Categories
Editorial Opinion

SNAP Program Needs Scalpel, Not Ax

Back in 2008, the administration of Tennessee Governor Phil Bredesen, a Democrat, asked for and got a waiver on enforcement of the strict work requirements imposed on recipients of federal food assistance under the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). It was a sensible decision; the state, like much of the nation, was hard hit by the recession, and jobs were hard to come by. Temporarily, at least, the restrictions imposed on the genuinely needy in Tennessee could be lifted, though a certain rhetorical bias against them, building ever since the Reagan era, continued to posit the existence of”welfare queens” and the unholy triad of “waste, fraud, and abuse.”

The predominant feeling of the nation’s ruling establishment could be summed up this way: “The current welfare system undermines the basic values of work, responsibility, and family, trapping generation after generation in dependency.” It wasn’t Republican Reagan who said that, by the way, or even his GOP successor George H.W. Bush. It was “New Democrat” Bill Clinton, apropos his shepherding into law the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996, which is still the governing framework for federal aid programs. There had gotten to be a bipartisan consensus of sorts, characterized by Clinton’s famous remark that “the era of Big Government is over.”

It really wasn’t, of course. The size and resources and perks of government simply were progressively redirected to the benefit of folks higher up in the national class system, to the point that spokespersons for the political left — including even the most genuinely revolutionary presidential candidate in modern American history, Bernie Sanders — habitually devote most of their verbal energy to solicitude for the “middle class.”

So, with the economy apparently still on a healing course, it was no great surprise when on Monday the administration of Tennessee’s moderate Republican governor Bill Haslam announced that the time had come to end the waiver and to restore stringent work requirements for SNAP — except for 16 counties still regarded as being in some measure of financial distress.

While professing to be “awaiting more details about how the governor’s workforce requirement policy for food stamps will be implemented,” 9th District Democratic Congressman Steve Cohen expressed concern about the effects of the policy shift on Memphis, which, as he noted, has “the highest poverty rate of metro areas with at least one million people.”  

Cohen made bold to suggest, “We need to be making nutrition assistance more available, not less.” Also skeptical was state House Democratic leader Craig Fitzhugh of Ripley, who said, “I want to make sure that we are not using an axe where a scalpel is needed in weeding out abusers of the system,” and insisted on “a targeted approach that ensures every Tennessean that needs help receives it.”

A cautious approach is certainly called for. The New Republic, in its current issue, surveyed some of the national consequences of overkill in the shift from welfare to workfare: “In 1996, nearly 70 percent of poor families received benefits. Today it’s less than 25 percent,” the periodical found. Further: “Since 1995 the number of Americans living on $2 or less a day has nearly tripled, including some three million children.”  

Something tells us the figures in Tennessee are at least that dreary.

Categories
Letter From The Editor Opinion

Trump Über Alles

Scene: Flyer editorial staff meeting.

“Good morning, and welcome, folks. Before we get started, I’d just like to point out that since last week’s issue, I, Bruce VanWyngarden, have done more things — with few exceptions — than any other editor in history. Now, let’s go around the table and get some comments. Chris McCoy?”

“Bruce, I just want to say it is truly a blessing and a privilege to have you as an editor. You have helped me and the people of Memphis learn so much about film. I can’t thank you enough.”

“How about you, Toby Sells? Any thoughts?”

“Bruce, the people of Memphis are truly lucky to have a man of your inspired intellect and courage running this paper. Your news instincts are second to none, and it’s an honor to serve you.”

“Thanks, Toby. Susan Ellis, your take?”

“I just want to say on behalf of all of us who are blessed to be able to work for you, you are the greatest editor in the history of mankind, without exception.”

“Well, thanks, Susan. You’re right, of course.”

Did you see that insanity? That ridiculous clownshow of a cabinet meeting on Monday, where President Trump said, “Never has there been a president, with few exceptions … who has passed more legislation, done more things.” Nevermind the fact that that is a provably blatant lie; let’s get to the insane part, the part where the president asked his cabinet members to speak, and supposedly sentient, accomplished professionals — former governors, CEOs, senators, and other Trump appointees — flattered, fawned, and groveled before their fearless leader like schoolgirls meeting Justin Bieber. It was a scene that one would expect at a Kim Jong-un cabinet meeting in North Korea, not in the United States of America.

What on earth is going on? Who could possibly think this is normal behavior for our country’s leaders to engage in? It’s not normal behavior for any organization or business. It’s a manifestation of a personality cult, the kind of sycophancy demanded by tinpot third-world dictators.

Critics called Ronald Reagan the “Teflon president” because nothing negative seemed to stick to him. Trump has taken it to a new level — more like a Teflon bubble. The 37 percent of Americans who believe in him will apparently continue to do so, no matter how many delusional lies he tweets, no matter what ethics laws he flouts, no matter what international leader he insults, no matter how much golf he plays — no matter who he shoots in the middle of Fifth Avenue. True Trumpers believe the law is crooked and the media are liars and everyone is out to get their hero — who is only working to make America great again. It’s Trump Über Alles.

Now, there are reports that Trump is considering firing Robert Mueller, the special prosecutor investigating Russian interference in our elections. Ordinarily, such a move would spur outrage, not just with Democrats, but among patriotic Republicans as well. True Americans believe the rule of law should reign supreme over party loyalty and obeisance to the president. But the truth is, very few elected GOP politicians have so far seemed willing to stand up to Trump — about anything. They have become a party of “little Marcos.”

Our democracy is walking a dangerous tightrope, my friends. Something dark and weird is alive and growing.

Categories
Opinion Viewpoint

Slouching Toward Refuge

A looming battle is building between United States cities, some states, and the federal government. The issue involves sanctuary status for communities reluctant to cooperate with officials of ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement), given the Trump administration’s stated goal of detaining and deporting all undocumented persons.

The modern sanctuary movement began in the 1980s when perhaps a million people from Central America fled their war-torn homelands (the wars, in all cases, partially financed by the United States). Reagan-era (1980-88) policy referred to these folks as economic migrants. (According to this logic, the migrants were fleeing poverty, not the wars we promoted.)

President Ronald Reagan refused to acknowledge the political dimension of the conflict, and thus, migrants were ineligible for protection under the 1980 Refugee Act. Against this backdrop, some cities with significant Hispanic populations organized a “sanctuary” movement to provide shelter (mostly in religious houses of worship), protection, and aid for people who, literally, were running for their lives.

So we go, historically, from bad to worse.

Back in the 1980s, our nation actively pursued Cold War proxy wars in Central America, the arms industry profited from those wars, we helped destroy infrastructure in three Central American nations displacing multitudes, and then we shut our doors to fleeing refugees. All of this seems, when looked at holistically, especially cruel, written not in conformity with reality but for a modern, tragic Italian opera.

Now we have Mr. Trump, a Reagan redux but without the charm, affability, or charisma of the great communicator. The two presidents share one important characteristic: cluelessness. Given Trump’s recent executive orders, we see a rapid descent back to the ’80s, but this time, thanks to technology, the world can watch the tragedy in real time.

Trump’s executive order regarding refugees seeks to ban people from some majority Muslim nations and is especially unkind, given that one of the nations on the original list, Iraq, was completely destroyed by the U.S. in the illegal (but profitable) war of 2003 that never really ended. Syria is on the list, a country we’ve begun bombing with cruel consequences for a civilian population stuck in a sectarian civil war. Trump’s order, rewritten to pass constitutional muster in the eyes of skeptical judges, has been enjoined once more by skeptical judges.

The President’s executive order on immigration seeks to fulfill an unfulfillable campaign promise: to deport all “illegals.” Given that the administration is determined to win somewhere, sanctuary status for cities — and a few states — has reappeared in the media, with Trump threatening to pull federal grant money in retaliation for these cities’ noncompliance with federal mandates.

The current sanctuary movement is about city leaders protecting the people within their jurisdictions from federal overreach; the central concern involves trust and public safety.

For example, police departments need support from people living in cities and communities who witness crimes; their job is not to enforce federal (and, in this case, politically motivated) immigration executive orders, but to protect people from petty and more serious crimes. When the police are seen as potential agents of deportation, police work and public safety collapse. U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions doesn’t seem to understand any of this and has reacted by bullying local officials, reminiscent of the mid-19th-century Alabama leadership style that defines him.

Trump has already made it clear that raids and deportations will occur as America cracks down on the undocumented. Unlike his predecessor, Mr. Obama, who deported a lot of people, Trump wants to round up everyone who is not in the country with proper documentation — including women and children. People who cross a border without permission, or overstay a tourist visa, have committed a civil code violation, not a crime. Only a cruel cynic could accuse a child who crosses a border with parents or relatives of having committed any type of legal violation. But this administration, unfortunately, is bringing new meaning to cruel and unusual.

We need collaboration between federal and local officials. We don’t need a mass roundup of innocents to appease the political positions of a few fanatics. A showdown between some states/many cities and the federal government is approaching, but given the path this administration is charting, we might be heading back not to the 1980s, but way back to the 1860s.

Bryce Ashby is a Memphis-based attorney and board chair at Latino Memphis. Michael J. LaRosa is an associate professor of history at Rhodes College.

Categories
Opinion Viewpoint

Enter the Prosecutor

In 40 years of covering Washington politics, I have never seen anything like President Trump’s amazing rise to power. I have seen presidents laid low by botched Congressional investigations that lead to special prosecutors. That’s why I’m starting to feel like I’ve seen this movie before.

Spoiler Alert: This political thriller ends with the president’s top aides striking plea bargains with federal prosecutors to reduce prison sentences.

Juan Williams

The U.S. has a rich recent history of special prosecutors. The odds are rising that one more is coming to look into alleged links between the Trump campaign and Russia.

The dwindling trust in the GOP majority in Congress to conduct such a probe is due to the fading credibility of the Senate Intelligence Committee. The Republican chairman of that panel, Senator Richard Burr, is widely perceived as a Trump acolyte. 

When FBI director James Comey announced shortly before last year’s election that his agents had reopened their investigation into Hillary Clinton’s emails, Burr bragged there is “not a separation between me and Donald Trump.”

Senator Charles Schumer, the top Democrat in the Senate, was slow to bury Burr with a call for a special prosecutor, perhaps seeking to avoid charges that he was politicizing the probe. But on NBC’s Meet the Press on Sunday, Schumer made that call. A special prosecutor was necessary, he asserted, to probe “whether the Trump campaign was complicit in working with the Russians to influence the election.”

Now Republicans, including Senators Lindsey Graham, Marco Rubio, and Susan Collins, are starting to peel away. Graham has said that if Attorney General Jeff Sessions spoke with Russian diplomats, “then, for sure, you need a special prosecutor.”

On cue, last week Sessions had to recuse himself from the FBI’s probes into the Trump campaign’s ties to Russia after The Washington Post revealed he met with the Russian ambassador to the U.S. twice last year. Those details seemed to contradict sworn testimony he gave during his Senate confirmation hearing. 

If trust in the Senate probe is weak, then the credibility of any House investigation is even weaker. House Intelligence Committee Chairman Devin Nunes (R-Calif.) served with Sessions on Trump’s presidential transition team. Nunes was also one of the lawmakers actively recruited by Reince Priebus to counter stories about Trump’s ties to Russia. In a rambling press conference last week, he said he did not want the committee’s investigation to turn into a “witch hunt” and warned of “McCarthyism,” where innocent Americans were “haul[ed] before Congress.”

Representative Adam Schiff, the lead Democrat on the committee, further diminished trust in any House probe when he said last week that the FBI director refused to share with the committee more than “a fraction of what the FBI knows.”

Last week, we learned that the Trump White House Counsel’s office issued a memo to all White House staff instructing them to preserve all documents related to Russia. If history is a guide, all that is left now is for public pressure to build on the GOP and the special prosecutor to be named.

Here’s a quick look at that history: During the Iran-Contra affair, President Reagan tried to put the scandal behind him by agreeing to the appointment of a special prosecutor, Lawrence Walsh. Walsh indicted several of Reagan’s top aides, including Defense Secretary Caspar “Cap” Weinberger.

During President Clinton’s first term, shady controversies from his time as governor of Arkansas led to the appointment of the special prosecutor Kenneth Starr and set the stage for the Monica Lewinsky sex story that resulted in Clinton’s impeachment.

President George W. Bush’s Attorney General, John Ashcroft, recused himself from a White House probe. His deputy then appointed an independent special counsel to find out who leaked the name of a CIA agent. That special prosecutor, Patrick Fitzgerald, won the conviction of the Vice President’s chief of staff,  Lewis “Scooter” Libby. 

Senator John McCain said that he has “more hope than belief” that the GOP Congress will properly investigate Trump’s ties to Russia. “Have no doubt, what the Russians tried to do to our election could have destroyed democracy,” McCain said.

Julius Caesar feared the Ides of March with good reason. As the middle of the month approaches, President Trump and his GOP supporters will be under fearsome pressure to go along with the naming of a special prosecutor.

Juan Williams is an author and a political analyst for Fox News Channel.

Categories
Letters To The Editor Opinion

What They Said …

Greg Cravens

About Joey Hack’s post, “Questions Raised by Billy Joel’s ‘Piano Man'” …

The answer to these questions, and many more like them, is that in 1974, Prozac had only just been invented. It wasn’t until years later that it went into wide circulation.

OakTree

He should be wearing a piano key necktie in that photo. And why is Billy Joel brandishing a Telecaster, anyway?

Packrat

I love that moment when he hits that soaring final chorus in “Piano Man,” and dozens of catheters come flying onto the stage.

Mark

Who cares about all the damn metaphors in “Piano Man”? I understood what he was saying. I also remember when Billy and his small group played to a packed house at the old Lafayette’s Music Room at Overton Square in the early 1970s. I listened to it live on FM-100. Billy loved Memphis, and Memphis loved Billy. He became a superstar almost overnight after that show.

Paul Scates

About Jackson Baker’s Politics column, “Another City/Suburban Battle” …

Someone correct me if I’m wrong, but did the city not determine that South Cordova was going to lose money for the city immediately after annexing it? I’ve been saying for a while that the annexation strategy is and has been failing.

If you were to do a postmortem on the annexations, I believe you’d find that even the ones that at first were profitable for the city likely are no longer profitable.

The big problem the city has is that the minute it annexes an area, property values in the area drop. So any business case the city did based on the potential tax revenue of the annexed area was wrong if they didn’t assume that the pool of funds would be reduced after annexation. Knowing how most governments operate, I doubt that kind of analysis was ever done on any of the annexations.

GroveReb84

Mark Luttrell: 26%; George Flinn: 11%; Brian Kelsey: 9%; David Kustoff: 8%; Tom Leatherwood: 7%; Steve Basar: 1%; Undecided: 38%.

Given the choice of the above, it’s easy to see why Undecided is winning.

B

About Bruce VanWyngarden’s column, “Medium Cool” …

Maybe the Flyer is too “cool” to educate themselves on Trump’s policies, but you can read them here if you can find time between comparing IPA’s: donaldjtrump.com/positions.

Clyde

Dubya was cool to a certain segment of the country — largely the same segment that loves Trump, and for many of the same reasons. The difference is that many of the people who voted for Dubya but weren’t fond of his cool trusted that his handlers would actually run the country for him. They don’t have the same trust with Trump. They know he’ll surround himself with yes-men and do whatever he damn well pleases, and that’s what scares them.

Hillary Clinton’s cool is 10th-grade math teacher cool — the teacher everybody hates after the first day of class, but toward the end of the year decide she’s all right, and by the time they graduate, remember her quite fondly as one of the best teachers they ever had.

Jeff

Bruce, you’ve gone too far. How dare you insult the noble brotherhood of “Siding Salesmen.”

I prefer to think of Trump as more like the guy who owns a bunch of sleazy and failed businesses and has the audacity to show up uninvited to the party, referring to himself as a “Business Genius, and VERY, very rich to boot.”

Oh … Wait a minute. Never mind.

So maybe we can just call him what he is: the turd in the punch bowl of the 2016 election year. And that’s not cool.

John Shouse

I dunno, I have sat in a bar with John Kerry and voted for him anyway.

CL Mullins

Categories
Opinion Viewpoint

The Myth of Reaganomics

In a 2014 Quinnipiac poll of American voters, those surveyed concluded that President Barack Obama has been the worst president in post-World War II history. They ranked President Ronald Reagan, icon of so much Republican rhetoric in this (as in every other) election year, as the greatest. It isn’t hard to dismiss this sort of faux information as meaningless, but I must admit that a wave of dark energy coursed through my veins.

It made me want to hold a nationwide webinar where I show America how, under Obama, unemployment is well below where it was when the recession started and how deficit spending is down.

I want to remind Americans that millions more Americans can live without the fear of losing everything due to illness.

Then I want to show them stock market graphs, deficit gaps, and unemployment figures from 2001 through 2009 and ask them again: “Who was the worst president?”

As troubling to me as the Obama-fail was in the poll, even more troubling was the Reagan canonization.

The Legend of Reagan grows because the Republicans have not had a legend since Lincoln. They marginalized Eisenhower during his eight years of presidential prosperity because America had also moved to the left, and Republicans created a more extreme ideology in order to define some relevance — ergo the second Red Scare, McCarthyism, Goldwater conservatism, and the great alliteration himself: The Ronald Reagan Republican Revolution. 

I contend that Reagan’s greatness is a fable woven from selective memory to put a noble face on failed policy.

To be sure, in 1980 (Jimmy Carter’s last year in office) inflation averaged a very high 12.5 percent, and America was heading into a recession. Carter’s failed economic policy was the perfect platform for the Reagan myth to begin upon. Reagan immediately implemented supply-side economic policies — which meant tax cuts across the board — and expanded the tax base to offset the resulting revenue loss.

“Reaganomics” entered our lexicon, and certain economic indicators began to improve. During Reagan’s administration, the unemployment rate averaged 7.5 percent over eight years, after reaching a high from the recession in 1982 of 10.5.

Reagan’s legacy was set halfway through his first term, because he was the man who lowered taxes and turned the tide of recession. Production was up, unemployment was down. Mount Rushmore couldn’t be far behind!

But there was a virus deep within Reagan’s great plan: There wasn’t enough revenue to pay for his defense initiatives and for the government programs that he supported. So along came the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982, the largest peacetime tax increase in history.

He then sold Congress and the American public on the Tax Reform Act of 1986, which “simplified” the tax code while raising the bottom bracket tax rate by four percent and lowering the top rate another 22 percent. In theory, he could say that they were tax cuts, since the total percentage was lower, but the new tax burden fell to everyone but the wealthy.

Democrats were on the Trickle Down Train, as well — proof of the historical journey toward oligarchy that has seen a 250 percent increase in the wealth of the upper class over the past three decades.

It must be said that the widening gap between the rich and poor had already begun during the 1970s, before Reagan’s economic policies took effect. However, it must also be stated that Reagan’s policies exacerbated that trend. When Reagan left office there were 7 million more Americans living in poverty than when he started.

Reagan remains popular as the anti-tax hero despite raising taxes 11 times over the course of his presidency — in the name of fiscal responsibility. Overall, the 1982 tax increase undid about a third of the 1981 cut. Even Reagan admitted that his greatest regret was having tripled the national debt and turning the United States into a debtor nation for the first time.

Reaganomics was a short-term fix with long-term negative consequences. The proof of Reagan’s successes and failures will not be revealed by polls, party rhetoric, or platitudes. They are there for serious-minded people to view and decide for themselves.

Greatest president since FDR? Depends on your income.

Gary Kroeger is a former member of the Saturday Night Live cast, now an advertising executive in Iowa and a Democratic candidate for Congress. This essay is condensed from a version posted on his blog.