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Politics Politics Beat Blog

Even More Campfield: He Introduces ‘Don’t Say Gay II’

Stacey Campfield

  • Stacey Campfield

NASHVILLE:


“The general assembly recognizes that certain subjects are particularly sensitive and are, therefore, best explained and discussed within the home. Because of its complex societal, scientific, psychological, and historical implications, human sexuality is one such subject. Human sexuality is best understood by children with sufficient maturity to grasp its complexity and implications….”

That pseudo-philosophical paragraph is the introduction to the latest bill introduced in the Tennessee General Assembly by one Stacey Campfield, the former state representative and freshly minted state senator from Knoxville who seems determined that his name will forever more be synonymous with the term “gay-bashing.”

It will be remembered that Campfield was the author of the infamous “Don’t Say Gay” measure that passed the state Senate in 2011 and knocked around in the House all of last year before being shelved — an outcome that was assisted by Governor Bill Haslam’s tactful but firm suggestion that the bill, which forbade any mention of homosexuality in elementary schools and had attracted either contempt or ridicule in most of the Western world, was “unnecessary.”

The fact is: If Stacey Campfield had not existed, it might have been necessary to invent him. Not a day goes by on Capitol Hill in Nashville that Campfield doesn’t take some action designed to make his name a proverb.

Observe: On Wednesday, January 30, was born Son of Don’t Say Gay, or Don’t Say Gay II., beginning with the benign sociologese of the paragraph heretofore quoted, which is quickly followed by this:

“(b) At grade levels pre-K through eight (pre-K-8), any such classroom instruction, course materials or other informational resources that are inconsistent with natural human reproduction shall be classified as inappropriate for the intended student audience and, therefore, shall be prohibited.”

Why prohibited? Why, for the good of the putatively or actually gay child, of course:

”A school counselor, nurse, principal or assistant principal “ may counsel anyone “who may be at risk of engaging in, behavior injurious to [one’s] physical or mental health and wellbeing … provided, that wherever possible such counseling shall be done in consultation with the student’s parents or legal guardians. Parents or legal guardians of students who receive such counseling shall be notified as soon as practicable that such counseling has occurred….”

There is more to the bill, but you get the idea:. In other words, Say “gay” if you must, but say it out of the hearing of the Regular Kids and in a way that isolates the suspected or known outliers and makes them squirm. Call it Tough Love. Call it The Cure.

And that’s not the worst of it.

Enter Jeff Woods, the incomparable “Pith in the Wind” sage of the Nashville Scene, who has happily reneged on the brief retirement his announced last year, and why not? With Campfield still on the loose, what choice did he have but to return to duty?

Woods reads the new bill to be “requiring schoolteachers and administrators to out gay children to their parent… for the child’s own good, of course.” As he notes, Campfield’s bill (called “the Classroom Protection Act”) would, in its quarantined way, let “schoolteachers and administrators counsel gay students who are facing bullying or other problems, but the school then must report it to the child’s parents.”

Like Woods, we find it impossible not to quote the response of Wonkette in an item which ends this way:

“Before we go, yr Wonkette (particularly this portion of yr Wonkette who actually happens to be a female lesbian) would like to cordially invite the Tennessee General Assembly to eat a bag of lightly-salted poison rat dicks. Enjoy! Choke!”

We will hazard here the prediction that Campfield’s newest philippic against the state of gaydom will ultimately meet the fate of his first effort, except that, unlike that first version of Don’t Say Gay, it is unlikely to receive the imprimatur of either Senate or House.

On second thought, let’s make that a guess — not a prediction.

Additional

But is there another Stacey Campfield, a more thoughtful version of the smash-mouth iconcoclast — a persona that doesn’t get enough attention because the stunt-prone Campfield’s inflammatory social legislation obscures it?

There is some evidence to suggest that the answer is yes.

It is Campfield’s membership on the Senate Education Committee (as one its House equivalent beforehand) that has enabled him to be on the front end of his now-notorious gay-baiting legislation. But he can — and does — offer constructive contributions to school-related bills.

It was Campfield, for example, who took the lead last week in challenging the bona fides of Tennessee Virtual Academy, the fledgling online taxpayer-subsidized public-school service which was authorized by the 2011 General Assembly.

Representatives of TNVA had tappeared before the Senate Education Committee with a souped-up new-media version of their curriculum — a dog-and-pony show,as some observers called it — and were about to leave it at that when Campfield dug in and queried them sharply about the substandard scores achieved by TNVA students and the reasons for them.

This week the TNVA presneters got more of the same, on a bi-partisan basis, from members of the House Education Committee, and Governor Bill Haslam would announce his intention to limit the scope of TNVA pending better results.

It was a debate that Campfield was a prime mover in, but, understandably, his role in it — one in which he could offer leadership in achieving a consensus — was obscured by the new Don’t Say Gay II bill and by another inflammatory proposal to cut welfare payments to families of under-performing students.

And that’s nobody’s fault but Campfield’s.

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Politics Politics Beat Blog

Haslam Ready for Compromise on Guns in Parking Lots

Governor Bill Haslam

  • JB
  • Governor Bill Haslam

Press reports from Nashville and East Tennessee indicate that a guns-in-parking-lots bill which caused a major schism in Republican ranks in the 2012 legislative session and never got to the floor may be cocked and ready for passage in 2013.

According to Eric Schelzig of the Associated Press, Governor Bill Haslam said Tuesday that he expects to see a compromise measure passed in the forthcoming session of the General Assembly but one that precludes storing firearms in vehicles on college campuses.

A bill allowing guns to be kept in locked cars in parking lots was vigorously pushed by the National Rifle Association in the 2012 session but encountered stiff opposition from major business interests in the state, including FedEx in Memphis, and was never called up for a vote. State Rep. Debra Maggart (R-Hendersonville), then the GOP caucus chair, was blamed by the bill’s supporters for blocking it in the House, and the NRA played a major financial and organizational role in getting Maggart defeated for reelection in this year’s Republican primary.

According to Schelzig, Haslam indicated his administration would not intervene in any renewed controversy unless college campuses were included in such a bill.

The governor’s remarks came a day after Lt. Governor Ron Ramsey had told educators at a luncheon meeting in Blountville that he expected a guns-in-parking-lots bill to pass in 2013.

Hank Hayes of the Kingsort Times-News quoted Ramsey as saying, “I’ve already got it drafted …The (newspaper) headline will be ‘Guns On Campus,’ but that’s not what we’re talking about,” Something is going to pass this year. I want to put this behind us and forget about it.”

Ramsey spoke to the terms of a likely compromise. “We may exempt out schools, that’s fine, but even then we’re talking about public parking lots. …There’s got to be a way to keep it in a car legally.”

There may still be serious opposition among lawmakers in the Republican majority to a guns-in-parking-lots measure, however. As state Senator-elect Frank Nicely (R-Knoxville), who was regarded as one of the more conservative members of the House during several terms there, said, ““If a property owner tells someone you can’t bring a yo-yo on his property, much less a gun, you can’t bring it on that property.”

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Editorial Opinion

Rethinking Education

It was not quite a year ago that a modest rebellion was mounted in the Tennessee General Assembly against the imposition of a 42-cent increase in the state tobacco tax, earmarked for education. The tax, pushed by Governor Phil Bredesen, went through but not without

opposition from some unexpected sources. Two of the holdouts were Shelby County Democrats Larry Turner and Mike Kernell, both House members of the governor’s own party but both determined to route the proceeds of the tax to health care. The idea was that money spent that way would have a more measurable effect than it would if channeled, as was finally the case, into the relatively amorphous agenda of the state’s Basic Education Plan.

This mini-rebellion might be regarded as the first faint sign of a political skepticism toward educational log-rolling that has since grown to heretical proportions. For generations, no cow has been more sacred than that of public education, a fact highlighted by the somewhat desperate 2001 proposal by former governor Don Sundquist for a state “reading program” as a backdoor means of getting the state income tax he felt the times required.

Now the revolt against indiscriminant educational spending has moved onto the agendas of cash-strapped local governments. While the Shelby County Commission listened sympathetically on Monday to county schools representatives who sought increased funding, mainly for mandated increases in teacher salaries, the commission, which has been deliberating on serious reductions in county government itself, put off a decision. Moreover, even commissioners who have favored educational spending in the past expressed resentment of the two local school districts’ support of what some called an “end run” in the legislature, where a bill to strengthen existing “Maintenance of Effort” legislation is pending. That legislation, if successful, would counteract the commission’s efforts, beginning last year, to curtail new capital construction.

The City Council, meanwhile, is considering the unprecedented step of withholding some or all of the almost $100 million it annually contributes to Memphis City Schools. While such a step would have seismic consequences on the MCS budget, it would be a catalyst toward the long-overdue consideration of single-source funding for the city and county schools and other administrative changes sought by a study headed a decade ago by Memphis businessman Russell Gwatney.

What Gwatney foresaw, even in rosier economic times, was the financial crunch that now afflicts both city and county schools, and he provided a recipe that involved both greater collaboration between the two local school systems and greater autonomy for each in responsibility for capital construction.

Perhaps it is time, as Tom Jones of the “Smart City” blog has suggested, to dust off that proposal. Perhaps it is time for new and even more innovative remedies. In any case, it seems certain that, at a time when property taxes have maxed out and declining property values are destined to result in shrunken revenues, something or somebody has to give — besides the already overburdened taxpayer.