Back in the early fall of 2021, the Tennessee legislature, meeting in special session, voted to subject the powers of health departments in home-rule counties — like Shelby (Memphis) or Davidson (Nashville) — to veto-like controls by the state health department.
That action, taken at the still virulent height of the Covid pandemic amid controversies over masking and school shutdowns, was the most notable action of that special session.
Another important change was voted in with conspicuously less fanfare. The General Assembly, dominated then as now by Republican supermajorities in both houses, also struck down prohibitions against partisan elections for school boards, allowing school districts, anywhere in Tennessee, to have partisan school board primaries at their own discretion.
At the time, the Democratic and Republican parties of Shelby County opted not to avail themselves of the primary option.
That’s all changed now. The Democratic Party of Shelby County, chair Lexie Carter confirms, has informed the Election Commission that it intends to conduct primaries in March to determine official party candidates for the five Shelby County Schools seats to be voted on next year.
Shelby GOP chair Cary Vaughn, in noting that the county’s Republicans will not follow suit, said, “We are Republican strong [sic] through the municipalities and suburban areas pertaining to school board races. These communities know their leaders, and they know exactly who to support. We are giving them the freedom and flexibility to do so.”
The partisan primaries for other Shelby County offices stem from a 1992 decision by the local GOP, then marginally more populated, to try to steal a march on the Democrats.
• Some Shelby Countians have ulterior motives for this year’s scheduled special session of the legislature, set for this August after the spring’s gun massacre at a Nashville Christian school and intended to “strengthen public safety and preserve constitutional rights”
The headline of a message being sent around by various conservatives sets forth their desire: “Let’s Get Rid of Steve Mulroy Before Labor Day 2023!” Maintaining that violent crime has increased “geometrically” in recent months, the message proclaims that first-term Democratic DA Mulroy “as the top law enforcement officer in the county … is accountable for this increase.”
The message, being circulated petition-style, urges those who agree to go to a state government website and argue for including that premise — technically, an “impeachment” procedure, spoken to in Article VI, Section 6, of the state constitution and requiring a two-thirds majority vote of both houses — as part of the forthcoming session.
On its face, the effort lacks credibility, both in its premises and in its prospects. A “nothingburger,” summarized Mulroy, on the same day that he and Memphis Police Chief C.J. Davis had announced a dramatic series of new arrests and indictments in a joint effort to combat organized “smash and grab” retail burglaries, and it has clearly not gathered any traction.
But it is apparently not the most ridiculous effort aimed at Mulroy. Still to be confirmed is the reality of an offer, allegedly being considered by a hyper-wealthy Memphian, notorious already from previous bizarre actions, to provide the DA with $1 million, plus an additional $200,000 offer for each year of his vacated term, to take leave of his office voluntarily now.
The Shelby County government has announced an investment of $194,000 into transitional housing at My Sistah’s House. According to government officials, it is an investment in “critical transitional housing for some of Shelby County’s most vulnerable community members.”
My Sistah’s House was founded in 2016 by Kayla Rena Gore and Illyahnna C. Wattshall, two trans women of color who, according to My Sistah’s House, “sought to bridge a gap in services for trans and queer people of color (TQPOC) in Memphis, TN, with a focus on transgender women of color. “
The organization focuses on building and renovating homes in hopes of helping trans women move towards home ownership. They provide emergency housing for trans and gender nonconforming people on a temporary basis. According to My Sistah’s House, housing is a safe zone and drug free.
“When My Sistah’s House first started, there were only 71 beds available in emergency shelters across Memphis and Shelby County and none of them were designated as trans-specific,” said Gore, executive director of My Sistah’s House. “As a Black trans woman, I know the need for security. So far, we’ve been able to provide that security to 35 trans and queer people of color through our emergency housing program. With this investment from Shelby County Government, that security can go even further.”
Government officials also said that members of the Black trans community experience homelessness at a higher rate than most of the country.
A 2018 study from the National LGBTQ+ Task Force reported that 41 percent of Black trans people were without housing at one point in time. This was about five times higher than the rest of the country.
Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris said that transitional housing gives people a path to independence, and that they are providing “stable, safe housing,” to the community’s most vulnerable [population.]
“Unfortunately our trans community faces disproportionate hardships every day and are now being legislated against for simply being who they are. These kinds of investments in transitional housing can reduce homelessness, increase public safety, and create a brighter future for all of us,” said Harris.
Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris and the Shelby County Health Department invited community-based organizations to form the HIV Equity Coalition (HIVE Coalition) in response to the state of Tennessee cutting HIV funding.
According to a statement from the mayor’s office, the HIVE Coalition “will engage area stakeholders to discuss the current problems facing people with HIV and how Governor Bill Lee, the State of Tennessee, and Health Commissioner Ralph Alvarado’s refusal to accept nearly $10 million in federal funds for HIV care and prevention will impact patients and vulnerable populations.”
“The HIVE Coalition will also discuss ways for the community and local officials to help support organizations following the state’s destructive decision,” said the statement.
Mayor Harris was joined by representatives from the Shelby County Health Department, Friends for Life, OUTMemphis, Hope House, and the Elizabeth Taylor AIDS foundation to host a panel discussion on Zoom to not only discuss the work they are doing to help those impacted by HIV, but to share how cutting funds will disrupt their efforts.
“This is the start of our efforts, which we are committed to sustaining until our vulnerable HIV population has the level of healthcare access that we know is needed,” said Harris.
According to Jerri Green, senior policy advisor for Shelby County, there are 19,000 Tennesseans living with HIV. Green added that Shelby County ranked number three in “incidence rates of new HIV infections in the United States,” and the disease disproportionately affects those in minority populations.
“What we’re really talking about is creating equity in a space where this funding being cut is going to jeopardize that equity,” said Michelle Taylor, director of the Shelby County Health Department. “The fact that this funding is being cut is going to be devastating to the community.”
Taylor also explained that community-based organizations help the Shelby County Health Department’s outreach efforts in not only the treatment space but the prevention space as well.
Molly Quinn serves as the executive director of OUTMemphis, which launched its HIV prevention campaign 12 years ago. While the organization focuses most of its programs and services on the LGBTQ community, its HIV prevention services are open to all.
“We feel very strongly about the importance of LGBTQ experiences in our public health outcomes, which are so severely negative in this part of the country, in this part of the world,” said Quinn. “We really look forward to a time when politics are no longer a part of our public health.”
Hope House serves families that have been affected by HIV. They also have a full service social services house that provides support services and more to those living with HIV.
“Prevention is so incredibly important,” said Melissa Farrar, director of social services at Hope House. “We have babies that are not living with HIV because of prevention efforts in our community, so the prevention funding is so important for everyone in the community. It’s so important that everyone has equitable access to prevention services.”
Diane Duke, CEO of Friends For Life, explained that they initially started out as a “group of people who helped their friends die with dignity,” but her organization has come a long way thanks to prevention efforts.
“We are dependent on funds from the federal government in order for us to be successful in our mission,” said Duke.
Duke explained that they received a grant for $463,000. However, funding from the CDC qualified them for the 340B Drug Pricing Program, which according to their website, “enables covered entities to stretch scarce federal resources as far as possible, reaching more eligible patients and providing more comprehensive services.” According to Duke, that would result in losses of $1.7 million in funding annually.
From the intensity of both behind-the-scenes action and up-front newsmaking, it would almost seem that the 2023 city election — especially the mayoral-race component of it — is a matter of immediate import.
The fact is, however, that for all the present abundance of action, we are still four months from the first day that candidate petitions can be picked up at the Election Commission. That day will be Monday, May 22nd. The next key date in the city election process will be a filing deadline of Thursday, July 20th, at noon. Early voting will begin on Friday, September 15th, and election day will be Thursday, October 5th. Should a runoff be necessary in a district race for city council, that date will be Thursday, November 16th.
A key date of sorts just passed last week: The January 15th cutoff for financial receipts, which must be disclosed by the January 31st deadline. Sometime next week, as the results of this first round of disclosures get known, the actual pecking order of mayoral candidates should become clearer.
Early leaders in the money race are thought to be Sheriff Floyd Bonner and Downtown Memphis Commission CEO Paul Young, with former County Commissioner and NAACP head Van Turner also doing well.
• Meanwhile, in the wake of reports that former City Councilman John Bobango is considering running for mayor, another white candidate is letting his interest in a mayoral race be known. This is Rick White, a realtor and relative unknown, who says he intends to devote much of his time to the message that the citizens of Memphis are the responsible parties in any potential strategy for resolving the city’s crime issue.
In what sounds like a paradoxical sentiment, the mayoral aspirant says, “Whoever is mayor isn’t nearly as important as telling the citizens that it is they, and not an official, who can do something about crime.” Conveying that message would be an important element in his campaign should he run, White said.
• Add the name of Frankie Dakin, aide to Shelby County Mayor Lee Harris, to the list of those thinking of running for the key District 5 City Council seat.
• Though the outcome of Tuesday’s special Democratic primary in state House District 86 could not have been known by the deadline (Tuesday noon, roughly) for this week’s print edition, it will have been posted subsequently in the Flyer in the form of an online article.
Like us, the Shelby County Commission was up against a deadline on the matter. As commission chairman Mickell Lowery notified members at the tail end of Monday’s regular commission meeting, January 31st is the final date for submitting legislation in the General Assembly; whereas, the commission’s next regularly scheduled meeting would not come until February 6th.
Whoever ends up representing District 86 in the state House should have the opportunity to formally file bills by the appointed General Assembly deadline, Lowery said.
Accordingly, the chairman announced a special called meeting of the commission on Wednesday of this week, for the express purpose of making a formal appointment of the top vote-getter as the state representative-elect. As Lowery noted, Tuesday’s leader would be eligible for that status because there were no Republican primary entrants for the position, making the Democratic primary winner the de facto winner of the seat and a proposed March 14th general election date moot.
Commissioner Edmund Ford Jr. raised the issue that, depending on how close the election turned out to be, it might be difficult to designate a certifiable victor as soon as Wednesday. Nevertheless, the special called meeting date stands.
The District 86 seat was filled for 26 years by the late Barbara Cooper, who died last October after winning the Democratic primary for the seat in August. This week’s special election to name a successor was called after Cooper’s formal — and posthumous — reelection in November.
Homelessness among Memphis-Shelby County Schools students has hit its highest level in at least four years, more than doubling from the same time last year.
New district data shows 1,504 students were identified as homeless as of Oct. 7, the end of the first quarter of the school year. That’s a nearly 180% increase from last fall, when the number of homeless students stood at 538.
And the problem is only getting worse, said Shawn Page, the district’s chief of academic operations and school support. So far this school year, Page said MSCS has identified and provided services to over 1,600 homeless students and their families — already topping the total number of homeless families the district supported all last school year.
“That is significant, and just shows the extreme need in our communities for homelessness services,” Page told the school board during Monday committee meetings.
Page estimates there are thousands more MSCS students experiencing housing insecurity whom the district has not been able to identify or support. The district largely relies on school counselors, social workers, and teachers to gather data on homeless students and support those families through individual schools, but sometimes, families can slip through the cracks.
The likely undercount is part of a nationwide pattern: A recent Center for Public Integrity analysis suggests 300,000 students entitled to essential rights reserved for homeless students were not identified by their school districts, which are required to help them. Some 2,400 districts did not report having even one homeless student, despite levels of economic hardship that make those figures improbable, according to the analysis, and many more are likely undercounting the number of homeless students they do identify.
In nearly half of states, tallies of student homelessness “bear no relationship with poverty, a sign of how inconsistent the identification of kids with unstable housing can be,” the report said.
MSCS officials said the uptick in homelessness is likely the result of a lack of affordable housing, a longstanding problem in Memphis made worse by rising inflation. Rents in Memphis, for example, have risen by nearly 30% since before the pandemic, according to the November 2022 Apartment List National Rent Report.
Last year’s 36% jump to 538 homeless students appeared to be a near return to pre-pandemic levels, after virtual learning limited the district’s ability to get an accurate count of students without stable housing. The district’s latest report suggests that administrators are still struggling with the count.
The district is working to help students and families experiencing housing insecurity, Page said, from providing transportation, school supplies, and uniforms, to offering tutoring in homeless shelters and hotels and ensuring immigrant families without housing get translation services. MSCS also refers families to other community organizations that provide temporary housing to families at risk of homelessness.
But many challenges remain as homelessness continues to skyrocket, Page said, including tracking families who have fluid housing situations and having enough resources to provide them with clothing and household supplies. Page said many of the community agencies the district works with are also overwhelmed.
Page called on the community to address the issue collectively, drawing a link between homelessness and the district’s rising chronic absenteeism.
“Every time a family has to change residence, they miss school, and that’s no fault of the family. That’s no fault of the child,” Page said. “We cannot criminalize poverty, and we cannot criminalize our families, because there’s a difference between missing school and legitimate reasons for not sending your child to school. Housing instability is a community problem that’s causing our children not to come to school.”
During Monday’s committee meetings, several MSCS board members said the new data aligns with what they’re hearing from families.
Board member Stephanie Love said that earlier in the day, a woman from her district called to tell her she’d become homeless after her landlord sold the house she’d been renting.
Board member Amber Huett-Garcia called the data a “gut punch,” and asked the community to cooperate with the district to battle homelessness.
“We don’t need to be overly political here to say that housing is a human right,” Huett-Garcia said. “Anything we can do, let’s get committed. If you’re listening and you think you can help, come step up.”
Samantha West is a reporter for Chalkbeat Tennessee, where she covers K-12 education in Memphis. Connect with Samantha at swest@chalkbeat.org.
Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.
The blue wave of 2018 was not unique to Shelby County; it crested virtually everywhere in the nation, but in that year’s Shelby County election, it became a tsunami, flooding out what had been an extended period of Republican dominance that began with the establishment of partisan elections in 1992. The fact that the GOP chose not even to compete this year for the position of sheriff was a concession to the party’s obviously reduced strength in a majority-Black, Democratic-leaning local population.
Statewide, Shelby County’s preeminence in Democratic affairs has historically been shared with Davidson County, site of the state capital of Nashville. As Memphis Congressman Steve Cohen pointed out at a recent Democratic rally, however, the party’s position in the capital has been somewhat undermined by the governing GOP’s ruthless gerrymandering in the 2022 session of the General Assembly. District lines were redrawn so as to reduce Nashville’s Democratic representation in the legislature and to virtually eliminate its ability to elect a Democratic congressman.
As was noted by Cohen, who is likely to end up being the sole surviving Democratic member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Tennessee, this development enlarges the status of the Memphis area as an anchor of the state’s fast-disappearing two-party system.
State and Federal It is no coincidence that the three candidates for the Democratic nomination for governor hail from the state’s two major metropolises. Jason Martin, who began running more than a year ago after charging incumbent GOP Governor Bill Lee with negligence during the Covid-19 epidemic, is from Nashville, while Carnita Atwater, a public health administrator, and JB Smiley, a city councilman, are both Memphians. The three Democrats agree on most issues, especially in their condemnation of Lee’s controversial school-voucher program, which targets only Memphis and Nashville.
Lee is unopposed in his own primary and — in spite of, or because of, his unrelentingly arch-conservative position on all issues save that of criminal justice reform — netted a favorability rating of 56 percent in the latest Vanderbilt University poll.
In little more than a decade’s time, the political complexion of Tennessee at large has gone from traditionally Democratic to defiantly Republican, and Lee will be heavily favored against whichever Democrat wins their primary.
Shelby County is served by two congressional districts — the 8th, which consists of a broad swath of rural West Tennessee, along with a strategic salient in affluent East Memphis, and the 9th, which, post-gerrymandering, extends from most of Memphis through Millington to a portion of Tipton County. Republican 8th District incumbent David Kustoff of Germantown should win easily in the GOP primary against challengers Danny Ray Bridger Jr. of Milan, Gary Dean Clouse of Somerville, and Bob Hendry of Collierville. Tim McDonald of Jackson and Lynette Williams of Collierville vie in the Democratic primary for the right to oppose Kustoff in November.
The aforementioned Cohen, a national as well as a local figure, who normally has only pro forma opposition, envisions a somewhat stouter test than usual. To be sure, his primary opponent, M. LaTroy Alexandria-Williams, is but a perennial candidate, as — on the Republican side — are Charlotte Bergmann and the madcap pretender Leo AwGoWhat. But a third Republican, the odds-on favorite to win his primary, is Brown Dudley, a Memphis entrepreneur who has GOP establishment support and enough cash on hand to give Cohen at least a theoretical run for his money in November.
On the Democratic side, there are five contested races — one of the state Senate and four for the state House.
In Senate District 33, former State Rep. London Lamar, recently appointed to the seat by the County Commission, is heavily favored over two primary opponents — Marion LaTroy Alexandria-Williams Jr. and Rhonnie Brewer. Republican Frederick D. Tappan will be her Republican opponent in November.
In House District 84, longtime Democratic incumbent Joe Towns Jr. has a primary opponent, Brandon Price, but should win another term. Likewise, Democratic incumbent Jesse Chism is heavily favored over primary opponent Phyllis Parks in District 85.
In House District 86, Barbara Cooper, still going strong in her 90s, has the most formidable opponent in quite a while in Will Richardson, who basically talks up his presumably fresher legs. Democrat Torrey Harris, a first-termer in a reconfigured district, is favored over challenger Barbara Farmer-Tolbert in District 91.
Meanwhile, Democrats Toniko Harris and Houston Wolf vie for the right to oppose District 97 GOP incumbent John Gillespie in November.
On the Republican side, the only contested legislative race is the House District 99 primary between incumbent Tom Leatherwood and challenger Lee Mills. This is a grudge match of sorts, the third contest for the seat, in one way or another, between Leatherwood and Mills, who was notified early this year by state Elections Coordinator Mark Goins that, according to census maps, his house was in the outlying portion of a subdivision split between Shelby and Fayette counties. Chancellor Jim Kyle ruled that Mills and his wife, County Commissioner Amber Mills, could stay on the ballot in Shelby County because they paid their property taxes there.
County General Election Shelby County Mayor: Strictly speaking, the major countywide seat up for grabs is that for Shelby County mayor. But the race between Democratic incumbent Lee Harris and Republican challenger Worth Morgan has somehow managed to stay on the back burner, public attention-wise. This is despite the fact that both candidates have had access to, and employed, ample budgets. (During any election season, a drive down Walnut Grove will tell you who the big spenders are, and Morgan’s yard signs are much in evidence there this year.)
City Councilman Morgan has inveighed against what he says has been Harris’ failure or negligence on matters of public safety, public accessibility, and public affairs in general. “We Deserve Better,” he says, citing, among other things, the initial snafus in the county’s distribution of Covid vaccines, but his advertising has focused on a dubious claim that the mayor has somehow “defunded the police.” Upon examination, the charge — dependent on a highly creative reading of county budget numbers — founders, and Sheriff Floyd Bonner, whose department would seem to be the county equivalent of “the police,” has made no such contention. With regard to truth in advertising, the public deserves better.
For his part, Harris has emphasized a series of governmental initiatives he has pursued, in areas ranging from criminal justice, most notably his Second Chance program for youthful offenders, to gun safety to storm damage to mental health and more, including even the creation of a citizen pipeline on reactions to the war in Ukraine.
On the strength of relative party strengths alone, Harris would seem to have the advantage. There are those who see Morgan’s race as a matter of introducing himself to the public for such future-tense purposes as may occur.
District Attorney General: Unmistakably, this is the contest which is regarded as the marquee race on the ballot and the one on which both major parties have dug in their heels. Unlike the four-year terms mandated for other countywide offices discussed in this section, the term of a DA runs for a full eight years. Though incumbent DA Amy Weirich carries the Republican Party label (and its residual hopes for the party’s relevance in county government), she is not especially partisan in demeanor and, in fact, has been critical of pro-gun legislation by the General Assembly’s GOP super-majority.
But she is definitely to the right on matters of criminal justice, on the “Law and Order” side of the equation, or, as she puts it, on the side of the victims of crime. Her Democratic opponent, University of Memphis law professor and former County Commissioner Steve Mulroy, is an exponent of various criminal-justice reforms and contends that Weirich’s positions are rigid and overly harsh, counterproductively so. Between the two positions, and inclusive of them, is a whole universe of useful options to be considered, but the contest has so far smacked more of the legal courtroom’s adversary process than it has of Socratic dialogue.
Mulroy cites various chastisements conferred on Weirich by judicial tribunals as indication of an overzealous prosecutorial zeal. He pronounces her the “worst” DA in Tennessee both in that regard and by virtue of a steady upsurge in violent crime locally during her tenure. She alleges a general laxity in Mulroy’s concern for victims — notably in a highly contentious TV commercial that misleadingly suggests he is a “Defund the Police” advocate motivated by a desire to turn criminals loose.
The two have real differences. Mulroy is for bail reform and post-conviction reviews; Weirich is for “truth-in-sentencing.” On the matter of enforcing the state’s new anti-abortion law, which prescribes criminal penalties, both are circumspect, though Mulroy states directly that prosecuting offenders of the statute would be a “low priority” for him and Weirich insists that the issue is at this point hypothetical. In the event, it is doubtful that either would be prone to pursue such a prosecution. (The law allows for the intervention of a special prosecutor appointed by the state.)
Mulroy has made an issue of what he says is serious racial disparity in the current DA’s office, especially in the prosecutorial ranks, while Weirich maintains she is actively recruiting to improve the balance.
None of the other countywide races have quite the impact or ideological import of the two discussed above, though the principals in them and their respective parties take the potential outcome quite seriously.
Assessor: Melvin Burgess, the Democratic incumbent, has been aggressive both in executing his duties and in pursuing his campaign — enough so to be heavily favored over Republican nominee Steve Cross, who is a veteran of several county offices, including prior service in the Assessor’s Office.
County Trustee: Incumbent Democrat Regina Morrison Newman has accumulated 10 years of service in a partial appointed term and a full elected one. She also has served as president of the West Tennessee Trustees Association, collected some $20 million in back taxes, and initiated several customer-friendly new services as the county’s de facto tax collector. Her Republican opponent is Steve Basar, a former county commissioner who claims endorsements from all of Shelby County’s suburban mayors. Both candidates have worked hard at fundraising; Newman has the advantage of incumbency and whatever blue edge remains.
Sheriff: As indicated, incumbent Sheriff Floyd Bonner, a Democrat, has no Republican opponent but is opposed by two Independent candidates, Keisha Scott and Donald Taylor, both sheriff’s deputies. Bonner should win big.
Circuit Court Clerk: Democrat Jamita Swearengen, who has served recently as City Council chair, is opposed by Republican nominee Soheila Kail, a veteran of county service.
Criminal Court Clerk: Incumbent Democrat Heidi Kuhn has campaigned hard and can boast more than her share of awards during her term of service; she is opposed by Republican Paul Houston, a veteran of service with the Shelby County Correctional Center.
Probate Court Clerk: Democrat Eddie Jones, coming off eight years on the County Commission, during which he served as chair for a year, is opposed by Republican Dewayne Jackson.
County Clerk: Democrat Wanda Halbert handily won her party’s primary in May and can probably turn the trick again, despite a delay in getting out new state automobile plates. She is opposed by Republican Jeff Jacobs and Independent Harold Smith.
Register of Deeds: Democrat Willie Brooks, term-limited on the Shelby County Commission, leaves that body as its chair and is favored over Republican Bryan Edmiston and Independent George “Dempsey” Summers, a frequent candidate.
Juvenile Court Judge: Strictly speaking, this position sorts out with the judicial races indicated below. Like them, it carries an eight-year term and is elected on a nonpartisan basis. There are four candidates — William “Ray” Glasgow, Dan Michael, Dee Shawn Peoples, and Tarik B. Sugarmon — but almost all the attention has been focused on Michael and Sugarmon, who dueled for the judgeship eight years ago, with current incumbent Michael coming out ahead.
Two dormant matters have figured in the contest. Sugarmon wants to revive a proposal to create a second juvenile judgeship, while Michael, who opposes the idea, notes that he presides over 12 magistrate referees and says that any such expansion should be multifold. At issue, too, is whether the U.S. Department of Justice should revive a suspended process and return to monitor Juvenile Court for alleged racial inequities. Sugarmon says yes; Michael was one of the county officials who, on a claim of sufficient improvements, successfully petitioned for a halt in the monitoring process.
Judicial Races Inflating the ballot to more than usual proportions in this election is the presence on it of all of the county’s elective judgeships, each of them carrying an eight-year term. The sitting judges and candidates vying for these positions on the bench are enjoined from political rhetoric per se. They may not proclaim their positions on issues likely to come before them, and, aside from affirming their own presumably superior credentials, they are not to attack or otherwise indict their opponents on the ballot.
Given the existence of such strictures and the sheer number of judicial positions to be chosen, it would be folly to expect the majority of lay voters to be properly prepared to make fully informed judgments on those who would judge them. Those members of the electorate best able to do so are members of the legal profession who encounter these candidates on a daily, familiar basis.
Accordingly, here, as a guide to voters at large, are the results of the Memphis Bar Association Judicial Qualification Poll for 2022. Only contested and retention races were polled, and 1,199 active Shelby County attorneys participated in the survey and expressed their preferences. Here they are, with “No Opinion” being an alternative choice in each race.
Circuit Court, Division II: Carlos Bibbs, 484; No Opinion, 308; Carol Chumney, 234; Kenneth Margolis, 173.
Circuit Court, Division VI: Stuart Breakstone, 605; Cedric Wooten, 310; No Opinion, 284.
Circuit Court, Division VII: Mary Wagner, 898; No opinion, 172; Paul Robinson Jr., 129.
Circuit Court, Division VIII: Robert Weiss, 779; Damita Dandridge, 190; No Opinion, 171; Larry Parrish, 59.
Chancellor, Part I: Gadson William Perry, 798; No Opinion, 215; Melanie Taylor Jefferson, 186.
Chancellor, Part III: JoeDae “Joe” Jenkins, 867; No Opinion, 259; Richard Parks, 73.
Probate Court Judge, Division II: Karen Webster, 465; No Opinion, 368; Joe Townsend, 366.
Criminal Court Judge, Division I: Paula Skahan, 868; No Opinion, 265, Michael Floyd, 66.
Criminal Court Judge, Division II: No Opinion, 417; Joe Ozment, 284; Jennifer Fitzgerald, 190; Gregory Carman,137; Samuel D. Winnig, 105; Amy G. Mayne, 66.
Criminal Court Judge, Division III: No Opinion, 465; Michael R. McCusker, 461; James Jones, 273.
Criminal Court Judge, Division V: Christopher J. Lareau, 513; No Opinion, 422; Carlyn Addison, 264.
Criminal Court Judge, Division VI: No Opinion, 375; David L. Pool, 366; Reginald Henderson, 270; Ross Sampson, 188.
Criminal Court Judge, Division VII: Lee V. Coffee, 741; No Opinion, 327; Kenya Brooks, 131.
Criminal Court Judge, Division VIII: Chris Craft, 841; No Opinion, 193; Sanjeev Memula, 165.
Criminal Court Judge, Division IX: Mark Ward, 888, No Opinion, 217; A. Melissa Boyd, 94.
General Sessions Civil Court Judge Division 1: Lynn Cobb, 688; No Opinion, 238; Lawrence A. Pivnick, 183; Victoria Gillard, 90.
General Sessions Civil Court Judge, Division 3: Danielle Mitchell Sims, 373; No Opinion, 354; Lincoln Hodges, 232; William “Bill” Larsha Jr., 138; Lisa N. Stanley, 102.
General Sessions Civil Court Judge, Division 4: Deborah Means Henderson, 783; No Opinion, 316; Eran E. Julian, 100.
General Sessions Civil Court Judge, Division 5: Betty Thomas Moore, 736; No Opinion, 300; Varonica R. Cooper, 163.
General Sessions Civil Court Judge, Division 6: Lonnie Thompson, 750; No Opinion, 309; Kim Gilmore Sims, 140.
General Sessions Criminal Court Judge, Division 7: Bill Anderson, 453; No Opinion, 334; Handel R. Durham Jr., 302.
The outcome in a majority of the 13 Shelby County Commission seats was established in the May primaries. The occupants of the remaining five seats remain to be determined in the August 4th election. For all practical purposes, what is at stake is how large the Democratic majority on that body will be when it convenes its new term in September. The two GOP incumbents here are expected to win. A Democratic victory in the three other contested races, considered likely, would result in a 9 to 4 Democratic majority. County Commission Races District 1: Republican incumbent Amber Mills faces Democrat Donna McDonald-Martin.
District 4: Republican incumbent Brandon Morrison vs. Democratic challenger Britney Chauncey.
District 5: Democrat Shante Avant and Republican Todd Payne tangle for an open seat.
District 7: Henri Brooks, Democrat, vs. Shirelle-Dakota Brown, Independent.
District 13: Incumbent Democrat Michael Whaley faces Republican Ed Apple.
Early Voting Hours and Locations Early voting for the August 4th election begins on Friday, July 15th, at the following locations. The Shelby County Election Commission location will be open 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. that day. All others will be open from 11 a.m. to 7 p.m. All locations will be open on Saturday, July 16th, from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. and will be closed on Sunday, July 17th. From Monday, July 18th, to Friday, July 23rd, all locations will be open from 11 a.m. to 7 p.m., except for the Election Commission, whose hours will be 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. The same schedule will be kept the week of July 25th through July 29th. On Saturday, July 23rd, all locations will be open from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. On Saturday, July 30th, the final day of early voting, all locations will be open from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m.
Abundant Grace Fellowship Church, 1574 E. Shelby Dr., Memphis 38116
Anointed Temple of Praise, 3939 Riverdale Rd., Memphis 38115
Arlington Safe Room, 11842 Otto Ln., Arlington 38002
Baker Community Center, 7942 Church Rd., Millington 38053
Berclair Church of Christ, 4536 Summer Ave., Memphis 38122
Briarwood Church, 1900 N. Germantown Pkwy., Memphis 38106
Christian Life Church Memphis, 9375 Davies Plantation Rd., Bartlett 38133
Collierville Church of Christ, 575 Shelton Dr., Collierville 38017
Compassion Church, 3505 S. Houston Levee Rd., Germantown 38139
Dave Wells Community Center, 915 Chelsea Ave., Memphis 38107
Glenview Community Center, 1141 S. Barksdale St., Memphis 38114
Greater Lewis St. Baptist Church, 152 E. Parkway N., Memphis 38104
Greater Middle Baptist Church, 4892 Knight Arnold Rd., Memphis 38118
Harmony Church, 6740 Elmo Rd., Bartlett 38135
Mississippi Blvd. Church – Family Life Center, 70 N. Bellevue Blvd., Memphis 38104
The campaign of Democratic D.A. candidate Steve Mulroy has released a poll showing that their man leads incumbent Republican Amy Weirich by 50 percent of those polled for him, compared to 38 percent for Weirich, with 12 percent undecided.
Blueprint Polling, which conducted the poll from May 26th to May 30th, conducted a random survey of 350 registered voters in Shelby County.
A press release from Blueprint says the firm contacted people on both landlines and via cellphones, and “weighted the sample by age, race, and gender based on previous August general election turnouts.” The margin of error was estimated as plus or minus 5.24 percent.
Noting that a previous poll with 26 percent undecided showed the same 12-point margin for Mulroy, Blueprint says the results suggest “that Steve Mulroy has ample room to grow into his Democratic base, especially with women voters — who are four times more likely to be undecided and are more likely to lean Democratic.
“Republicans are decided: only 4 percent say they are unsure about their vote. Democrats are more likely to be undecided, suggesting more potential to widen the lead. Weirich would have to capture all the undecideds, plus bring back at least some Mulroy supporters, in order to win.”
In an accompanying press release, the Mulroy campaign says it has attracted significant national attention. “A recent Huffington Post article highlighted DA Weirich’s inability to reduce crime in Shelby County. The article referenced Steve Mulroy as being ‘for a shift in Memphis’ criminal justice system and supports reform efforts …’ The article also noted Memphis’ record-breaking homicide years while the majority Black residents have been ‘… hurt by her ruthless approach.’”
The campaign also notes that singer/songwriter John Legend, citing the Mulroy-Weirich contest, has tweeted to some 13.8 million followers that “District Attorney elections are crucial to improving our legal system” and that Innocence Project co-founder Barry Scheck has also weighed in on the race, saying that “Shelby County deserves a change. …”
Weirich responded to the Mulroy press release with this statement: “It sounds like Professor Mulroy is having trouble raising money and is cooking up bogus poll numbers to try and get donations. When your entire platform is built around freeing criminals from jail, it’s hard to raise money beyond the radical out-of-town Defund the Police activists.”
The practice of deception — perhaps one should say, the “art” of deception — is an ingrained aspect of how politics is practiced in Shelby County. Over the years, and even quite recently, much attention has been lavished in this space on the phenomenon of “bogus ballots” — glossy printed sheets bearing the likenesses and names of various candidates “endorsed” by shell companies purporting to be high-minded civic organizations.
In reality, the “endorsees” on such ballots have paid, sometimes dearly, to have themselves so advertised.
Sometimes the operators of these for-profit shell companies have clothed their enterprises with names suggestive of established political parties — like the “Greater Memphis Democratic Club.”
As a result of legal action brought by the actual Shelby County Democratic Party, special Judge William Acree has put the ballot vendors on injunction to cease and desist such deceptions on pain of criminal prosecution.
It remains to be seen if a similar fate will befall whoever it was that recently texted out several copies of an “endorsement” list of candidates under the auspices of “Republicans of Shelby County.” Recipients of the text will discover, after clicking on a provided link, that they are looking at a polished-appearing document listing preferred candidates for the judicial and governmental positions on the forthcoming August county election ballot. Another link leads to a page on the website of the Tennessee Secretary of State containing instructions on how to find one’s legal polling place.
In something of a disclaimer, the document includes a brief section saying “Who Are We? Republicans of Shelby County is a group of indviduals [sic] that give you the information on candidates that judge / vote conservatively.”
Elsewhere the document features several artistic variations on the elephant iconography of the actual Republican Party, and the link provided in the initial text lists the sponsoring organization’s website as republicanpartyofshelbycounty.com.
Apprised of the document, Cary Vaughn, current chairman of the actual Shelby County Republican Party, pronounced it a “rogue effort” and “bogus.” Vaughn said the party has decided on a list of its actual endorsees, which it intends to distribute widely later this month.
As for the “endorsees” on the “Republicans of Shelby County” list, most of them appear reasonable for a GOP endorsee list. The one exception is in the list of endorsees for countywide office. Everybody on it is the official nominee of the Republican Party, except for assessor candidate Melvin Burgess, who is the Democratic nominee for that position.
Asked about his inclusion on such a list, Burgess said he had no knowledge of the sponsoring organization or the list or how his name got there.
The person most likely to be affected by the list, of course, is Steve Cross, the official Republican nominee for the post and Burgess’ opponent. As Vaughn had previously, Cross described both the “Republicans of Shelby County” and its alleged list of endorsees as “bogus.”
Bogus it undoubtedly is, and the aforesaid art of deception is well evidenced in a note attached to the text copy received by the Flyer. The note read, “Judges recommended include Stewart [sic] Breakstone and Joe Ozment who marched in the pride parade. Wow!” This disingenuous bit — regarding the purported participation in Pride Week activities, along with numerous other public figures, of judicial candidates Stuart Breakstone and Joe Ozment — can be regarded as a misdirection of sorts, intended to obscure the question of legitimacy of the list and the sender.
For the record, the sender of the text is represented solely by a phone number: (901) 860-5640. Good luck trying to get an answer on that line.
Back in 2015 Tom Leatherwood, as Shelby County register, signed and thereby authenticated the deed of Lee and Amber Mills for a brand-new house at the Shelby County address of 12903 Shane Hollow Drive in Arlington.
In 2022, Lee Mills, an airline pilot and a former chairman of the Shelby County Republican Party, is hoping to unseat Leatherwood in a race for the District 99 state House of Representatives seat.
It would be Mills’ third effort to defeat Leatherwood for the seat, beginning with a decision in 2018 by the county GOP steering committee to designate Leatherwood as the party nominee rather than Mills after the death of the long-term holder of the seat, Ron Lollar. Mills then made an unsuccessful run against the then-incumbent Leatherwood in the 2020 Republican primary.
But the third time may not, even potentially, be the charm for Mills if a ruling by the state election coordinator, Mark Goins, is sustained in the courts. In a letter to Mills on April 18th, Goins informed Mills that his residence was in Fayette County, not Shelby, and quoted from Article II, Section 9 of the state constitution: “No person shall be a Representative unless he shall be a citizen of the United States, of the age of twenty-one years, and shall have been a citizen of this state for three years, and a resident in the county he represents one year, immediately preceding the election.” (Note: Italics added for emphasis.)
The determination, said Goins, had been made by Doug Himes, an attorney who had worked on the 2020 House redistricting legislation, using census guidelines. And Goins included with the letter a map clearly showing the Mills residence and most of the subdivision that contains it to be in Fayette County.
Lee Mills protests that he and his wife have paid county property taxes on the Shane Hollow dwelling since 2015 and that the premise of a Shelby County address has been accepted as valid in several other civil transactions. He cites Tennessee Code Annotated 5-2-116, a provision of which declares that in “circumstances where a dispute arises concerning the location of a county line for purposes other than property taxation … the state board of equalization shall not have the authority to locate a county line so that property that has been assessed for property taxation purposes in one (1) county for five (5) years or more is located in a different county.”
The Shelby County Election Commission has asked for a declaratory judgment on the matter, which is scheduled for resolution in Chancery Court and has been assigned to Chancellor Jim Kyle. Lee Mills vows that an adverse decision will be appealed.
Meanwhile, a related circumstance is that of Mills’ wife Amber Mills, who has represented District 1 on the Shelby Commission since her election in 2018 and has been certified as a candidate for re-election by the Election Commission. Amber Mills was the only candidate listed on the Republican primary ballot this week.
At this writing, no legal challenge has been made to the validity of Commissioner Mills’ presence on the ballot, and, if she is subsequently certified by the Election Commission as the winner of this week’s primary, that fact will undoubtedly loom large in legal proceedings involving her husband’s case.