Tag: Shelby County

Categories
News News Blog News Feature

Organizers Urge County Officials Be Held Accountable for xAI Project

Photo: Black Voters Matter

While many residents have criticized Memphis Mayor Paul Young for the city’s role in Elon Musk’s xAI project, community organizers say Shelby County officials should not only be held responsible, they should intervene as well.

On Monday night, the group Black Voters Matter facilitated a virtual conversation called “Stop the xAI Shelby County Takeover” where KeShaun Pearson of Memphis Community Against Pollution said the Shelby County Health Department is responsible for regulating environmental concerns — which have been at the center of the xAI controversy.

To address this, Pearson met with Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris last week about the presence of xAI’s gas turbines — which many did not know had been operating for about a year.

In June 2024, Harris released a statement commending the Greater Memphis Chamber for “leading” the xAI project into fruition and called it a “monumental opportunity for Memphis and Shelby County.”

While Pearson addressed the “atrocity” of the situation, he said Harris is in support of a resolution that is headed to the Shelby County Board of Commissioners on Wednesday before the Commission’s Hospitals and Health Committee.

The resolution, sponsored by Commissioner Britney Thornton, urges the Shelby County Health Department to host a public meeting “prior to the approval or denial of the permit submitted by CTC Property LLC, an affiliate of xAI for the long-term operations of 15 methane gas turbines in South Memphis.”

Pearson said this resolution would suspend the air-permitting process as the permit is not for the “current pollution” but “more pollution,” as xAI intends to bring more turbines in.

“The damage here on a human level in an ecosystem that is trying to flourish, that is so beautiful — it’s so dangerous,” Pearson said. “It’s incumbent, and it’s a responsibility of the people who have signed the paperwork to say they ‘will be employed here and work for the people’ to show up and do that.”

Amber Sherman, local political strategist, said it’s important for people to know “who the power players are” and how these processes work. Sherman’s comments come after MCAP hosted “A Fireside Chat with Mayor Paul Young” on Saturday, March 22nd.

Pearson said the conversation was “representative of what people are feeling,” noting that many people felt “left out of the entire process.” He said he was glad citizens were able to challenge Young on his “positive position” regarding xAI.

Sherman noted that several people wondered why Young “wasn’t doing anything” and felt like Young should have emphasized how “the power works.”

“You’re not throwing someone under the bus to make sure people know who’s responsible,” Sherman said. “Saying that the Shelby County Health Department is the one who issues permits doesn’t throw them under the bus — it just points out the direct target who we should be talking to, so everyone isn’t pissed off at you all the time.”

Pearson noted that while Young may not have all the authority citizens expect him to, he isn’t “absolved” from working on the city’s end.

“What we can’t allow is for people to scapegoat other organizations,” Pearson said. “It is a bit of standing in your power and really using the authority that has been given to you in ways that exist, and not to perform this kind of learned helplessness that ‘we can’t do anything’ [or] ‘I can only do so much.’ Do everything and then get innovative on how to do more.”

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

A GOP Grudge Match

Naser Fazlullah with South Dakota Governor Kristi Noem, Trump’s secretary of Homeland Security nominee and last year’s Lincoln Day keynoter. (Photo: Naser Fazlullah | Facebook)

The race for chairman of the Shelby County Republican Party, due to be resolved at the local party convention on Saturday at the Venue at Bartlett Station, has turned into a real donnybrook, with potentially divisive consequences.

As noted previously in this space, the two candidates are former Memphis City Councilman Worth Morgan, the beneficiary of an intra-party “Revive” campaign supported by numerous prominent party members, and longtime activist Naser Fazlullah, whose nose-to-the-grindstone party activities have won him a sizable grassroots constituency. 

Underlying the surface aspects of the race are conflicts and rivalries involving other party figures and a myriad of issues.

Morgan’s most significant supporter is undoubtedly state Senator Brent Taylor, who claims credit for having recruited Morgan, an unsuccessful candidate for Shelby County mayor in 2022, to seek the chairmanship. Taylor won election to the state Senate that same year, claiming the seat vacated by former incumbent Brian Kelsey, who was forced out by legal problems. Since then, he has gone on to generate an amount of attention for himself unusual for a first-term legislator.

That’s partly due to the fact that Taylor, wealthy from the sale of his extensive funeral home network, has personally endowed numerous GOP candidacies and party events, both statewide and locally. And he continues to attract publicity for his aggressive efforts, in and out of the legislature, to impose stronger state control over law enforcement in Shelby County.

The most recent manifestation of what Taylor calls a “Make Memphis Matter” campaign is his ongoing attempt to force the removal of Shelby County District Attorney Steve Mulroy, whom he accuses of lax crime control. The senator has initiated a legislative procedure that would ultimately require a two-thirds vote in both chambers of the legislature to oust Mulroy.

As it happens, Fazlullah opposes that effort, on the grounds that using legislation to remove a legally elected local official is unjustified overkill.

That’s one reason for Taylor’s animus toward Fazlullah and his recruitment of Morgan as a rival candidate. Another is his assertion that, at last fall’s Germantown Festival, Fazlullah strenuously urged GOP state Representative Mark White to oppose Taylor’s reelection in 2026. White acknowledges that Fazlullah made such an approach, which he politely turned aside.

Says Taylor: “Naser should never be party chairman after trying to recruit a candidate to run against a sitting state senator in a primary who happens to have been the largest contributor to the Republican Party while he was vice chairman. Two can play at this game!”

Meanwhile, Fazlullah has allies who hold grudges against Worth Morgan. One is Terry Roland of Millington, a notable GOP conservative who regards Morgan as a lukewarm Republican, a “Never-Trumper,” and a potential advocate of city-county consolidation.

Roland sees Morgan as a tool of party “elitists” and reproaches the chairmanship candidate for allegedly “boycotting” the local GOP’s 2022 Lincoln Day banquet, which was keynoted that year by Trump’s former chief of staff Mark Meadows.

The showdown over the chairmanship reflects a complicated pattern of conflicting loyalties, with GOP moderates and conservatives to be found on both sides.

• You saw it here first, in our year-end forecast of future political events: U.S. Senator Marsha Blackburn is seriously considering a race for governor in 2026 and has so informed an increasing number of her fellow Republicans statewide. 

Glenn Jacobs, the Knox County mayor who was previously regarded as perhaps the leading Republican gubernatorial hopeful, has energized Blackburn’s likely candidacy with a formal endorsement. 

The Republican nomination, though, will apparently still be contested by U.S. Representative John Rose of Cookeville, a multi-millionaire with the capacity to self-fund. 

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Punching Down

Brent Taylor (Photo: Senator Brent Taylor | Facebook)

It surely hasn’t gone unnoticed that state government is continuing to flex its muscles vis-à-vis local government in Memphis and Shelby County. 

Officials aligned with the administration in Nashville are threatening outright takeover of the Memphis-Shelby County Schools (MSCS) system at the same time that state Senator Brent Taylor and helpers continue to implement their would-be coup d’état against the county judiciary and the office of District Attorney Steve Mulroy.

In the case of MSCS, the sudden out-of-nowhere power struggle between an apparent school board majority and first-year superintendent Marie Feagins has prompted what amounts to an ultimatum from Governor Bill Lee and the presiding officers of the state legislative chambers: Keep Feagins or else!

And Taylor has enlisted the same officials in his campaign to oust Mulroy, involving them in his bill of particulars against the DA at a press conference last Thursday that followed by a day a quickly improvised “summit” called by the senator to consider the case for a new crime lab in Memphis, something Mulroy has put forth as a major need for facilitating effective local law enforcement.

The list of invitees to the crime lab conference, styled as a “roundtable discussion,” included Tennessee Bureau of Investigation director David Rausch and a virtually complete roster of public figures, state and local, who could be considered stakeholders in the matter of law enforcement.

There was one glaring omission, however: DA Mulroy, who was not only not invited; he was not even informed of the meeting, which was held at the City Hall of Germantown and concluded with Taylor suggesting an ultimate consensus that processing of local crime data in sensitive cases could be easily expedited via an existing crime lab in Jackson, obviating the need for a new Memphis lab.

A cynic could be pardoned for assuming that the entire thrust of the meeting in Germantown was to undermine the absent DA’s call for such a lab.

There was no doubt about the senator’s minimizing motive in his press conference the next day at the Memphis Police Association headquarters. It was overtly to “reveal the causes to be considered for the removal of District Attorney Steve Mulroy.”

Taylor’s bill of particulars against Mulroy was a duke’s mixture of complaints, ranging from prerogatives asserted by the DA that could be, and in several cases were, countered by ad hoc state legislation to innovative procedures pursued by Mulroy, some of them reflecting purposes that Taylor acknowledged sharing himself.

A case of the latter was an agreement reached by the DA with Juvenile Court Judge Tarik Sugarmon to allow trial court judges access to Juvenile Court records. Taylor had sponsored a bill to do just that in last year’s session of the General Assembly.

A similar instance was Taylor’s inclusion in his list of Mulroy’s declared support of gun safety referenda placed by the Memphis City Council on the 2024 general election ballot and overwhelmingly passed.

“Many of us” could sympathize with the referenda points, Taylor said, but his point was that the referenda — calling for local ordinances on behalf of gun permits, an assault rifle ban, and judicial confiscation of firearms in at-risk instances — ran counter to state law.

Sponsors of the referenda had made it clear that they called for “trigger” laws that could be enforced only if and when state law might be amended to allow them.

And there’s a further anomaly here, given Taylor’s stated goal to “Make Memphis Mattter” and safeguard the city from crime.

One has to wonder why he isn’t pursuing an altogether different strategy, one calling for a legislative “carve-out” of Shelby County from current state law prohibiting the immediate implementation of the ordinances called for by the referenda.

Such a course would be consistent with the principle of home rule; it would also be supportive of a position taken by Mulroy’s Republican opponent in the 2022 DA’s race, then-incumbent Amy Weirich, who inveighed against the iniquitous consequences of the state’s increasingly permissive stripping away of gun safety regulations. 

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

A Preamble Year

Photo: Anuchit Singkham | Dreamstime.com

The year that just passed promised at various points to be one of dramatic change in this or that public sphere, but such changes as did occur fell way short of transformative.

A new order was unveiled in the city government of Memphis with the inauguration of Mayor Paul Young, for example, but the dominant issue of Young’s first days in office — that of police authority vis-à-vis the citizenry in a climate of anxiety about crime — remains mired in uncertainty a year later.

Young’s reappointment of MPD Police Chief C.J. Davis was rejected by the city council, for example, and she still lacks that validation, serving in an interim capacity. Her second-in-command, Shawn Jones, turned out to be ineligible as a Georgia resident, and the mayor’s announcement of a new public safety director continues unfulfilled, although a “consultant” on the subject got added to the patroll..

The shadow of the Tyre Nichols tragedy lingers on at year’s end, reinforced by harsh judgements levied against the MPD by the U.S. Department of Justice, and state government continues to impose its iron will on local law enforcement, countering the brave stands taken by the city’s voters in referenda intending to assert the city’s own efforts at self-protection.

Those referenda, all essentially meant as rebukes to state policies favoring gun proliferation, were a highlight of the election season, which otherwise saw the status quo reassert itself. Though Democrats held on to their legislative seats in the inner city and fielded plausible candidates in races for the United States Senate and a key legislative district on the city’s suburban edge, the ongoing metamorphosis of Tennessee into red-state Republicanism continued more or less unabated.

In the presidential election, Shelby County reasserted its identity as a Democratic enclave, one of two statewide, the other being Nashville. Unlike the capital city, whose electoral districts had been systematically gerrymandered by the General Assembly’s Republican supermajority, Memphis could still boast a Democratic congressman, Steve Cohen, a fixture in the 9th Congressional District since 2006. The adjoining, largely rural, 8th District, which takes in much of the Memphis metropolitan area, continued to be represented by Republican David Kustoff.

As always, the Memphis area serves as an incubator of individuals with clear potential for further advancement. Among them are Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris, a prolific deviser of developmental projects; state Senator Raumesh Akbari, a shining light both in Nashville and in national Democratic councils; and Justin J. Pearson, a member of the “Tennessee Three” who famously galvanized the case for gun safety legislation in the Tennessee House in 2023 and who added to his laurels with rousing appearances at the 2024 Democratic Convention in Chicago.

Meanwhile, amid rampant speculation as to the identity of contenders for the Tennessee governorship in 2026, two surprising new names were added to the list — those of the state’s two Republican senators, Bill Hagerty and Marsha Blackburn.

An unexpected situation began to simmer late in the year with a virtual mutiny of members of the Memphis-Shelby County Schools system against first-year superintendent Marie Feagins, who was threatened with a rescission of her contract with the board. Action on the matter was postponed until January, but, coming on the heels of the ouster of her predecessor Joris Ray due to a personal scandal, it was clear evidence that major things were amiss on the schools front, which had been a highly politicized landscape a decade earlier and could well become once again.

All in all, 2024 seemed destined to go into the history books as a time of preamble, with weighty circumstances likely to follow in its wake. 

Categories
News News Blog News Feature

Shelby County Again Ranks First for Car Crash Deaths

Shelby County had the highest rate of vehicle fatalities in Tennessee over the last five years, according to a new state report. 

The Tennessee Highway Safety Office’s (THSO) latest report says that between 2018 and 2022, 640 died in Shelby County as a result of a car crash. The figure made Shelby County the site of nearly 16 percent of all vehicle-related deaths in Tennessee. 

However, Shelby County saw a decline in these deaths in 2022.

Source: THSO (Memphis Flyer via ChatGPT)

Davidson County (Nashville) was the runner-up in this metric. But with its 305 deaths, it had fewer than half of the vehicle-related deaths than Shelby. Davidson County deaths accounted for 7.5 percent of all vehicle-related deaths in Tennessee. 

However, Davidson Countians drove more each day than Shelby County drivers. The THSO figures said more than 24.6 million miles are driven in Shelby County each day. In Davidson County, the figure is more than 25.3 million.     

Source: THSO (Memphis Flyer via ChatGPT)

The number of car-related fatalities here is way up from nearly 20 years ago. The same THSO report found that in the five years from 2005 to 2009, there were 397 fatal crashes crashes in Shelby County. Fewer average daily miles were driven back then, nearly 1 million fewer miles per day. 

The number of car-related fatalities here is way up from nearly 20 years ago.

Source: THSO

Roads Most Traveled

The new report shows that Shelby County has the most miles of roadways in the state. It has 10,759 miles of roads. Knox County comes in second with 9,903 miles. Davidson is third with 9,448. Hamilton County (Chattanooga) is a distant fourth with 7,962 miles. 

The busiest road in Shelby County is the 240 stretch between Mt. Moriah and Perkins (segment 3 in the chart above) with about 194,040 cars daily. The next busiest was at the flyover around the Sam Cooper Blvd. exit (segment 2) with around 156,970 cars daily. The third-busiest was two-mile stretch of I-240 between the Walnut Grove and Poplar exits (segment 1 in the graph above). That portion saw about 149,320 cars each day in 2023. But it is the most-driven road in the county, with about 337,463 miles driven on it each day.

The busiest local roads were Germantown Road (59,980 cars daily), Lamar (39,410 daily), and Covington Pike (21,460 cars daily).        

Source: THSO (Memphis Flyer via ChatGPT)

Buckle Up

The new report shows that Tennesseans buckled up at record rates in 2024 for the second year in a row. 

The Tennessee Highway Safety Office (THSO) said the 2024 statewide seat belt usage rate was 92.2 percent, a slight increase from the 2023 rate of 92 percent. Shelby County’s usage rate was only slightly lower at 91.7 percent. 

The THSO collected data at 190 roadway locations across the state, involving nearly 29,000 vehicle occupants.

Key figures: 

• Sport utility vehicle occupants had the highest seat belt usage rate (96.3 percent), while pickup truck occupants had the lowest (84.6 percent).

• Female occupants wore seat belts more frequently (96.2 percent) compared to males (89.2 percent).

• Front-seat passengers wore seat belts (92.3 percent) more than drivers (92.1 percent).

• McMinn County had the highest seat belt usage rate at 97 percent.

Read the full report here: 

2024-TN-Belt-Survey-Final-ReportDownload
Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Seeing Red

The 2024 presidential election results by precinct (Photo: Courtesy Don Johnson)

The Shelby County Republican Party is scheduled to hold its biennial convention in January, and the party has a bona fide chairmanship race on its hands.

One candidate is Bangladesh-born Naser Fazlullah, manager of a food-and-beverages firm and the local party’s vice chair, who has been highly active in Republican outreach efforts over the years. Most unusually, he professes a desire to “bring both parties together” for the benefit of Shelby County and has numerous friends both inside and outside GOP ranks.

The other candidate is insurance executive Worth Morgan, the former city council member who in 2022 ran unsuccessfully for county mayor and had been rumored as a possible candidate for Memphis mayor the next year before deciding not to make the race.

Both candidates are running as the heads of slates for a variety of other party offices.

Morgan’s campaign in particular, run under the slogan “Revive,” is in the kind of high gear normally associated with expensive major public races and has employed a barrage of elaborate online endorsements from such well-known party figures as state Representative Mark White, state Senator Brent Taylor, and conservative media commentator Todd Starnes. 

The GOP convention is scheduled for January 25th at The Venue at Bartlett Station.

• Morgan’s choice of the campaign motif “Revival” is interesting. Not too long ago, Republicans dominated county government, but demographics now heavily favor Democrats in countywide voting. As one indication of that, Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris outdistanced the GOP’s Donald Trump in November by a margin of 201,759 to Trump’s 118,917. 

In a series of post-election analyses, however, veteran Republican analyst Don Johnson, formerly of Memphis and now with the Stone River Group of Nashville, has demonstrated the GOP’s supremacy virtually everywhere else in Tennessee. He has published precinct-specific maps of statewide election results showing areas won by Trump in red. Patches of Democratic blue show up only sporadically in these graphics and are largely confined to Memphis, Nashville, and the inner urban cores of Knoxville and Chattanooga. Even Haywood County in the southwest corner of the state, virtually the last Democratic stronghold in rural Tennessee, shows high purple on Johnson’s cartography.

Post-election analysis shows something else — a shift of the Republican center of gravity eastward, toward the GOP’s ancestral homeland of East Tennessee. For the first time in recent presidential elections, Republican voting in Knox County outdid the party’s totals in Shelby County.

Looking ahead to the 2026 governor’s race, it is meaningful that a recent poll of likely Republican voters by the Tennessee Conservative News shows two Knoxvillians — Congressman Tim Burchett and Knox County Mayor Glenn Jacobs — leading all other potential candidates.

• The Shelby County Commission ended its year with a full agenda of 89 items, several of which were matters involving schools and school funding. The commissioners navigated that agenda with admirable focus and aplomb, considering that the bombshell news of Tuesday’s scheduled Memphis Shelby-County Schools board meeting regarding the potential voiding of superintendent Marie Feagins’ contract exploded midway through their discussions.

• One of the more inclusive political crowds in recent history showed up weekend before last at Otherlands on Cooper to honor David Upton on the occasion of his 60th birthday. Upton is the proverbial man-behind-the-scenes in Shelby County politics and has had a hand — sometimes openly, sometimes not — in more local elections and civic initiatives than almost anybody else you could name. 

Categories
News News Blog News Feature

Letter Condemns County’s Decision Regarding Juvenile Court Transportation and Transition

Photo: Juvenile Court of Memphis & Shelby County via Facebook

Community partners are urging the Shelby County Sheriff’s Office and Youth Detention Center to be transparent about their decision to stop transportation of youth to court, and their decision to transition Youth Justice and Education Center (YJEC) operations to the Juvenile Court.

An open letter issued on behalf of youth justice and community organizations asked Sheriff Floyd Bonner to address these issues, while also shedding light on how these decisions affect both young people and the community. 

“Just days before Juvenile Court resumed operations following a five-month closure, the Sheriff’s Office announced it would no longer transport youth to court hearings, forcing an emergency shift to virtual proceedings,” advocates said. “This decision comes amid ongoing disputes about the sheriff’s unilateral announcement to transfer detention center operations to Juvenile Court by December 2024, despite mid-budget cycle constraints and the need for proper transition planning.”

In October, it was announced that juvenile court would remain virtual due to lack of transportation from deputies. Prior to this, Juvenile Court was closed in April for “remedial work.” 

Ala’a Alattiyat, youth justice coordinator of the Youth Justice Action Coalition, emphasized that these decisions negatively impact the youth and their families.

“When we deny youth proper court access and rush critical transitions without adequate planning, we’re not just affecting their legal rights —we’re sending a message about how little we value their future opportunities.”

Aries Newton, government affairs director of Stand For Children, called the December 2024 deadline “arbitrary and hasty” and said these choices seem to prioritize convenience over wellbeing.

The four-page letter was signed by several community organizations such as Stand for Children Tennessee, Memphis For All, and Memphis Interfaith Coalition for Action and Hope (MICAH). Not only did the document express concern, but it included a call to action on transportation, “transition planning,” and the entire experience.

“We write with profound concern about how recent operational decisions affecting the Youth Justice and Education Center are damaging the rehabilitation and development of young people in our community,” the letter said. “The abrupt cessation of youth transportation services and rushed timeline for transitioning the detention center reflect choices that not only violate constitutional protections but, more critically, threaten to create a cycle of disconnection and recidivism that impacts all of Shelby County.”

Advocates emphasize that the obstacle of transportation affects multiple facets of the rehabilitation process. The letter asserted that familial connections and “comprehensive support” can reduce recidivism rates according to research.

They went on to state that when the YJEC was built, it was meant to be a place for “rehabilitation and hope.” It represented a $30 million investment that included a kitchen, computer lab, and outdoor spaces for “young people to develop skills and envision different futures for themselves.”

The letter also advocates for expanded in-person visitation, activated educational and vocational facilities, wellness programming, mental health and counseling support, and more. According to the letter, the decision to not be intentional about facility operations sends a negative message to the youth and implies that they don’t matter. 

Earlier this year, a different letter was sent from a consortium of organizations urging Bonner to address these changes. Their biggest concern was their decision not to allow in-person visitation, while also criticizing the fact that their education did not parallel mainstream public schools.

Another major point of concern is the December deadline, as the current budget cycle doesn’t allow for proper funding.

“Your office’s threat of litigation regarding budget modifications creates further barriers to proper resource allocation,” the letter said. “The transition timeline doesn’t align with the fiscal year, creating funding gaps that could compromise youth services.”

In addition to being sent to Bonner,  Juvenile Court Judge Tarik Sugarmon, Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris, and the Shelby County Commission, and other partners are cc’d on the letter.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

Sharing the Spotlight

Democrats Johnson, Huseth at High Point (Photos: Jackson Baker)

As was surely to be expected, the next-to-last weekend of the climactic 2024 election campaign was filled with feverish activity of various kinds — with early voting into its second week and candidates trying to get as many of their partisans as possible to the polls.

A case in point was a pair of events involving Gloria Johnson, the Knoxville Democrat who is trying to unseat incumbent Republican Senator Marsha Blackburn. 

Johnson, the state representative who gained national attention last year as a member of the “Tennessee Three” proponents of gun-safety legislation, has raised some $7 million for her bid — almost all of it from in-state sources, she contended proudly.

While that is no match for the incumbent’s $17 million or so, it has been enough to buy Johnson a series of concise and well-produced TV spots pinpointing Blackburn’s alleged shortcomings. And it even gives her some of the kind of influence that politicians call coattails.

Opponents Nordstrom and White at Belly Acres

Johnson was in Shelby County on Saturday, sharing time with two other Democrats, District 83 state House candidate Noah Nordstrom (like Johnson a public schoolteacher) and District 97 House candidate Jesse Huseth. 

The first event was a joint rally with Nordstrom and state Democratic chair Hendrell Remus just outside the perimeter of the New Bethel Missionary Baptist early-voting station. Next, Johnson met up with Huseth at High Point Grocery for some joint canvassing efforts, after which Huseth, who opposes GOP incumbent John Gillespie, set out on some door-to-door calls on residents in that western part of his district.

The most unusual pre-election event on Saturday didn’t involve Johnson, nor was it, in the strictest sense, a partisan event at all. It was a meet-and-greet at the Belly Acres restaurant in East Memphis involving both Nordstrom and his GOP adversary, incumbent Republican state Representative Mark White.

Not a debate between the two, mind you. A joint meet-and-greet, at which both candidates circulated among the members of a sizeable crowd, spending conversational time with the attendees and with each other.

The event was the brainchild of one Philip D. Hicks, impresario of something called the Independent Foundation for Political Effectiveness. Hicks says he hopes the Nordstrom-White encounter, his organization’s maiden effort, can serve as a precedent for other such joint candidate efforts to come — presumably in future election seasons.

Inasmuch as political competition is, by its nature, an adversarial process, it’s somewhat difficult to imagine such events becoming commonplace, but, all things considered, this first one went amazingly well.

It wasn’t the same kind of thing at all, but there were elements of such collegiality between potential election opponents at an earlier event, a meeting of the Germantown Democratic Club at Coletta’s on Appling Road during the previous week.

That event included Memphis City Council Chair JB Smiley as its featured speaker, and Smiley, who is reliably reported to be thinking of a race for Shelby County mayor in 2026, spent a fair amount of time comparing notes on public matters (e.g., MLGW, the future of the erstwhile Sheraton Hotel) with attendee J.W. Gibson, a businessman who has basically already declared for that office.

Take heed, Mr/Hicks.

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

A Deepening Divide

Photo: Srdjan Randjelovic | Dreamstime.com

A local study of poverty rates in Memphis and Shelby County confirms what most people, local and otherwise, probably already suppose to be the case.

The incidence of poverty is higher in the city proper than in the county as a whole, and both Memphis and Shelby County have a higher rate of poverty than does Tennessee, while the state itself has a higher incidence of poverty than pertains in the nation. 

Poverty as a percentage of population (Photo: Courtesy Delavega and Blumenthal)

The study, entitled 2024 Memphis Poverty Fact Sheet, was prepared by local analysts Elena Delavega and Gregory M. Blumenthal, a husband-and-wife team who undertake annual statistical reports on the incidence of poverty.

If there is a surprise in the study, based on 2020 census figures, it is that poverty rates for non-Hispanic whites are higher in Tennessee at large than in the United States, Shelby County, and the Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) of Memphis.

This might seem to suggest a rising affluence gap between the state’s white residents and its Black and brown residents. It also has implications concerning the effects of out-migration from the Memphis area.

Poverty has increased since last year, the authors find. “This is true for most groups, including children and minorities, but not for whites in Memphis or Shelby County,” they say. “Poverty for non-Hispanic whites has fallen since 2022. It also appears that the population size of non-Hispanic whites in the city of Memphis has dropped more than for other groups, suggesting that those non-Hispanic whites who left were those in poverty.”

It is “not a surprise,” say the authors, that the poverty rate among minorities is higher than among whites. Indeed, they find that structural disparities based on race seem to have accelerated in 2023. “[These] disparities remain and will require deliberate efforts to dismantle. Solving poverty will require regional solutions and regional investments.” 

One possible explanation for what seems to be a deepening divide locally is that the labor market in Memphis tends to consist of unskilled workers in the warehouse industry. “The lack of comprehensive, effective, and efficient public transportation also makes progress against poverty quite difficult,” the authors maintain. 

“An additional problem has been that of external firms acquiring Memphis housing stock and renting it to Memphians at inflated prices, which makes it almost impossible for local families to afford housing.”

Finally, say the authors, “The divide between the city and the county, as evidenced by the racial and geographical differences in poverty, tends to deprive the city of Memphis of the funds it needs to support the region.”

Apropos the racial divide, the authors note that while Memphis ranks second in overall poverty and first in child poverty among large MSAs (urbanized areas with populations greater than 1,000,000) and second in overall poverty and child poverty among cities with over 500,000 population, it ranks significantly better when only whites are included.

Ranked only by its white population, Memphis is positioned significantly lower in the list, ranking 25th among 54 large MSAs (populations greater than 1,000,000) and 61st among 114 MSAs with populations greater than 500,000. 

Ominously, the authors conclude that while the long-term poverty trend provides evidence of the structural nature of poverty in Memphis, five-year trend graphs suggest that disparities are increasing along racial lines.

• Meanwhile, on the eve of the pending presidential election, an equally fraught finding comes from a new poll by the Vanderbilt Project on Unity and American Democracy. The survey, conducted from September 20th to 23rd, based on responses from 1,030 adults across the nation, concludes that most Americans think that democracy is in danger.

More than 50 percent of Americans think that our democracy is “under attack” in the run-up to the election. The Unity Poll is meant to offer “regular snapshots of Americans’ sense of national political unity and their faith in the country’s democratic institutions,” according to Vanderbilt professor John Geer. 

Categories
Politics Politics Feature

State vs. Local

JB Smiley at Germantown Democrats’ picnic (Photo: Jackson Baker)

Most people are familiar with an adage, often attributed to the late Speaker of the U.S. House Tip O’Neill, that “all politics is local.”

Until it isn’t. 

Tennesseans are becoming uncomfortably aware that state government is muscling into as many local government prerogatives as possible — in areas ranging from education to healthcare to social policy to, increasingly, law enforcement.

A number of current circumstances reflect what seems to be a war of attrition waged at the state level against the right of Memphis and Shelby County to pursue independent law-and-order initiatives.

Memphis City Council chairman JB Smiley spoke to the matter Sunday at the annual picnic of the Germantown Democratic Club at Cameron Brown Park.

Said Smiley: “You know, recently, I’ve been, against my will, going back and forth with someone in the statehouse who doesn’t care for Shelby County called Cameron Sexton. Yeah, he doesn’t believe that Shelby County has the right to exercise its voice.“

Sexton, of course, is the Republican speaker of the state House of Representatives who recently threatened to withhold from Memphis its share of some vital state revenues in retaliation for the city’s inclusion on the November 5th ballot of a referendum package soliciting citizens’ views on possible future firearms curbs.

The package lists three initiatives — a reinstatement of gun-carry permits, a ban on the sale of assault rifles, and the right of judges to impose “red-flag” laws against the possession of weapons by demonstrably risky individuals.

All the initiatives are in the form of “trigger laws,” which would be activated only if and when state policy might allow the local options. As Smiley noted, “That’s what the state did when they disagreed with the federal government when it came to abortion rights. As soon as the law changed in the country, [their] law became full and effective. That’s what we’re going to do in the city of Memphis.” 

Simultaneous with this ongoing showdown between city and state has been a determined effort by Republican state Senator Brent Taylor and others to pass state laws restricting the prerogatives of local Criminal Court judges and Shelby County District Attorney Steve Mulroy.

One piece of Taylor-sponsored legislation, passed last year, would transfer authority over capital punishment appeals from the DA to the state attorney general. Litigation against the law pursued by Mulroy and an affected defendant resulted in the measure’s being declared unconstitutional in trial court.

But the state Appeals Court reversed that judgment last week, seemingly revalidating the law and causing Taylor to crow in a social media post over what he deemed a personal victory over Mulroy, whom he accused of wanting to “let criminals off of death row” and whose ouster he has vowed to pursue in the legislature.

The fact is, however, that there will be one more review of the measure, by the state Supreme Court, before its ultimate status is made clear. 

Some of the immediate media coverage of the matter tended to play up Taylor’s declaration of victory over Mulroy, ignoring the ongoing aspects of the litigation and overlooking obvious nuances. 

One TV outlet erroneously reported the Appeals Court as having found Mulroy guilty of “inappropriate” conduct when the court had merely speculated on the legalistic point of whether the DA had appropriate standing as a plaintiff (a point that was conceded, incidentally, by the state Attorney General).

Mulroy’s reaction to the Appeals Court finding focused on the issue as having to do with governance: “The Tennessee Constitution says local voters get to elect a local resident DA to represent them in court. This law transfers power over the most serious cases, death penalty cases, from locally elected DAs across the state to one unelected state official half a state away. This should concern anyone, regardless of party, who cares about local control and state overreach.”