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Opinion

Naifeh Is Wrong on Segregation Claim

Jimmy Naifeh

  • Jimmy Naifeh

One more time: Shelby County schools are not segregated. They are white schools only in the sense that a slim majority of the students in the 46,249-student system are white.

The latest offender to use this inflammatory generalization is Tennessee state Representative Jimmy Naifeh, who ought to know better. As a lifelong resident of Tipton County, he attended public schools that really were segregated by law in the 1950s. Naifeh was in high school in 1954 when the U.S. Supreme Court issued its landmark decision in Brown v. Board of Education and in 1957 when President Eisenhower ordered troops to Little Rock to safely integrate Central High School.

The racial imbalance in public schools in Memphis, Shelby County, and Tipton County today is the result of many factors, but segregation by existing law is not one of them.

According to the Tennessee Report Card, there are 17,513 black students (37 percent) and 24,849 white students (52 percent) in the Shelby County public schools. Another 10 percent of the students are Asian or Hispanic.

The Tipton County school system, including Naifeh’s home town of Covington, has 11,639 students, including 2,963 blacks (24 percent) and 8,908 whites (73 percent).

The Memphis City System has 102,798 students, including 94,299 blacks (83 percent) and 8,917 whites (8 percent). NOTE: Counting students is controversial and an inexact science. The “average daily membership” for MCS differs from the “demographic profile,” which says MCS has 113,571 students. This is why the percentage of black students is 83 percent.

Private schools in Shelby County generally do not list racial breakdowns of students on their web sites.

But it is safe to say that Shelby County schools are more racially diverse than the Tipton County, Memphis, or private school systems.

At the individual school level, several of the 207 schools in Memphis are at least 99-percent black; there are a few elementary schools, including Campus, Richland, and Grahamwood, that are majority white.

In the Shelby County system, the demographic outliers are Southwind High School and its feeder schools, all of which are at least 90 percent black. Those schools are in the Memphis annexation area but are operated by Shelby County. The schools with the highest percentage of white students are in Collierville, but they are integrated to a degree that would have been unimaginable — not to mention illegal — before 1954.

The high school that Naifeh attended is closed. Tipton County has three high schools; the percentage of white students ranges from 47 percent to 82 percent.

You can spend hours looking at demographic trends and statistics. My point is simply that “segregation” is the wrong word to describe Shelby County schools. Self segregation is not legal segregation. That is not to say that there are not issues of race and class in the school merger debate, especially if private schools are included in the picture. A few years ago, federal judge Bernice Donald ruled that the county schools should be more racially balanced at the individual school level, but she was overruled.

We don’t know yet what the municipal school systems would look like or even if there will be such things. If they were to include their current city residents only, then the schools in Collierville and Germantown might well be less diverse than they are today. But in order to fill their buildings and keep their teachers working, the munis need to boost enrollment and include students from unincorporated or annexation areas.

Could there be schools in future municipal school systems that would trend toward becoming 90-percent white schools, while the future unified system could trend toward becoming 90-percent black? History shows that is possible, if not likely.

I have watched the clip of Naifeh’s remarks several times. I think he was trying to cut to the chase. This is a time for straight talk, but segregation is not quite the right word.

Categories
Music Music Features

Listening to Ernest Withers

I have a print of an Ernest Withers photograph hanging on my office wall. It’s a portrait of Bilbo Brown, a sad-faced clown who worked with the circa-1940s entertainment troupe called the Brown Skin Follies. If a picture is worth a thousand words, this image of a wearied and wary entertainer, his brown face further darkened with cork, serves as a perfect avatar for other misguided African-American talents ranging from Ike Turner, Chuck Berry, and Sam Cooke to Michael Jackson, R. Kelly, and T.I., both predicting and predicating their missteps by decades.

When Withers died at age 85 on October 15th, a huge portion of this city’s history died with him. Google the Brown Skin Follies and scant information is returned; had you queried Withers on the subject, you’d have gotten remarkable tales about long-forgotten clubs like the Flamingo Room and the Hippodrome, two venues that were part of what the photographer coined “a separate America,” where he could augment his policeman’s salary making “fifty, sixty dollars a night — maybe a hundred, being seen, making pictures” for a buck-and-a-half apiece.

I doubt anyone wandering down Beale Street with a daiquiri in their hand this weekend could give a damn about the history of that storied district, but Withers, who rented a space for his studio at 333 Beale for the last decade, would often pause to explain, “When people go to blues shows now there’s a combination of all people. But [in the old days] it was ninety-nine and forty-four hundredths percent African American people. It wasn’t a mixed crowd.

“The Hippodrome was at the east end of Beale, between the Hunt-Phelan home and the Martin Luther King Labor Center. It was originally a skating rink. When that declined, they turned it into a one-night-stand facility. At other places, black people had to go up through the back to see the big acts,” he said, referencing once-segregated venues like Ellis Auditorium and the Orpheum Theatre. “The acts were African-American, so why did the African-American people have to sit up in the gallery? So the Hippodrome was opened for blacks only. It held five or six thousand — and it was always a packed house.”

Withers also told me stories about the Flamingo Club, which was located on Hernando Street between Beale and Gayoso. “For a number of years,” he said, “the Flamingo Club was the legendary Hotel Men’s Improvement Club, a group of Negro men who were waiters or what-have-you, who worked in the hotels. The management sold it to Clifford Miller, who changed its name to the Flamingo Club. This is after the early days of corn whiskey, but before the liquor-by-the-drink period. The club sold set-ups and you brought in your own bottle. Or you could make a deal with a bootlegger — go outside and buy a bottle of whiskey from him.

“White people,” he explained, “used to come on Beale Street to the Palace Theatre on a special night for white attendance at the Midnight Ramble. At a given night at the Midnight Ramble, the black theater switched to whites only. They didn’t put signs up. It was just understood: no black people. And the same thing would happen for black people at North Hall.”

Despite segregation, Memphis’ music scene in those days was wide open, and Withers captured it all: B.B. King and band lined up in front of their tour bus; Howlin’ Wolf performing at a grocery store; Elvis Presley and Rufus Thomas backstage at a WDIA Goodwill Revue; Lionel Hampton onstage at the Hippodrome; the Finas Newborn Orchestra hamming it up at the Flamingo Room; the Teen Town Singers with a young Isaac Hayes; Ray Charles at North Hall; and hundreds more pictures that have become an indelible part of the American music psyche.

“Being backed by good players can strengthen your confidence,” says Jeff Hulett, drummer-turned-guitar slinger, who plays a free show with his group Jeffrey James and the Haul at the Blue Monkey Thursday, October 25th.

“At first, it was kinda nerve-wracking, but now that I’ve been doing it awhile, I’m pretty comfortable with it,” says the perennially good-natured Hulett, who formed the Haul two years ago after his other band, Snowglobe, went on hiatus.

“I picked up the guitar in 2000 or 2001 and learned a few chords from friends,” Hulett says. “We started playing at Kudzu’s, and eventually graduated to the Hi-Tone and the Buccaneer.”

For more on the Haul, who plan to record a follow-up to their 2006 debut Win the National Championship this winter, go to MySpace.com/JeffreyJamesAndTheHaul.

Categories
News The Fly-By

From the Back of the Bus

In the mid ’60s, Coby Smith and Charles Cabbage helped organize the Invaders, a civil rights group founded in Memphis. Now roughly four decades later, the proposed “Rosa Parks” law — currently awaiting Phil Bredesen’s signature — clears the names of people who were targeted by police for anti-discrimination activities.

The law would expunge the “records of persons charged with a misdemeanor or felony while challenging a law designed to maintain racial segregation.”

Cabbage and Smith recognize the symbolic spirit of the law but insist that it’s too late to offer any practical benefit to thousands of civil rights activists. “Is this only for people who were involved in non-violent civil rights activity?” Cabbage asks. “There are some people who went to the penitentiary and have been vilified their whole lives [due to their civil rights movement activities], and some who’ve had bronze statues made of them.”

Former Invaders count themselves in the first group. Therein lies the rub for the past militants. Their view of the movement and strategies for achieving its goals diverged from the non-violent activities that Martin Luther King Jr. advocated.

“The Black Invaders were defined as a gang and treated as criminals,” Smith says.

It’s one thing to expunge a criminal record, but another to undo the difficulties that arise in one’s life from carrying a record. “Our [criminal] records influence whether or not we have good employment, which we could not get because of our record,” Cabbage says. “How do you address this issue?”

The two men are wary of legislation designed to generate positive press for government officials while forsaking the citizens that the law could help. “This will allow Fred Thompson to run for president with a clear conscience,” Smith quips.

Bredesen has until June 8th to take action on the bill.