memphis to investigate Persons’ lynching, the burned patches of earth have turned to tall grass, and the American flag is long gone. After his visit to Memphis, Johnson wrote, “I tried to balance the sufferings of the miserable victim against the moral degradation of Memphis, and the truth flashed over me that in large measure the race question involves the saving of black America’s body and white America’s soul.”

Martha Park is a writer from Memphis, living in Virginia. She is the Philip Roth Resident in Creative Writing at Bucknell University’s Stadler Center for Poetry.

Updated: 02-03-2016 11:11 am

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  • Tags burned alive in Memphis, Ell Persons lynching, Grassroots Coalition, Lynchings in Memphis, Manna House, Margaret Vandiver, Memphis lynching of Ell Persons, Mid-South Peace and Justice Center, REACH, Rev. Earle Fisher, Rev. Randall Mullins, Room In The Inn, Stand for Children, Steve Masler
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